THE TRAVEL DIARY OF ROBERT BARGRAVE LEVANT MERCHANT (1647—1656) Edited by MICHAEL G. BRENNAN THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY LONDON 1999 CONTENTS List of Illustrations Preface and Acknowledgements Abbreviations and Conventions ‘ " ' Family Trees INTRODUCTION 1. The Bargrave Family The Life of Robert Bargrave. Isaac Bargrave and Sir Henry Wotton The Bargraves and the Civil War 2. Robert Bargrave’s Travels The First Journey: April 1647—September 1652 The Second Journey: September 1652—March 1653 The Third Journey: November 1654—February 1656 The Fourth Journey: February—March 1656 Robert Bargrave’s Dramatic and Musical Interests 3. Robert Bargrave’s Diary: Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS Rawlinson C 799 Composition Posthumous Provenance of MS Rawlinson C 799 The Eastry Court Manuscript of Robert Bargrave’s Travels THE TRAVEL DIARIES OF ROBERT BARGRAVE I: Robert Bargrave’s Sea Voyage from England to Constantinople and his Residence there (1647-52) II: Robert Bargrave’s Overland Journey from Constantinople to England (1652-3) ix P489 xi xiii xv xvii Ch 14 24 28 33 43 47 125 THE TRAVEL DIARY OF ROBERT BARGRAVE III: Robert Bargrave’s Travels in Spain and Italy (1654—6) IV: Robert Bargrave’s Journey from Venice to Margate (1656) Bibliography Index 175 239 256 267 ILLUSTRATIONS Figure 1: The Travel Diary of Robert Bargrave (f. 1') , Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS Rawlinson C 799. Reproduced by permission of the Bodleian Library. Figure 2: Heneage Finch, Earl of Winchilsea, from Algiers, 26 November 1660 (penned by Robert Bargrave‘. PRO SP 71/1. f. 185. Crown copyright material in the Public Record Office is reproduced by permission of the Controller of Her Majesty’s Stationery Office. Figure 3: Title—page and facing illustration of Paul Rycaut, The History ofthe Turkish Empirefrorrz the Year 1623 to the Year 1677 (1680). Reproduced by permission of the Brotherton Collection, University of Leeds (Trv.q.Rycaut). Figure 4: The Travel Diary of Robert Bargrave (f. 6'), Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS Rawlinson C 799. Reproduced by permission of the Bodleian Library. Figure 5: A sample ofjohn Bargrave’s own hand in his ‘The Pope, and Colledge of Cardinalles ...’. Canterbury Cathedral Archives, Lit MS E 39a, fl’. Reproduced by permission of Canterbury Dean and Chapter. Figure 6: Title-page ofjohn Raymond, An Itinerary Contayning a Voyage Made Through Italy, in the Yeare 1646, and 1647 (1648). Reproduced by permission of the Brotherton Collection, University of Leeds (Trv.d.Raymond). Figure 7: Title—page and Figure 8: facing illustration of Heneage Finch, Earl of Winchilsea,A True and Exact Relation of the Late Prodigious Earthquake G Eruption ofMount /Etna, or, Monte—Gihello (1669). Reproduced by permission of the Brotherton Collection, University of Leeds (Trv.Finch). Figure 9: Detail of ‘Smyrna’ (following p. 16), from Corneille Le Bruyn, A Voyage to the Levant (1702). 10. English Consul’s house; 11. French Consul’s house; 12. Custom House; 13. Besesteyn or public shops; 14. Visirchan or store house against fire; 15. Old Castle; 16. Port for galleys; 17. Small Custom House; 18. Santa Veneranda cemetery; 19. Greek and Armenian cemetery; 20. English, French, and Dutch cemetery; 21. Jewish cemetery. Reproduced by permission of the Brotherton Collection, University of Leeds (Trv.q.le Bruyn). Figure 10: ‘A Prospect of the Hellespont and Propontis’ (following p. 2), from William Joseph Grelot,/1 Late Voyage to Constantinople. Translated by Philips (1683). Reproduced by permission of the Brotherton Collection, University of Leeds (Trv.Grelot). Figure 11: Portrait of Sultan Ibrahim (following p. 89 and preceding p. 1 of Sultan 40 41 44 46 47 61 66 71 75 THE TRAVEL DIARY OF ROBERT BARGRAVE Ibrahim section) from Paul Rycaut, The History of the Turkish Empire fiom the Year 1623 to the Year 1677 (1680). Reproduced by permission of the Brotherton Collection, University of Leeds (Trv.q.Rycaut). Figure 12: ‘The Gaunche a Sort of Punishment in Use Among the Turks’ (Volume I, following p. 98), from Joseph Pitton de Tournefort,/1 Voyage into the Levant in Three Volumes (1741 edn). Reproduced by permission of the Brotherton Collection, University of Leeds (Trv.Pitton). Figure 13: ‘The City of Constantinople’ (following p. 56), from \V1lliam Joseph Grelot,/1 Late Voyage to Constantinople. Translated byJ. Philips (1683). Reproduced by permission of the Brotherton Collection, University of Leeds (Trv.Grelot). Figure 14: The Travel Diary of Robert Bargrave. His sketch of ‘The Arms of Aragon’ (f. 122'), Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS Rawlinson C 799. Reproduced by permission of the Bodleian Library. Figure 15: ‘The Grand Altar’ (following p. 62), from Francisco de los Santos, A Description of the Royal Palace, and Monastery of St. Laurence, Called the Escnrial; and ofthe Chapel Royal ofthe Pantheon. Translated by George Thompson (1760). Reproduced by permission of the Brotherton Collection, University of Leeds (Special Collections Arch. B—0.23q Figure 16: ‘The Mausoleum’ (following p. 28 of Pantheon section), from Francisco de los Santos, A Description of the Royal Palace, and Monastery of St. Laurence, Called the Escnrial; and of the Chapel Royal of the Pantheon. Translated by George Thompson (1760). Reproduced by permission of the Brotherton Collection, University of Leeds (Special Collections Arch. B—0.23q Figure 17: A selection of separate illustrations originally included in the 1699 edition of Frangois Maximilien Misson,/1 New Voyage to Italy and reprinted as ‘ one plate (Volume IV following page 528) in John Harris, Navigantiiim atque Itinerantinm Bihliotheca. Ora Complete Collection of Voyages and Travels, 2 volumes in 4 (1764). Reproduced by permission of the Brotherton Collection, University of Leeds (Special Collections Geog. G~O.1q HAR). xii 76 101 114 191 199 203 226 PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The Travel Diary (1647—I656) of Rohert Bargrave Levant Merchant is the first fully annotated and complete old—spelling edition of the entire text of the autograph English journal of Robert Bargrave (1628-61), recording his extensive travels as a merchant between 1647 and 1656. This manuscript, probably compiled in the late-1650s and now Bodleian Library MS Rawlinson C 799, ff. 193, describes four separate journeys made by Bargrave, variously, by sea and overland: 1. from England to Turkey (April 1647—Sep— tember 1652); 2. from Turkey to England (September 1652—March 1653); 3. to Spain and Venice (November 1654—February 1656); 4. from Venice to England (February- March 1656). The introduction considers the political, religious, and personal affilia- tions of the Bargrave family during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, with special reference to their experiences of overseas travel. It also provides an assessment of the historical, literary, and geographical importance of Robert Bargrave’s journal; a survey of Robert Bargrave’s musical interests; and the first detailed account of the provenances of both MS Rawlinson C 799 and a now lost earlier draft of this journal, identified here as the Eastry Court Manuscript. The edition includes seventeen illustrations, Bargrave family trees, and a selective bibliography of primary and secondary sources consulted. My attention was first drawn to the Bodleian Library manuscript of Robert Bar- grave’s travel diary, MS Rawlinson C 799, by John Walter Stoye’s reference in the first edition of his English Travellers Ahroad 1604-1667 (1952), p. 464, to a proposed edition of this manuscript for the Hakluyt Society by J. N. L. Baker. Although this edition was recorded in the Society’s minutes as being under preparation between 1944 and 1949, it was never completed and by 1956 had been removed from the list of titles in prepara- tion. (I am grateful to Mrs Alexa Barrow, formerly Administrative Assistant to the Hakluyt Society, for this information.) Only brief excerpts from Bargrave’s diary have previously been included in publications by Edward Spencer Curling (1836—7), Albert Rode (1905 and 1927), Sir Richard Carnac Temple (1907 and 1925), Stanislaw Kot (1935), Franz Carl Heinrich Babinger (1936), John Walter Stoye (1952), Michael Tilmouth (1972), and Jonathan Brown and J. H. Elliott (1980). Full details of all of these works are given in the Bibliography. This volume, incorporating many of the findings of these scholars, seeks to provide the first annotated edition of Bargrave’s travels in the Levant and Western Europe as recorded in MS Rawlinson C 799. My access to relevant materials, particularly on travel writings of the period, has been greatly assisted by Christopher Sheppard, Sub-Librar- ian of the Brotherton Collection, University of Leeds, and Geoffrey Forster, Librarian of the Leeds Library. All the illustrations to the text of this edition have been drawn from the major holdings of sixteenth— to eighteenth—century travel writings held in the Brotherton Collection, University of Leeds. In making this selection, Christopher xiii THE TRAVEL DIARY OF ROBERT BARGRAVE Sheppard’s advice and guidance has again proved invaluable. I am no less indebted to the technical skills of David Bailey (Media Services and Photography) who produced the photographs for these illustrations, often from delicate and imperfect originals. I have received prompt and always useful advice on MS Rawlinson C799 from the staff of the Bodleian Library, Oxford, especially Mary Clapinson (Keeper of Western Manu- scripts) and Julie Ball, Tricia Buckingham, Kathleen Firkin, Steven Tomlinson, and Michael Webb. I am also grateful for guidance in tracing and consulting primary sources to the staff of the British Library, the Essex Record Office (Chelmsford), the Historical Manuscripts Commission, the Leicestershire Record Office (Leicester), the Public Record Office, and the Probate Sub—Registry (York). The staff of Canterbury Cathed- eral Archives, especially Dr Michael M. N. Stansfield, Charlotte Hodgson, and Sheila Malloch, have been especially helpful with both their advice and assistance in consulting materials. No less valuable has been the information provided by the staff of the Centre for Kentish Studies, especially M. Carter and Richard Leonard. In compiling this edi- tion, I have received much helpful advice and direction to relevant sources on the Turk- ish section of Bargrave’s first voyage from Sonia Anderson, Assistant Keeper, Historical Manuscripts Commission. The following individuals have also provided helpful advice on specific queries: Peter Brears (Leeds), James Brennan (Liverpool), Terry Bridger (Havant), James Collier (Welbeck), Barbara Harrad (Leeds), G. G. Harris (London), Almut, Dietrich and Reinhard Mast (Ammerbuch), Margaret Meserve (London), and David Sturdy (Oxford). I am grateful to Professor Stephen Bann (University of Kent at Canterbury), not only for answering my queries about John Bargrave and sending me a draft of his revised entry on Isaac Bargrave for the New Dictionary ofNational Biogra- phy but also for inviting me to the richly informative ‘Bargrave Study Day’ held at Can- terbury Cathedral Archives on 24 October 1998. Papers given by Arthur MacGregor (Ashmolean Museum, Oxford) and Dr Martin Henig (Institute of Archaeology, Oxford) were especially thought—provoking and helpful to my own work on Robert Bargrave. Paul Pollak (The King’s School, Canterbury) also sent me valuable informa- tion concerning members of the Bargrave family who attended The King’s School, as well as copies of his own notes on the genealogy of the Bargraves. I am grateful to the following present and former colleagues at the University of Leeds who have gener- ously assisted my research: Professor Martin Butler, Professor David Fairer, Dr Frank Felsenstein, Professor Paul Hammond, Dr Elizabeth Haresnape, Professor Michael Holman, and Professor Lynette Hunter. My colleague, David Lindley, generously found time in his busy schedule as Chairman of the School, to produce computerized versions of the musical settings included in Robert Bargrave’s diary. Dr Richard Rastall also provided valuable expert advice on the interpretation of these settings. Elizabeth Paget has been a constant source of good advice over computer problems and produced the final disk and typescript drafts of this edition. I am also especially grateful to Dr \Vill Ryan, my series editor, and Mr Stephen Easton, technical adviser, for their meticulous and expert advice on the typescript and production of this edition. Finally, I am happy to acknowledge a Small Research Grant from the British Academy and financial sup- port from my own department towards research and travel costs involved in the compi- lation of this edition. xiv ABBREVIATIONS AND CONVENTIONS BL British Library CS1’ Dom. Calendar of State Papers Domestic C SP Ven. Calender of State Papers ‘Venetian DNB Dictionary of National B iograpby ERO Essex Record Office H M C Historical Manuscripts Commission OED The Oxford English Dictionary. 2nd edn. Prepared byJ. A. Simpson and E. S. C. Weiner, 20 vols, Oxford, 1989 PRO Public Record Office STC A Sl1ort—Title Catalogue of Boo/es Printed in England, Scotland, 6} Ire- land 1475-1640, completed by A. W Pollard and G. R. Redgrave, 2nd edn. revised 81 enlarged by W. A. Jackson, F. Ferguson and K. F. Pantzer, Vol. I, A—H, 1986, Vol. II, I-Z, 1976, Vol. III, 1991. Wing SlJort—Title Catalogue ofBoo/es Printed in England, Scotland, Ireland, Wales, and British America and ofEnglisl) Boo/es Printed in Other Coun- tries 1641-1700, compiled by D. Wing, 3 vols, New York, 1945-51; revised edn. New York, 1972-88. Full titles of all other works cited are given in the Bibliography, with abbreviated titles used in the footnotes. When a pre-1700 source is cited for comparative purposes with Bargrave’s own account, approximate dates of composition and/or publication for this source are also supplied — e.g. Raymond, Itinerary, 1648. ‘ In the introductory materials and footnotes, I have generally adopted the old place names (e.g. Constantinople and Smyrna) as used by Bargrave rather than their modern equivalents (e.g. Istanbul and Izmir). The spelling of proper names, other than in the text itself, has been modernized (usually to the forms used in the DNB or other standard works of reference). I have referred to Charles Stewart (later King Charles II) in references before 1660 as ‘Charles II’ and after 1660 as ‘King Charles II’. When abroad at this period, English travellers generally used the new—style (NS) Gre- gorian calendar of 1582, as opposed to the old-style (OS) Julian calendar, still followed in Protestant Britain (except Scotland). The new-style continental system, adopted by all other European countries (except Russia), was ten days in advance of the old-style. Under the Julian calendar, 25 March (Lady Day) was regarded as the first day of the new year. The Gregorian calendar was not formally adopted in Britain until 1753. As befits a merchant involved in international trade, Robert Bargrave follows the new-style Gre- gorian calendar throughout his diary. XV THE TRAVEL DIARY OF ROBERT BARGRAVE In the edited text of Bargrave’s diary the paragraphing sentence structure punctua— FAMILY TREE 1’ THE BARGRAVES OF BRIDGE 3 ) ) tion, capitalization, spelling and (often erratic) use of accents in foreign words and place names of the original manuscript have been retained where possible. All substantive JdO::f§:erg1r5ag5e matters of scribal commission or omission are recorded in the footnotes. Catchwords m Alicia Kemmd at the foot of the pages have been omitted, since they are used in the manuscript irreg- ularly. Bargrave also sometimes added approximate calculations of mileage covered in Robert Bargrave the left—hand margins of his manuscript. Since these figures were neither consistently C154°*_16°0 added nor always accurate, they have been omitted. Square brackets are employed in the "‘ 1568 J°“““a Gdbm (d 1603) conventional manner to enclose editorial comment or addition. Folio references con- I l I [ —] I + 2 tamed in square brackets within the text indicate the folios of the manuscript. Thomas Richard Robm George Anna Alicia Angela d 1621 c1583—1649 l)1586 d1645 Lm ?Wood W m m m m 1604 2. m 1644 Dorcam I Robert Robert John Margaret Martin Naylor Turney Boys (d 1625) Coveney John Isaac (of Bzfrons, (afliamy C curt, Patrixboume) Eastry) See Tree 2 See Tree 3 Alice Robert Joan FAMILY TREE 2: THE BARGRAVES OF BIFRONS, PATRIXBOURNE John Bargrave bc early 1570s dc 1625 me I597 Jane Crouch I I I I I I I I Robert Joanna Jane Sara John Ann +2 bC1600 b 1607 C 1610-80 be 1615 m 1635 mI627 m1665 Elizabeth Thomas ? Frances Peyton Raymond Rigden Vfxlde (cl 1686) John Robert d before 1670 dc 1697 Elizabeth m Benjamin Coade FAMILY TREE 3: THE BARGRAVES OF EASTRY COURT 'U 6 z Isaac Bargrave V-3 D 5 1586-1643 5 m 1618 Elizabeth Dering 3 c1592—1667 3 '8 E I I I I I I “ 5 '“’ 3 .1: __ Z :’—-.1 1 2 3 4 5 g E i :3 Anne Thomas John Isaac Robert :3 bc 1619 See Tree 4 d 1625 d 1626 See Tree 5 3 rt; Q #1 ('3 xo G : 1.m1636. {,2 gig“? 3 N fi_ Thomas Coppm D S A o >5 ¢ -5 -5 3 _g 0 °‘’ ‘D ‘T u N u. ' -— *‘ O u 2.mafterDec1643 U E; *5 3 Lcun E 3 53 E 2“ N 2 Sir Henry Palmer >‘ “g 3 Q Q g ': a 1 x E 1: 3 m U '3 I I I I H £é‘5 ? (I) 5.. N E ,a 6 7 8 9 1o 3 3 ,§ Mary Jane Hester Elizabeth Henry -8 W 2 E) 3 H-1 E Q *5 '“ b 1629 d 1630 b 1632 b 1635 1636-7 0 —— 5 J: E m]ohn 1. mFrancis m Edward U, 31 L; :5 Smith Nowers Wilsford E: 2. m Francis ‘E Turner 0 E A 3 § «»E a § an -1: " Lu “°-‘ Z. \O ‘D | ,4 u F: 3 >1 -.n g-_' 8 .3 U E E‘ E ‘° “ ‘7’ 3 —4°= E L? "3 E3 "‘ C, o »—. 1-» E M g § 5 3“ J15 “'4 R 5 E mnpgég I-« “ .5 3 >‘ :3 E -§ 8 62 E 93 § L, E‘ g ..a ——o J -_-.1 1°, = 5 r3 3% N E :2 ‘~”= ‘§~:.=. £ H3 5 FAMILY TREE 5: ROBERT AND ELIZABETH BARGRAVE E u _; '3 Robert Bargrave 1628-1661 K: V, m 1653 3 ,, 5 E ‘T % 3 . — :3 in In “' E D N El1zabethTumer ,1: E <=I: E K‘ .L‘ G b 1632 U U '3 0 Robert Hester Elizabeth Isaac '\ ¢ 1: 1654-9 b1658 bc 1659 1660-63 0 E A: Q U :3 E F: _5 0,: __. 3 A '1': EDR :3 I\ '\ {E g I\ *3 ,1: :2) V—1 n 6-. H 5, >\‘—« m168O m 3041: .oe">»1-ca Francis Turner ?Tuckwell H E xviii xix INTRODUCTION 1. THE BARGRAVE FAMILY The Life of Robert Bargmve Robert Bargrave, the author of this diary, was born on 25 March 1628 into a Kentish family of considerable prominence in royal and ecclesiastical service.‘ His father, Isaac Bargrave (1586-1643), had served between 1616 and 1618 as chaplain to the English ambassador at Venice, Sir Henry Wotton, who became and remainded a close friend. This prestigious overseas posting was followed by a period from 1622 until 1625 in London at Westminster as personal chaplain to Prince Charles. Following the accession of Charles I in 1625, Isaac Bargrave’s loyal service was rewarded by his appointment (in succession to his brother-in-law, John Boys) as the Dean of Canterbury Cathedral. (See Family Tree 1 and 3.) In 1642 Isaac sent Robert, his second surviving son, to be educated at Clare Hall, Cambridge, although Robert transferred to Corpus Christi College, Oxford, in the fol- lowing year.’ From April 1647 until March 1656, as recorded in Robert’s first-hand ' Robert Bargrave’s exact date of birth is recorded in BL Sloane MS 1708, f. 107. 1 Although the DNB states that Isaac Bargrave ‘was educated at Clare Hall, Cambridge, where he gradu- ated BA and MA’ ,Alumni Cantabrigimses indicates that he graduated with a BA (1607) from Pembroke Col- lege, was awarded an MA (probably from Clare Hall) in 1610, and received the degree of DD from Clare Hall in 1621. His BA and MA degrees were incorporated at Oxford in 1608 and 1611./1lmm1i Oxonienses, however, erroneously states that his Cambridge BA was taken from Clare Hall in 1604 (and was presum- ably the DNB’s source). These errors are corrected in Stephen Bann’s revised entry for the New DNB (forthcoming). Robert Bargrave was admitted pensioner of Clare College, Cambridge, on 23 March 1642 (Alumni Cantabrigienses) and then matriculated from Corpus Christi College, Oxford, on 10 May 1643, aged four- teen (Alumni Oxonienses). Both of these sources state that he was the Robert Bargrave admitted to Gray’s Inn on 14 August 1640 (citingjoseph Foster, The Register of/idmissians to Gray’: Inn, 1521-1889, 1889, p. 22) when he would have been only twelve years old. Albert Rode doubted that this Robert was Isaac's son since he would have been much younger than the usual entrant and a period of study at the Inns of Court usually followed, not preceded, time at either Oxford or Cambridge. However, Robert’s elder brother, Thomas, was certainly admitted to Gray's Inn on 14 August 1640 after studying at Eton College. Tilmouth, ‘Music on the Travels of Robert Bargrave’, pp. 144, 158, suggests that both Thomas and Robert were admitted to Gray's Inn to take part in some of its masques and dramatic entertainments for which it was then renowned. Nothing is known about Robert’s schooldays, although several members of the Bargrave family attended The King’s School, Canterbury. A Robert Bargrave is listed in the Cathedral Treasurer's records as being a King's Scholar in the latter two quarters of 1642 (after our Robert’s departure for Cambridge). This other Robert may have been the son of Robert Bargrave, the brother of John Bargrave (c. 1610-80). (See Family Tree 2.) Our Robert, of course, may have attended The King’s School as a commoner (who were not listed in the Treasurer’s records. Alternatively, he may have been sent to another school, such as Eton College, where his elder brother, Thomas, had been a pupil. (See Family Tree 4 and p. 13, note 4.) THE TRAVEL DIARY OF ROBERT BARGRAVE her personal secretary.‘ Isaac Bargrave’s contact in 1616 with Princess Elizabeth was clearly a defining influence in the importance attached by his son, Robert, to his own visit forty years later to Heidelberg in March 1656, when he was granted an interview with the Palsgrave Charles Louis (her son), who warmly recalled his parents’ friendship with Isaac Bargrave and expressed his own ‘peculiar Affections to any that had Relation’ to him. (MS Rawlinson C 799, ff. 185'—186'.) Leaving Heidelberg, Wotton and his party moved on to Basle but found the usual Swiss passes into Italy were closed because of a contagion. They were, therefore, obliged to undertake a perilous journey across the Savoy mountains (‘by such rocks and precipices as I think Hannibal did hardly exceed it when he made his way’) in order to reach Turin on 24 May, where Wotton was scheduled to discuss the proposed league between the north- ern Protestants and Savoy} At Turin Isaac Bargrave may have witnessed the spectacular arrival of the French Ambassador, the duc de Béthune, with his grand entourage of some two hundred officials and servants. He may also have heard reports of Wotton’s lengthy (but inconclusive) meetings with Duke Charles Emmanuel of Savoy. Departing from Turin on 31 May, Wotton finally reached Venice on 9 June and took up residence in the Grimani della Vida Palazzo overlooking the Grand Canal. He and the other English mem- bers of his party were formally received by the Venetians three weeks later at the island of S. Giorgio in Alga. In his public speech, Wotton expressed his personal delight in return- ing to Venice and promised to live more as a philosopher than a courtier, and that his household would seek peaceful relations with all the citizens of Venice.’ During the time of Wotton’s first first embassy to Venice (1604-12), there was con— siderable hostility among the Venetian nobility and governing classes towards the power of the Pope. Wotton tacitly acted as an unofficial focus for discussions over a Protestant counter-attack in northern Italy against the Papacy; and in 1609 his then chaplain, William Bedell, compiled a document, detailing Wotton’s actual propaganda plans for introducing Protestantism into Venice. It was into this world of subversive and potentially dangerous religious intrigue that Isaac Bargrave found himself introduced in 1616. Less than two months after his arrival in Venice, the news broke that the dis- tinguished Roman Catholic prelate, Antonio de Dominis, Archbishop of Spalatro, had renounced his allegiance to the Pope and fled to England to become the most impor- tant convert to Anglicanism of the Jacobean period. Although the credit for this coup was rightly awarded by Wotton to his predecessor as ambassador, Sir Dudley Carleton, Bargrave would certainly have been close to the action as Wotton’s personal Anglican chaplain. Similarly, Isaac Bargrave would have had intimate dealings with the scholar and Servite friar, Paolo (Pietro) Sarpi, described by Wotton as ‘the most deep and general scholar of the world’, who had recently completed his renowned historical work, the History oft/9e Council of Trent. Wotton had cultivated Sarpi during his first embassy, ‘ Wotton, Life and Letters, I, p. 145, II, pp. 87~94. Wotton wrote a renowned poem on the Queen of Bohemia, ‘You meaner beauties of the night’, pr. Oman, Elizabeth ofBobemia, pp. 213-14. 1 In a passage reminiscent of Winchilsea leaving the dying Robert Bargrave behind at Smyrna in 1661, Wotton recorded how, departing from Heidelberg: ‘I have left one of my principal servants behind me sick of a dangerous fever, the want of whom, because he was a practised man, hath much incommodated me’. Wotton, Life and Letters, II, pp. 94-5. ’ Ibid., I, p. 147, citing the Esposizioni Principi, Archivio di Stato, Venice, 27June 1616. INTRODUCTION even though Sarpi’s official position as theological counsellor to the Republic prevented their open intercourse. Instead, Wotton’s chaplain, \Villiam Bedell, regularly met with Sarpi each week, nominally under the pretext of teaching him English but also to debate the major controversies of Catholicism and Anglicanism.‘ Bargrave undoubtedly took over Bedell’s role and came to know Sarpi well during his time in Venice. Bargrave also maintained his own correspondence with some influential individuals back home in England. On 17 April 1617, for example, he wrote to the Earl of Suffolk, informing him that Wotton had received a ‘grave and serious letter’ from one Stanis- laus, a Polish knight (who later turned out to be Tomaso Cerronio, the Jesuit Superior at S. Fidele in Milan), detailing a plot to assassinate the English King.’ In July 1618 Isaac Bargrave was sent back to England, carrying a letter to King James I from Wotton (whose embassy did not end until April 161?), recommending Bargrave’s ‘discretion and zeal’ and explaining that he would be raising with the king a matter ‘of singular con- sequence to the Christian world’? This business, detailed in a surviving letter of 5 July 1618 from Wotton to Bargrave himself, concerned the establishment of Protestant sem- inaries, to be supported by the English king and the princes of the northern Protestant Union.‘ On'1 October 1618 Isaac Bargrave married Elizabeth Dering, a daughter of Wotton’s sister, Elizabeth. Wotton wrote a letter (without date or address but probably to Sir Robert Naunton, formerly the Master of Requests and then Secretary of State) thank- ing a friend for his offer to help Bargrave obtain a prebend’s position at Canterbury, noting: we are conjoined, not only as before in the best friendship, but now also in near affinity, for he hath married one of my nieces, the daughter of a right good sister; which hath been on both their parts a match, rather of virtue and love than of fortune, so there is room left for your honourable kindness.‘ In 1622 Bargrave was duly awarded the degree of Doctor of Divinity at Cambridge and became a prebendary of Canterbury Cathedral. Further honours came his way when he was appointed to the living of St Margaret’s, Westminster; and he served as a personal chaplain to Prince Charles until his accession. He would presumably have been in atten- dance on 14 June 1625 when his brother-in-law, John Boys, as Dean of Canterbury preached in the Cathedral before Charles Iand Queen Henrietta Maria, who had landed only two days previously at Dover.“ Dean Boys died in the following September and Isaac Bargrave succeeded him as Dean on 16 October 1625, a position he held until his ‘ Ibid., I, pp. 87, 89-92, 149. See also Bann, Under the Sign, p. 53. 2 Wotton, Life and Letters, II, pp. 115. Bargrave’s letter to Suffolk is listed in HMC Montagu Home MS, p. 198. 3 Wotton, Life and Letters, II, pp. 143, 148. Wotton’s letter of reference for Bargrave to King James is printed in Wotton, Letters and Dispatches, p. 26. ‘ Wotton, Life and Letters, II, pp. 148-51. For other letters to Isaac Bargrave from William Leete, Wotton’s steward, see II. pp. 144, 157, 471. Wotton also wrote to Bargrave in the autumn of 1618, asking him to seek from SirRobert Naunton an assurance that Wotton’s long—time Italian Secretary, Gregorio de’ Monte, might be allowed to discharge the ambassador’s duties while he was away in England in 1619. 5 Ibid., 11, pp. 462. . “ Shipdem, ‘List of Forty—i"ive Vicars of Tilmanstone’, p. 112. Bann, Under the Sign, pp. 30-31, examines the importance of the Boys family to the Bargraves’ ecclesiastical promotions. 9 THE TRAVEL DIARY OF ROBERT BARGRAVE Cathedral. A movin inscri tion to these children was laced on the avement near the _ _ g _ p P P Junction of the north aisle and the south—west transept: HERE (AMID YE ASHES OF HIS FATHERS BROTHERS IOHN ISAC 8L HENRY AND HIS SISTER IANE BARGRAVE) LIES BVRYED ROBERT SONN OF ROBERT THE ONLY SONN SVRVIVING OF DR ISAC BARGRAVE LATE DEANE OF THIS CATHEDRALL WHO ON YE 28 OF AVG 1659 (BVT NEWLY 5 YEARES OLD) LEFT HIS SAD PARENTS THVS BEWAYLING HIM FAREWELL SWEET BOY 85 FAREWELL ALL IN THEE BLEST PARENTS CAN IN THEYR BEST CHILDREN SEE THE LIFE TO WOOE VS VNTO HEAVEN WAS LENT VS THY DEATH TO WEAN VS FROM YE WORLD IS SENT VS HERE LIETH ALLSOE AT THE RIGHT SIDE OF THIS CHILD ISAAC BARGRAVE HIS BROTHER WHO DIED THE 10 OF IULY 1663‘ Only Robert and Elizabeth Bargrave’s two daughters survived into adulthood: Eliza- beth (b.c. 1659) marrying a Mr Tuckwell, and Hester (b. 1658) marrying in Canterbury Cathedral on 5 February 1680 a Mr Francis Turner (very probably a relative on her mother’s side). (See Family Tree 5.) Isaac Bargmve and Sir Hemy Wotton Throughout the seventeenth century, the fortunes of the Bargrave family were in no small measure determined by their personal involvements with the monarchy and the estab- lished church. As a large black marble memorial stone to the Bargrave family (erected by John Bargrave, c. 1610-80) in Patrixbourne Church eloquently records in Latin: ' This memorial is reproduced in Cowper, Memorial Inscriptions of Canterbury, p. 41. For the burial dates of Robert senior’s siblings, John, Isaac, Henry, and Jane, see ‘Family Tree 3’. In the first part of the memor- ial, Robert senior is described as ‘THE ONLY SONN SVRVIVING OF D“/ ISAC BARGRAVE’, implying that this section was carved before Robert’s death at Smyrna in 1661. If so, then the four-line poetic lament on Robert junior may well have been the work of his father, Robert. (Cf. his longer epitaph on the death of Thomas Bendish, MS Rawlinson C 799, ff. 14'—15".) It should be noted here that Sir Sidney Lee, the author of the DNB article on Isaac Bargrave, provided a confused reading of this memorial, misinterpreting the relationships of those mentioned: ‘Another son, Robert, was the father of John, Isaac, Henry, Joan, and Robert Bargrave, who, with their father, lie buried in the north aisle of Canterbury Cathedral’. As explained above, John, Isaac, Henry, and Joan (i.e. Jane) were the brothers and sister of Robert Bargrave (d.1661) not his children. This memorial was formerly located near the junction of the north aisle and the south-west transept. When the floors of the nave and the south- west transept were relaid in 1993, this and other memorials were removed. In August 1998 they were in tem- porary storage in the open court formed by the Treasury, the Infirmary cloister, the Dean’s Steps, and the north quire. I am grateful to Dr M. M. N. Stansfield for this information. INTRODUCTION In the Civil War on the King’s side The FAMILY stood and fell.‘ In particular, the experiences of Robert’s father, Isaac — as a royal chaplain at Westminster and as a prominent Anglican churchman at Canterbury — would have played an impor- tant role in formulating Robert’s own political outlook as he began his career with the Levant Company. Furthermore, Isaac Bargrave’s period of service as chaplain to Sir Henry Wotton’s embassy at Venice would have also provided Robert with an informative model for how a young, ambitious man might combine the challenges of overseas travel with the first—hand observation of high diplomacy and political intrigue abroad. Following his education at Cambridge (see p. 1), Isaac Bargrave, the sixth son of Robert Bargrave (who owned a tanhouse at Bridge in Kent) was ordained deacon and priest at Peterborough on 10 May 1612.2 (See'Family Tree 1.) He was appointed in 1614 as rector of Eythorne, a position which he held until his death in 1643.’ He also main- tained his University connections and performed the role of a Portuguese pandar in George Ruggle’s Latin comedy, ‘Ignoramus’, staged before King James I on 8 March 1615.‘ In the following year, he left England for Venice to serve as chaplain to the Eng- lish Ambassador, Sir Henry Wotton, who was about to begin his second embassy there. As with the travels of his own son, Robert, in the entourages of Sir Thomas Bendish during the 16405 and the Earl of Winchilsea in 1660, Isaac gained a wealth of diplomatic experience from his membership of an official embassy. In fact, it seems likely that Isaac’s own experience of continental travel would have prompted him to become a firm supporter of Robert’s youthful ambitions to gain a similar kind of practical education through trade and diplomacy into the ways of foreign countries. Wotton’s party crossed from Dover to Dunkirk on 3 April 1616 and then made their way via Antwerp to Cologne, where four days were spent making inconclusive investi- gations into the authorship of a libellous mock-panegyric of James I, Corona Regia, recently printed at Louvain. Travelling on to Heidelberg, Wotton was occupied for six days at the Elector’s court with official business. KingJames had instructed him to pro- pose to the Elector Palatine, Frederick V, the formation of an anti—Spanish league between the northern Protestants and the Duke of Savoy, which Venice and the Dutch might also be invited to join. The Elector (chosen King of Bohemia in 1619) approved of this plan and Wotton’s personal influence at his court was confirmed both by his close friendship with the Elector’s wife, Elizabeth (King James’s daughter, whom he had married in 1613), and by the appointment of Wotton’s nephew, Albertus Morton, as ‘ This memorial is translated and reproduced in Bann, Under the Sign, p. 25, figure 7. 1 Blake, ‘The Builder of Bifrons’, p. 270, notes that earlier in the 16th century the Bargrave (or Bargar) family ‘were of somewhat humdrum station in Vfillesborough’. He suggests that ‘wealth may have come through John’s [dc. 1625] marriage to Jane, the daughter and co—heir of Giles Crouche, of London, about 1597’. (See Family Tree 2.) Robertson, ‘Patricksbourne Church, and Bifrons’, pp. 169-84, 173, speculates that the name Bargrave, or Bargar, may have been derived ‘from a manor, in Bridge parish, called Baracre, Beracre or Bargar’. Bann, Under the Sign, pp. 28-9, provides a succinct account of the early history of the Bargrave family. 3 The DNB states that Isaac became rector of Eythorne in October 1611 but this date precedes his ordi- nation as a priest. ‘ Nichols, Progressex of King james the First, III, p. 52. THE TRAVEL DIARY OF ROBERT BARGRAVE The 23 Friday. [November 1660] The wind WSW, rainy weather, but the two secretaries [Bargrave and Rycaut] went ashore with the Consul, being fully instructed to treat with the chief, who demanded next day to call his Divan or council, it being the Sunday. Mr. Bar- grave returned to give my lord this account and left all his articles and new demands to be translated by their dragoman into Arabic. 24 Saturday. Mr. Bargrave, myself and Mr Hill with some others went ashore to the Consul’s. A very strong gale of wind at WSW, that we were above two'hours in coming ashore. And about one of the clock we went to the Divan, to hear the Kings and council answer, where they met in their rude manner, the King having first discoursed with Mr Bargrave and Consul debating the business before the rude multitude came together. And they in their customary way put themselves into two ranks. The King was the lowest of the second rank and a Turk in a green habit the upper man in the first rank; and after an article by their penman then he spoke and all the council agreeing to it spoke until it came to the King. Then he began another speech that went upward and so they passed every article.‘ Ultimately, the Algerines proved unwilling to renounce their right to search British ships since they feared that every passing vessel would simply fly the red ensign and claim immunity from search. The British party were obliged to withdraw from the dis- cussions at this point, claiming that they needed to refer the matter to Ambassador Winchilsea, back on board the Plymouth? Throughout these negotiations, most of the paperwork and official documents required by Winchilsea were compiled by Rycaut and Bargrave, suggesting that the two men were already developing a productive working relationship.’ (See Figure 2.) After passing by the coast of Sardinia and Sicily through gusty and variable winds, the Plymouth stopped briefly at Messina from 2 until 9 December and then sailed on, reach- ing Smyrna on 14 December, where the ship’s company planned to enjoy their Christ- mas and New Year celebrations. Several English merchants at Smyrna came aboard and on 19 December they took Ambassador Winchilsea and some of his party on a local sight—seeing tour, including the cemetery of Santa Veneranda, St Polycarp’s tomb, and the local baths. (See Figure 9.) On the following day Winchilsea took part in a hare- coursing party, followed by boar—hunting on Boxing Day. On 7 January the Plymouth pulled out of Smyrna harbour for Constantinople, only to be caught by yet another vio- lent storm and then hit_a submerged reef. But these problems were no longer of any concern to Robert Bargrave. During the turn of year festivities, he had been laid low with a severe fever and was too ill to travel on to Constantinople. He was left behind in the care of his wife but his subsequent death was reported on 9 February 1661 to Win- chilsea, then safely arrived at Constantinople, in a brief note jotted down among other business and political memoranda from the English Consul at Smyrna, Richard Baker: ‘ Allin,]oumals, pp. EV7. 1 Winchilsea’s own account of this debating procedure, addressed to the Secretary of State, Sir Edward Nicholas (PRO SP 71/1 pt ii, f. 185, from Algiers, 26 November 1660), was penned by Bargrave. (See Figure 2.) This letter is printed in Playfair, Scourge ofChristendom, p. 81. Winchilsea’s harsh but realistic view, backed up by Captain Allin, was that intimidation would provide the only way to persuade the Algerines. PRO SP 71/1 pt ii, f. 195 (from Messina, 3 December 1660), repeating much of the contents of Winchilsea’s letter of 26 November in case it had gone astray, was also compiled by Bargrave. 3 Examples of official documents in Bargrave’s own hand, now in the Public Record Office, are discussed later in this introduction. See p. 38. ‘ INTRODUCTION Your servant in’ Bargrave is dead 86 buryed at Santa Venaranda whither wee all accom- panied him; his wife most disconsolate 8: to be admired for her love 85 care of him—‘ Paul Rycaut was appointed in June 1661 to Bargrave’s company secretaryship and for the next six years held this post in tandem with his own as private secretary to the ambas- sador.2 The Earl of Winchilsea had come to Constantinople to take over the embassy from the retiring ambassador, Sir Thomas Bendish, who boarded the Plymouth on 7 March for his return journey to England. On 12 March they reached Smyrna, where Bendish went ashore to dine with Consul Baker and the merchants from the Company Factory. After waiting for favourable winds, the Plymouth finally set sail from Smyrna on 29 March, in the company of Captain Chamblett’s Prosperous and Captain Swanley’s Eaglet, all bound for England.’ With her husband’s body laid to rest in the cemetery of Sante Veneranda, Elizabeth Bargrave also joined the convoy for her journey back home to Kent.‘ (See Figure 9, no. 20: the English cemetery.) If she’ had with her a copy of her late husband’s travel diary and perhaps sometimes browsed through it as a means of occupying the hours during the long voyage home, she would have been touched by the sad contrast in their respective sea journeys across the Mediterranean in the company of Sir Thomas Bendish. Just as Robert in 1647 had first sailed out to Turkey on board the London, accompanied by the entourage of Ambassador Bendish, who was then on his way out to take up his new embassy at Constantinople, so in 1661 Robert’s widow, returning in mourning, found herself travelling home with Sir Thomas at the end of his long service in Turkey. As the ships made their eight—month voyage towards England, Bendish’s mind, like Elizabeth Bargrave’s, would also have dwelt upon the high personal cost sometimes paid by those families who braved the perils and contagions of the Levant. Amidst an especially valu- able and diverse load of merchandise, ‘the richest ship that hath gone home in many years’ Allin noted, the Plymouth also carried a more sombre cargo - the exhumed body of Sir Thomas Bendish’s wife, Lady Anne, whose death in 1649 from the plague had been reported by Robert Bargrave in his diary.5 After calls at Zante, Messina, Leghorn, Alicante, and Malaga, the Plymouth finally arrived in the Downs on 26 August 1661. In July 1663 the only surviving son of Robert and Elizabeth Bargrave, the two—years old Isaac, also died and was buried alongside his elder brother, Robert, in Canterbury ‘ HMC Finch MSS, I. p. 93, now at Leicestershire Record Office, DG.7 (Box 4982), Consul Richard Baker to Heneage Finch, Earl of Winchilsea, Ambassador to the Grand Signor, 9 February 1661. Although the spe- cific nature of Bargrave’s final illness is not known, during the Plymouth’s voyage to Turkey, Captain Allin recorded other examples of severe sickness and mortality among the ship’s company between October and December 1660. On 9 November ‘Mr Seale was carried ashore [at Lisbon] very sick’ and on 22 November he noted: ‘We buried my Lord’s under butler this morning’. Allin,_/'oumals, pp. 4, 6. . _ 1 Anderson, English Consul, p. 26, citing PRO SP 105/152, ff. 3, 21. Rycaut may have been involved in the compilation of a strongly supportive account of the success of \Vinchilsea’s Turkish embassy, covering events from 1 January 1661, that was published later in the year at London as a Narrative of the Success of Hz: Emhassy to Turkey. The Voyage of the Right H onourahle H eneage Finch from Smyma to Constantinople, 1661. 3 Allin,]oumals, pp. 24-5. On 12 July 1661 after leaving Leghorn, Allin also refers to sailing in the com- pany of Captain Peach’s john and Captain Wild’s Charity. _ ‘ Captain Allin records in his journal for 21 August 1661 that the Plymouth’s boat was hoisted ‘to send our surgeon to look at Mrs. Bargrave’s maid, who returned in an hour's time’, although he does not specify which of the other ships was carrying Elizabeth Bargrave. Allin, foumals, p. 48. p 5 Allin,]oumals, p. 24. The cargo was so described by Consul Baker. The shipping of Lady Bendish’s body back home to England is reported in Burke, Extinctand Dormant Baronetcies, p. 56, which states that she was reintcrred at the family home, Bower Hall. See also p. 80, note 1. THE TRAVEL DIARY OF ROBERT BARGRAVE account of four voyages made as a merchant trading in the Levant and other Mediter- ranean locations (now Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Rawlinson C 799), he acquired a useful grounding in international commerce, diplomacy, and politics, as well as immersing himself in the history, architecture, social practices, and culture (especially musical) of the countries through which he travelled. Between his return to England in March 1656 and the accession of Charles II on 29 May 1660, Robert probably spent some time either at Canterbury or at one of the Bargraves’ Kentish residences, such as Eastry Court near Sandwich (successively, the home of his father, Isaac, and his elder brother, Thomas) or Bifrons in the parish of Patrixbourne (the seat of his cousin,]ohn Bargrave).‘ (See Family Tree 2 and 4.) Robert’s career prospects were significantly enhanced by his appointment at some point before the Restoration as a personal secretary to Heneage Finch, 2nd Earl of Winchilsea (c. 1627-89). This biographical information is known only because a joint peti- tion from Robert Bargrave and John Pownell (probably written soon after the Restora- tion) has fortuitously survived in which Bargrave is described as \Winchilsea’s secretary. Both men were requesting confirmation of grants made to them by the Earl before the Restoration for the important posts of Clerk of the Castle Court (Bargrave) at Dover — Winchilsea was then Governor of the Castle — and Sergeant of the Admiralty (Pownell).’ Robert Bargrave was also presumably in the process of compiling, during spare moments, a written account of his experiences as a merchant between 1647 and 1656, perhaps from a collection of existing notes and papers, supplemented by his usually (but not entirely) reliable memory of specific journeys and events. (See p. 39, and Figures 1 and 4.) Some months after his return to England from Constantinople in March 1653, Robert had probably married Elizabeth Turner, the daughter and heiress of a wealthy Canterbury gentleman.’ As he set out on his third voyage in November 1654 to the Straits of Gibraltar, Robert bitterly lamented the loss of his wife and first child: ‘And now I began my second unpleasing banishment from my Dear Relations; rather from the necessity of my Fate, then the Bias of my affections.’ (f. 102”) — his eldest son, Robert, had been born just over two months previously on 25 August. Robert senior’s return to England in March 1656, was followed by the birth of a daughter, Hester, in January 1658, and another daughter, Elizabeth, was born probably in 1659. But in August of that year, only a few days after his fifth birthday, Robert junior unexpectedly died, and was buried alongside other family members near the junction of the north ‘ At the time of his death in January 1643 Isaac Bargrave was the lessee of the manorial estate of Eastry, near Sandwich, and it remained in the possession of his descendants for the next century and a half. See Chalklin, Seventeenth-Century Kent, p. 62, and Collinson, History of Canterbury Cathedral, p. 194. A description of thehouse in 1675 made byjohn Bargrave (d. 1680), as part of his duties as a canon of Canter- bury Cathedral, is printed in Woodruff, ‘A Seventeenth-Century Survey’, pp. 29-44, 43-4. In 1675 the house was occupied by the widow of Isaac Bargrave’s eldest son, Thomas, who married a Mrjoseph Roberts. (See Family Tree 4.) See p. 48 for the occupancy of Eastry Court by the Bridger family. 1'“ CSP Dom. 1660-], p. 103, Item 130. 3 At the beginning of the account of his first voyage Robert Bargrave makes an oblique reference to what may have been his early relationship with Elizabeth Turner: ‘I once more took leave of my indifferent mis- tris, 8: my affectionat Alliance, 8c began anew my Love=Pi|grimage’ (MS Rawlinson C 799, f. 5’, May 1647), when Robert would have been nineteen and Elizabeth fifteen years old. However, his affections appear to have been placed elsewhere during the voyage to Constantinople, when he ruefully refers to Philip Wfilliams, who married Dorothy Bendish, Sir Thomas’ eldest daughter, at Leghorn, as one who had ‘robbd me of my Mistris' (f. 8“). INTRODUCTION aisle and the south—west transept of the Cathedral. Another son, Isaac, was born a year later and baptized in the Cathedral on 14 August 1660. (See Family Tree 5.) The birth of Isaac coincided with a new and distinctly upward turn in the fortunes of Robert and Elizabeth Bargrave. For several years, Heneage Finch, Earl of Winchilsea, had been a powerful force among Kentish royalists and his loyalty was rapidly rewarded by King Charles II with the L0rd—Lieutenancy of the county, the Wardenship of the Cinque Ports, and finally the embassy to Constantinople. On 20 October 1660 Win- chilsea sailed from the Downs in a third-rate ship, the Plymouth, under the command of Captain Thomas Allin, along with two Levant Company ships, the Prosperous and the Smyrna Factor, and a pinnace loaned by the Duke of York. Also on board the Plymouth was \V1nchilsea’s new private secretary, Paul Rycaut, and Robert Bargrave himself, who at the age of thirty—two had recently been appointed (probably partly through \V1n— chilsea’s influence) as the new secretary toithe Levant Company‘ The holder of this post, a position of considerable prominence and responsibility in Turkey, was elected by the general court of the company in London and received the then considerable salary of $600 or £150 sterling a year. Bargrave’s major duty would have been to serve as chancellor of the company's factory at Constantinople but his new role was also of no small diplomatic importance since he would have been expected to deputize for Win- chilsea, in the case of the ambassador’s absence, illness or death. Robert Bargrave, as he embarked from the Downs with his wife Elizabeth (and per- haps with their surviving children, Isaac, Elizabeth, and Hester), must have held high hopes for a long and distinguished career in commercial and public service. The voyage out, however, was itself not without incident. Caught in a storm off Cape Finisterre, the Plymouth was forced to make an unscheduled stop at Lisbon for urgent repairs to what had turned out to be a totally rotten mainmast, ‘split from the upper deck to the lower’. As the captain and crew soon discovered, the ship was in a desperate state of repair and Allin observed in his journal: ‘I never saw so much breaking and a ship so ill fitted out, by old standing officers, whose care it ought to be to see for better’? Fortu- nately, at that moment Portugal was keen to solicit English help against Spain (a match between Catherine of Braganza and Charles II was also under discussion), and Paul Rycaut, who was sent ashore, was rapidly able to obtain the new mainmast and other required supplies. On 7 November Winchilsea was granted an audience with the King of Portugal and it seems likely that he would have been accompanied to this major diplo- matic event by both Bargrave and Rycaut. _ After two weeks, the Plymouth was able to set sail again on 19 November, only to be caught up in another storm which prevented them from putting in at Malaga as planned. Reaching Algiers on 22 November, Bargrave and Rycaut went ashore to negotiate an emendment to Admiral Blake’s 1655 treaty with the Algerines over the right of free pas- sage for British merchant ships and their passengers. Captain Allin outlined the ensuing discussions in his journal: ‘ See CSP Dom. 1660-1, p.270, ‘Articles of agreement between the Levant Company and the Earl of Win- chilsea, going ambassador to Turkey’. The Company agreed to pay ‘his expenses thither, with a suite not exceeding 30 persons’, in addition to £300 already granted to cover his costs. 1 Allin, journals, p. 3. My account of Winchilsea’s voyage out to Constantinople draws extensively upon that in Anderson, Englixh Consul, pp. 24-6. THE TRAVEL DIARY OF ROBERT BARGRAVE death in 1643.‘ His mentor and friend, Sir Henry Wotton, would have warmly approved of Bargrave’s appointment, a position once held (1541) by his own great—uncle, Nicholas Wotton (c. 1497-1567), a distinguished ambassador, secretary of state, and churchman. ‘The Bargraves and the Civil War Described as a ‘conservative opportunist’ by one historian, Isaac Bargrave actively involved himself in political matters in Kent after his appointment at Canterbury.’ Pre- dictably, his three published sermons directly addressed matters of concern to Charles I and he was accused by his own cathedral clergy of using his powers of patronage to reward his own supporters.’ But in neither case does Bargrave’s behaviour seem particularly remarkable for a man who had himself risen through the ranks of the Anglican Church by means of the personal patronage of Sir Henry Wotton (and probably also of the Dering family, Sir Robert Naunton, and the Duke of Buckingham) to become a royal chaplain and a Dean of Canterbury Cathedral. While there does seem some evidence to suggest that his manner could be somewhat autocratic, the DNB is incorrect in stating that he fell out with Archbishop Laud by pressing for a harshly repressive approach towards the Wal- loon congregation at Canterbury‘ Similarly, Bargrave seems to have been willing to risk public disapproval for his apparently tolerant line towards Catholics in East Kent?‘ During the 1630s, then, it seems that Bargrave sought an essentially pragmatic line in matters of church and court politics, but one always loyal to his former royal charge. ‘ Tilmouth, ‘Music on the Travels of Robert Bargrave’, p. 158, cites Sir Anthony Weldon’: claim that Isaac Bargrave corruptly purchased his preferment through the Duke of Buckingham. In fact, Isaac’s wife, Elizabeth Dering, belonged to the family of Buckingham’s mother and it seems likely that the Derings would have freely supported Isaac’s candidature. See Bann, Under the Sign, pp. 54-5. Collinson, History of Canterbury Cathedral, p. 187, n.194, quotes a letter from Sir John Hippisly to Buckingham, dated 24 Sep- tember 1625, in which Bargrave is strongly recommended for the post of Dean. After this appointment Bar- grave also received the vicarage of Tenterden (1626) and Chartham (1628), as well as the benefice of Lydd (1626), although this last appointment was shortlived. 1 Clark, English Provincial Society in Kent, pp. 326, 468. The dominance of ecclesiastical matters at Can— terbury by a small number of powerful Kentish families, including the Boyses and Bargraves, is examined in Everitt, The Community of Kent, p. 49. ’ For Dean Bargrave’s handling of the Cathedral clergy and appointments, see Woodruff, ‘Some Seven- teenth Century Letters’, pp. 93-139, 98; and ‘The Parliamentary Survey of the Precincts of Canterbury Cathedral’, pp. 195-222, 200. See also Cowper's Lives of the Deans ofCanterhmy, p. 84ff. Isaac Bargrave’s sermon from I Samuel 15: 23, preached before Charles I on 27 March 1627 as a resolute con- . firmation of the divine right of Kings, also seems to have been intended as propaganda in support of the collec- tion of that year’s arbitrary loan. See Birch, Court of Charles I, I, pp. 214-15 and Bann, Under the Sign, p. 55. Bargrave’s two other published sermons (from Psalms 26: 6 before the House of Commons, 28 February 1624, and from Hosea 10: 1 at Whitehall, 1624) were both delivered while he was chaplain to Hince Charles. ‘ See Everitt, Community of Kent, p. 58, and Bann, Under the Sign, p. 56, for persuasive corrections of the DNB's claim that Bargrave brought Laud’s disapproval upon himself by insisting upon the conformity of for- eign churches in Kent. Nevertheless, Laud was far from being a personal supporter of Isaac Bargrave. Bann, Under the Sign, p.55, cites a telling example ofhow in 1627 Laud personally vetoed the appointment of Dean Bargrave to the living of Lydd on the south Kent coast (citing BL Additional MS 6096, f. 1232‘). Bargrave’s dealings with Archbishop Laud are also examined in Woodruff, ‘Some Seventeenth Century Letters’, pp. 93-118, and in Collinson, History ofCanterhu1y Cathedral, pp. 187-8, where Bargrave is described as ‘another wobbly plank, in I.aud’s perception’. _See also Stephen Bann’s revised entry in the New DNB (forthcoming). 5 See CSP Dom. I628-9, p. 314. In view of Bargrave’s time at Venice, it is interesting to note that Sir Henry Wotton's half—brother, Edward Lord Wotton (d. 1628), a former Lord Lieutenant of Kent, was very probably a secret Catholic. See Loomie, ‘AJacobean Crypt-Catholic: Lord Wotton', pp. 328-45. 10 INTRODUCTION However, from the time of the opening of the Long Parliament, Isaac Bargrave found himself under sustained personal attack. In 1641 the Dean and Chapter of the Cathedral had issued an order, probably drafted by Bargrave himself, to sell some church plate and embroidery ‘for the relief of the poor Irish protestants’. The opening sentence of this order left no ambiguity over Bargrave’s own loyalties: Whereas the bleeding estate of the Kingdom of Ireland together with the lamentable condicon of this Kingdome of England do call for the help and assistance. of all his Maiesty’s loyall and obedient subjects, We the Dean and Chapter being willing to expresse ourselves therein according to the utmost of our power ...‘ The bill for the abolition of the deans and chapters was introduced to this Parliament by Sir Edward Dering, his wife’s first cousin (once removed), and Bargrave was eventu-_ ally fined 21,000 as a prominent member of convocation. On 12 May 1641 he led the presentation to the House of Commons of petitions from both Cambridge University and Canterbury Cathedral against Dering’s bill. Dering’s behaviour must have been a bitter blow to Bargrave since he had been one of Dering’s staunchest supporters during his election to both the Short (April 1640) and Long (November 1640) Parliaments.’ After the failure of the Battle of Petitions, it seemed for a time likely that Kent would fall in behind Charles I. The Commission of Array was set up in the county before the parliamentarian Militia Ordinance and on_16July 1642 a ‘great meeting’ of the leading families of East Kent was held at Dean Bargrave’s house, near Canterbury, in order to promote its execution.’ But the situation markedly worsened for the Bargraves in August 1642 when Colonel Edwyn Sandys visited Canterbury and in retribution attacked the Deanery in Isaac Bargrave’s absence, leaving his wife and children cruelly treated.‘ Once again, Bargrave’s persecutor was ignoring a previous debt of gratitude since Sandys had once owed the preservation of his life, when facing a charge of rape, to the intervention of the Dean.~" Sandys then moved on to Gravesend where he found Bar- grave and arrested him, leading to his confinement for three weeks without trial in the Fleet Prison before being released.‘ Weakened by these experiences, Isaac Bargrave died in January 1643 and was buried in the Lady Chapel at Canterbury.’ No new Dean came ‘ Woodruff, ‘Church Plate in Kent. Canterbury Cathedral’, pp. 145-55, 145-6. See also Woodruff, ‘Some Seventeenth Century Letters’, 1;). 117. 2 Everitt, Community of Kent, pp. 72, 78; Jessup, ‘The Kentish Election of March, 1640’, pp. 1-10, 2, 6; and Bann, Under the Sign, p. 59. 3 Everitt, Community ofKent, p. 109, citing BL Additional MS 28000, f. 213. This meeting may have taken place in the Deanery at Chartham. See M.J. Sparks and E. W Parkin, “The Deanery", Chartham’, pp. 169-82, 173-7. See also Paske, The Co;7_y of a Letter, 1642, and Culmer, Cathedral] New/es from Canterhmy, 1644. ‘ Bann, Under the Sign, p. 60, recounts how Thomas Bargrave, the Dean’s son, had his sword broken by Colonel Sandys ‘before his face’ and was placed in confinement at Dover Castle. Angela (Bargrave) Boys, Isaac’s sister and the widow of Dean Boys, had some gold coins confiscated, although they were later returned. See also Collinson, History of Canterbury Cathedral, pp. 195-6. 5 Everitt, Community of Kent, p. 114. “ Hasted, Kent, IV, pp. 593-4. 7 Isaac Bargrave’s will is at the Probate Registry at Canterbury, C.187 (1642). See Plomer, Index oflmlls, p. 545. His monument in the Deans’ (or Lady) Chapel was erected in 1679 by his nephew, John Bargrave, then himself a Canon of the Cathedral. This cartouche memorial bears a portrait, attributed to Cornelius Jansse (Johnson) which may have been taken during Isaac's lifetime. See Collinson, History of Canterbury Cathe- dral, pp. 524-5. 11 THE TRAVEL DIARY OF ROBERT BARGRAVE to Canterbury until 1660 and the Bargrave’s Deanery was let to Mr James Kent, who took down some of the building’s timbers and carted them away to London, to build the Falcon Inn in Purple Lane, near Gray’s Inn.‘ The Kentish Rebellion of 1643, following the parliamentarian attempt to administer the Covenant in the county, was led by several individuals drawn from the old families of East Kent, including William Jarvis of Sturry, one of Dean Bargrave’s nephews.‘ Another staunch royalist, Sir Thomas Peyton, was related by marriage to the Bargraves through his sister, Elizabeth, who in 1635 had married Robert Bargrave, the son of Isaac’s eldest brother, John. (See Family Tree 2.) As civil disruption increased in August 1643, Sir Thomas’s three small children went sent into the safe—keeping of his sister’s home at Bifrons; and he himself joined them there in May 1644.3 Other mem- bers of the Bargrave family also suffered from their opposition to Parliament during the mid—1640s. Most notably, Robert Bargrave of Bifron’s younger brother, John (c. 1610-80) was ejected from his fellowship at St Peter’s (Peterhouse), Cambridge in 1644 and, as discussed later, fled the conflicts at home by travelling extensively on the continent.‘ It seems certain that Robert Bargrave’s own discreet departure abroad in April 1647 with the embassy of Sir Thomas Bendish was partly motivated by similar reasons.5 The Kentish Rebellion of 1648 was a far more extensive affair than that of 1643 and is generally regarded as the last great local insurrection in English history. Sir Thomas Peyton, along with the Bargraves of Bifrons, Sir Henry Palmer (who had married Isaac Bargrave’s widowed daughter, Anne), and several other influential local families, led support for the petition in the St Augustine’s region, situated south of Canterbury. As negotiations proceeded at Dover, the fleet then anchored in the Downs suddenly declared their allegiance to Kent and the King. Their mutiny had been encouraged by Sir Henry Palmer, a former naval officer, and by his close associates Robert and Richard Bargrave, the elder brothers of Isaac.‘ (See Family Tree 2 and 3.) Palmer and Robert Bar- grave were among those who flatly turned down Parliament’s attempts to resolve the ' See Sparks and Parkin, “The Deanery”, Chartham’, p. 173. Z Everitt, Community ofKent, pp. 190-91. 3 The Oxinden Letters, ed. Gardiner, pp. 23-4, 30, 46-9. Bifrons (‘two—faced’) was built by Isaac Bargrave’s brother, John (dc. 1625), and was sold by his grandson, John, in 1662 to Sir Arthur Slingsby. (See Family Tree 2.) His son, Sir Charles Slingsby, alienated it in 1677 to Thomas Baker. At Baker’s death, it passed to William Whotton, who in 1680 passed it to Thomas Adrian, who alienated it in 1694 to John Taylor (1655-1729), whose second son, the Rev. Herbert Taylor, resided there until his death in 1763. He left the house to Mary Wake and it was then inherited by her first cousin, Herbert Taylor (d. 1767). Herbert's younger brother, Edward, succeeded to the house which be rebuilt. The Jacobean mansion was rebuilt in 1767 by the Rev. Edward Taylor. This early Georgian style house was almost entirely pulled down and replaced with a new house in 1863/4 (itself demolished in 1948). The Bifrons estate was sold to the Conyn- gham family in 1830. See Hasted, Kent, III, pp. 721-2; The Oxinden Letters, ed. Gardiner, pp. 258-9; Robert- son, ‘Patricksbourne Church, and Bifrons’, pp. 174-6 (providing some variant details of the descent of the house to the Taylors); Strong, Binney, and Harris, The Destruction of the Country House, p. 189; Cross and Allen, ‘Interim Report on Work Carried out in 1989 by the Canterbury Archaeological Trust: Bifrons’, pp. 327-32; and Bann, Under the Sign, pp. 27, 35-8. ‘ John Bargrave had matriculated from St Peter’s (Peterhouse), in on 8 July 1629 and was awarded BA (1633) and MA (1636) before being elected a fellow of the college (1637). Bann, Under the Sign, p. 58, describes John's personal hostility to the Laudian reforms so keenly embraced by the college authorities. 5 See also Bruno Ryves, Mercurius Rusticus, 1647. " See Bann, Under the Sign, p. 134, note 18. 12 INTRODUCTION situation peaceably and in the second week of June they crossed over to Holland to secure Dutch support. They returned in July 1648, according to one report with 1,500 Dutchmen, just as the revolt in Sussex finally erupted.‘ By December, however, the tide had turned against them and Robert Bargrave and Sir Henry Palmer, having fled abroad, were obliged to confess their involvement ‘in the late commotion in Kent’ and sought permission from the Committee for Compounding to return to England.‘ Robert Bar- grave of Bifrons died in the following year and Sir Thomas Palmer’s estates were , sequestered in 1651.3 One Thomas Bargrave of Eastry, almost certainly the elder brother of the diarist Robert (see Family Tree 3 and 4), had also been involved in the rebellion of the fleet, as the entry in the Calendar ofthe Committeefor Compounding makes clear: ‘ [Thomas Bargravez] Compounds for delinquency. Was captain of a frigate in the Prince’s fleet, in the last summer’s engagement at sea against Parliament. 9- August 1649. Fine £59" Robert Bargrave the diarist also held strong royalist sympathies and freely expressed his horror when the news of Charles I’s execution finally reached Constantinople in 1649 (f. 14'). Throughout his European travels, he enjoyed a privileged access to exiled members of Charles II’s entourage and to former supporters of his father, King Charles I. At Danzig, for example, he was hospitably entertained by George Cock, formerly treasurer to one of Charles I’s most important generals, William Cavendish, later duke of Newcastle (f. 79'); and at Hamburg he met up with his cousin, Charles Dering, a member of another staunchly royalist Kentish family (f. 86'). At Madrid he was befriended by a ‘Colonell Waters’ (f. 147"), who from his title and presence in Spain was almost certainly another royalist exile. Near Cologne, on his fourth journey from Venice to England in 1656, Bargrave was delighted to put up for the night in a house ‘where the King of England, the Duke of Yorke and Prince Rupert had all lodgd but newly before us’ (f. 188'). Four days later, he visited Henry Stewart, duke of Gloucester and earl of Cambridge (the third surviving son of King Charles I), who was then resided at Cologne with Sir Gilbert Talbot and Admiral Sir John Mennes, the commander of Charles I’s navy in 1645 (f. 189"‘). But the first of what were Robert Bargrave’s two most important meetings with royal emigrés took place at The Hague in February 1653 where he met Elizabeth, Queen of Bohemia (the daughter of King James I), Lady Jane ' Everitt, Community of Kent, pp. 240-44, 249-50, 268-9. 2 Calendar of the Committee for Compounding, Domestic, I643-I660, PartIII, p_. 1878, 11 December 1648. 3 The will of ‘Robert Bargrave, the elder’ is at the Probate Registry at Canterbury, (A.R. 70/708, 1649). See Plomer, Index of Wills, p. 545. Calendar of the Committee for the Advance of Money, Domestic, 1642-1656, Part III, p. 1275, records that Sir Henry Palmer’s estate was ‘seized and secured, and the inventories sent up’ on 6 November 1650. In October 1651 he was assessed at £400 for his one—twentieth. Calendar of the Com- mitteefor Compounding, Domestic, 1643-1660, Part I, p. 457, 4 July 1651, records Sir Henry Palmer being assessed at £300 as a ‘delinquent who compounded with the late County Committee of Kent for their delin- quency'. ‘ Calendar oflhe Committee for Compounding, Domestic, 1643-1660, Part III, p. 2109, 18 July 1649. Robert Bargrave’s elder brother, Thomas, had been a pupil at Eton College and was then admitted pensioner, aged sixteen, of St Peter's (Peterhouse) College, Cambridge, on 10 March 1637. He was elected fellow—com— moner in 1638-9 and was admitted to Gray's Inn on 14 August 1640. According to the DNB, this Thomas was the subject of a petition from his father, Isaac, to Secretary Wndebank in 1639, asking permission for the youth to study at Amsterdam. In 1675 Thomas was described as having lived in Holland, ‘about 30 yeares since’, and imported Abele poplar trees from there for the Eastry estate. See Woodruff, ‘A Seven- teenth—Century Survey’, pp. 43-4. 13 THE TRAVEL DIARY OF ROBERT BARGRAVE Lane, who had assisted Charles II in his escape from England in 1651, and Lady Stan- hope, formerly the governess of Charles I’s eldest daughter, Mary (ff. 94""). In March 1656 Bargrave arrived at Heidelberg, where he was warmly welcomed at the court of Elizabeth of Bohemia’s son, the Palsgrave Charles Louis, who introduced Bargrave to various members of his own family, including his renowned brother, Prince Rupert and his sisters, Elizabeth and Sophia (ff. 185"-186'). Even during the voyage to Smyrna in 1660 with the Earl of Winchilsea, the minds of Bargrave and his party inevitably sought out political parallels between the recent state of England and civil dissents abroad. At Algiers, for example, on 12 November 1660 Winchilsea reported back to Sir Edward Nicholas the recent execution of a rebel who had threatened the stability of the country. His choice of language, in a letter penned for him by Robert Bargrave, is especially pointed: ‘we have newes that the Rebell Halil, who has lately Cromwelliz’d in those parts, is cutt in pieces by the People." Some two months after writing these disturbing words, Robert Bargrave was himself dead and buried in the cemetery of Sante Veneranda at Smyrna. 2. ROBERT BARGRAVE’S TRAVELS The First ] oumey: April 1647-September 1652 1'—-48', MS Rawl. C 799) On his first journey Robert Bargrave travelled out from England to Constantinople with the entourage of Sir Thomas Bendish, the new ambassador to the Porte. This expe- dition offered a testing initiation into the world of business and political intrigue to a nineteen-years old recruit to the Levant trade. Almost as soon as it had set sail from the Downs, Bargrave’s convoy, including his own ship, the London (under the command of Captain John Stevens), was drawn into a potentially dangerous encounter with a convoy of five Swedish men-of-war (ff. 2-3‘) and, a few days later, with three French men-of-war and two pirate ships (ff. 3"-4’). Flushed with the excitement of these encounters, Bargrave was also keen, as a trainee merchant, to familiarize himself on his outward voyage with the rudiments of seamanship. He enthusiastically noted down in his diary how he had been: entertein’d with the diverse alterations of a Seae=life, in observing the Government of a Ships Comonwealth, in learning the easyer part of the Mariners Art, their usuall termes 85 Customes; 8c seeing the varieties that Stormes 8C Calmes do yeeld, the howerly hazards of the Seamens lifes, and the pretty Recreations theyr seldom leasure yeelds; besides the diversities of Fish St Foules (ff. 3"‘) Many of his recorded experiences, including chronic sea-sickness (f. 1“), a cloud of locusts (f. 3"), coming under fire from the north African shore (f. 4‘), and the threat of enslavement on the Morea (f. 9”), were no more than typical of those commonly faced by other seventeenth-century English merchants who plied the Mediterranean trade routes. Even though the London seems to have been in a far more sea-worthy state of ‘ PRO SP 97/17, f. 296. These events are also discussed by \Virichilsea in SP 71/1 pt i, f. 185“. 14 INTRODUCTION repair than the Plymouth on which Bargrave was to sail in October 1660 for his final voyage to Turkey, conditions for the passengers aboard ship were sometimes extremely testing. As the London approached Majorca, for example, the heat and humidity played havoc With their remaining provisions: ‘Our Fowles & Sheep rotted alive, and stunke before they could be killd ... our bread was full of wormes, our beere sower 8: our water putrified’ (f. 5'). For most of the time, however, Bargrave remained in high spirits. Ever mindful of the need to gain commercial expertise as a merchant, he made periodic notes on the price of goods, such as fresh fruit at Majorca (f. 5‘) and general provisions on the Morea (f. 9“). He also studiously commented upon the harbour facilities at Leghorn (f. 8'), Messina (‘wherein there is very great Trade driven by the English 8c other Nations’, f. 9'), and other ports of importance to the Levant Company. But as the London, steadily worked, its tedious five-months voyage across the Mediterranean to Turkey, Bargrave’s preoc- cu ation with such mundane commercial racticalities was increasin l relieved b a n - q . n . P n - g y y growing stream of invitations to participate in the entertainments enjoyed by Ambas- sador Bendish’s party. As they approached the Straits of Messina, Bargrave happily recalled: yet I cannot but note the great Jolity we had on board Ship, such as very few have mett with; there belonging to his Lords/2ip’s table (as I remember) 22: persons; among whom by his Lordsbip’s favour I was now admitted: Not an hower of the Day, nor scarse of night, but was spent in mirth ESL feasting. (f. 8“) Although evidently pleased to be gainfully employed in a life of international com- merce, Bargrave also appears to have viewed his early travels as a means of endowing himself with the kinds of experiences enjoyed by those young and privileged members of the aristocracy and ruling classes whose fathers were wealthy enough to send them on the kind of European itinerary later known as the ‘Grand Tour’. Combining the roles of merchant and tourist, Bargrave was always keen to improve his knowledge of foreign languages. His Latin was already adequate enough for ‘an howers discourse’ with the Bishop of Majorca (f. 5”) and some of his time at sea between Majorca and Leghorn was spent ‘in great emulation for the obteining the Italian tongue’ (f. 6'). On reaching the Italian mainland, Bargrave’s ‘Ambition for the Language’ prompted him to make a trip to Siena, ‘though I was a perfect Stranger, all alone, 8L no language to serve me’ (ff. 6”’). Relying upon a combination of youthful enthusiasm and an apparently natural ear for foreign tongues, Bargrave claimed that ‘by exposing my selfe to a necessity of speaking, I atteind in three weeks time a sufficiency in the Tongue’ (f. 8'). If this really was the case, then Bargrave’s linguistic abilities were distinctly superior to many of those more privileged youths who aimlessly wandered through France and Italy, accompanied by their tutors, without ever making any real attempt to come to grips with the native lan- guage. Robert Bargrave was also strongly motivated in his desire to acquire a competency in the Italian tongue by his plan to meet up with his ‘Cousins mr ]ohn Bargrave, 86 mr John Raymond then at Sienna’ (f. 6'). He could not have wished for two more informed or able guides to the architecture and antiquities of Italy. John Bargrave (c. 1610-80), the younger son of john of Bifrons (Isaac Bargrave’s eldest brother, see Family Tree 2), 15 THE TRAVEL DIARY OF ROBERT BARGRAVE had travelled through France, Holland, and Germany after being ejected from his fel- lowship at St Peter’s (Peterhouse), Cambridge, for his -high-church beliefs and, very possibly, simply on account of his kinship with Dean Isaac Bargrave.’ Much of his time was also spent in Italy and he was there in 1646-47, with John Raymond, his nephew, as a travelling companion} In 1650 he returned to Italy in the capacity of tutor to Philip Stanhope (1633-1713), later 2nd Earl of Chesterfield, and William Swan.’ In 1655 he accompanied William Juxon, the nephew of William Juxon (1582-1663), then Bishop of London and (from 1660) Archbishop of Canterbury‘ Although the identities of his companions are not known for his final trip to Italy in 1659, he certainly visited Rome, as he had done on each of his three previous visits? During his 1646-7 visit to Italy, John Bargrave stayed for two months in Siena to improve his Italian, and after travelling to Rome for the Easter celebrations, he returned to Siena for the summer. Along with his nephew, John Raymond, John Bargrave was also travelling with another Kentish gentleman, Alexander (or possibly Francis) Chapman - all three of whom, the sons of known royalist families, would have been travelling abroad primarily to absent themselves from the civil strife in Kent.‘ This was the learned three- some, commemorated in a striking portrait of them examining a map of Italy, with whom Robert Bargrave met up after crossing from Leghorn to Siena in 1647.7 Their enthusi- asms quickly rubbed off onto Robert and his commentary on Florence was certainly guided by the expertise of his cousin, John, as he recorded in his diary: ‘From Sienna I was kindly accompanyd by my Cousin Bargrave as farr as to Florence, where he spent five dayes with me, directing me to All that is chiefly notable in {SC about the City.’ (f. 7') John and Robert Bargrave very probably also contributed to the compilation of parts of John Raymond’s influential travel guide, An Itinerary Containing a Voyage Made ‘ See p. 11. 2 In his Diary, III, p. 614 (under 13 May 1672), Evelyn describedJohn Raymond in affectionate terms as ‘my old fellow—traveller in Italy’. This phrase has sometimes been taken as evidence that Bargrave and Evelyn had met in Italy in the mid—1640s. However, Bann, Under the Sign, p. 1, notes that there is no record of the two men having ever travelled together. Evelyn had already passed through the frontiers of Italy when Bar- grave made his first entry in the last weeks of 1646. ’ Philip Stanhope (1633-1713) succeeded his grandfather, Philip (1584-1656) as Earl of Chesterfield. See Bargrave, PopeAlexander the Seventh, ed. Robertson, p. xi. On this trip John Bargrave had painted in oils on copper an oval, half-length portrait of himself, attributed to an assistant of Giovanni Battista Canini. See Sturdy and Hennig, The Gentle Traveller, item (1). ‘ Juxon was presumably influential in John Bargrave’s appointment as a canon of Canterbury in 1662. After the Restoration, Bargrave returned to England and was appointed rector of Harblesdown St Michael (1661) and of Pluckley (1662), and incorporated as a DD (1663) at the University of Cambridge. 5 Stoye, English Travellers Ahroad, pp. 135-6, 151, 161-3. Bann, Under the Sign, p. 5, 67, warns against regardingJohn Bargrave merely as a travelling tutor, who in many respects was little more than a hired ser- vant. 5 John Raymond recorded how much of their time was spent in polishing their linguistic skills: ‘I fild my books more with observations of the Languages, than of the people, City or Country’ (Itinerary, p. 175; quoted in Stoye, English Travellers Ahmad, p. 135). Chapman may have been either the son or nephew of Alexander Chapman (d. 1629), formerly a prebendary of Canterbury. Bann, Under the Sign, p. 141, note 6, also makes a persuasive case for Francis Chapman of Peterhouse. 7 Canterbury Cathedral archives, Lit Ms E 16, f. 77', described in John Bargrave’s own catalogue: ‘67. To hang upon my Cabanet. my/ Owne picture upon Copper, in little / and in Seculo, between my Nephe / and my neighebor. draw’e at Siena/ 1647. by the hand of Sig’r Mattio/ Bolognini. as written on the / back=side’. See also Bann, Under the Sign, pp. 65-9. 16 INTRODUCTION Through Italy, in the Yeare 1646, and 1647 (1648).‘ (See Figure 6.) This handy and infor- mative volume was extensively used during the Commonwealth and Protectorate both by other English travellers in Italy and by those who merely wished to learn something of the country from the comfort of their own homes. It was only finally superseded in 1660 by the publication of Edmund Warcup’s Italy, in its original Glory, Raine and Revival (1660)? Although Robert Bargrave, unlike his cousin John, was only in John Raymond’s company for a short period, it is clear from Robert’s diary that both the memory of their meeting and Raymond’s Itinerary were prominent in his mind as he compiled his own lucid and informed descriptions of Siena and Florence.’ It is also pos- sible that Robert’s need as a tourist for basic information about such locations as Flo- rence and Siena first prompted John Bargrave and John Raymond to pen their invaluable guide for inexperienced English travellers in Italy. _ . John Bargrave was an habitual collector of antiquities and curios on’ his various trav- els and, fortunately, his entire collection was donated in 1685 by his widow to the Library of Canterbury Cathedral, where it is still preserved.‘ It seems possible that some of its items, such as a selection of coins from Eastern Europe, may well have been donated by Robert Bargrave, who could have collected them for his cousin on his over- land journey home in 1652-3 from Constantinople, via Bulgaria, Romania, Poland, Ger- many, and the Low Countries? Similarly, the horns of the wild mountain goat still in the collection at Canterbury seem very similar to the two pairs bought in February 1656 by Robert at Innsbruck from the Duke’s huntsmen, as described in his diary (ff. 179“-1 80').“ John Bargrave was also the author of Pope Alexander VII and the College of Cardinals, a pedantically detailed guide to the portraits of the pope and cardinals pub- lished by De Rossi in 1657.7 Robert Bargrave’s brief sojourn with John Bargrave and John Raymond seems to have whetted his appetite as a diarist for interspersing the factual narrative of his travels ‘ Raymond’s Itinerary is also commonly known as [l Mercurio Italico from the phrase used on its illus- trated frontispiece. Anthony 5 Wood,/lthenae Oxonienses, 1692, Vol. II, col. 828, was one of the earliest sources to suggest that John Bargrave had a considerable hand in its composition. Sturdy and Hennig, The Gentle Traveller, item (b), confirm that Raymond’s guidebook ‘seems to have been based on Bargrave’s man- uscript journal, which is lost’. Bargrave, Pope Alexander the Seventh, ed. Robertson, p. xxi, also discusses John Bargrave’s role in the compilation of the Itinerary and Bann, Under the Sign, pp. 109-11, considers his role in the design of the volume’s frontispiece. John Bargrave’s diary of his travels in France is in Canterbury Cathe- dral Archives, Lit MS U11/8. 2 See Stoye, English Travellers/lhroad, p. 135. 3 As the annotations to the text of this edition indicate, Robert Bargrave frequently comments on items of historical and architectural interest also noted in Raymond’s Itinerary. He may even have consulted this printed guide from time to time as he compiled his own diary. ‘ John Bargrave had been educated at the King’s School, Canterbury, with the son of another noted col- lector, John Tradescant, the elder (d. 1638). See Sturdy and Hennig, The Gentle Traveller, [p. 1]. But see Bann, Under the Sign, p. 5, for a warning not to make too much of this tenuous link with the Tradescants. Mgczak, Travel in Early Modern Europe, pp. 201-4, provides a useful survey of similiar ‘cabinets of curiosi- ties’. 5 I owe this suggestion to David Sturdy. " See p. 243, note 8. I am grateful to the Canterbury Dean and Chapter for being able to examine these and other items from the cabinet at the ‘Bargrave Study Day’, held in the Cathedral Archives on 24 October 1998. 7 Bargrave, PopeAlexander the Seventh, ed. Robertson, pp. xxii—xxvii, examines the sources, compilation, and contemporary readership of Bargrave’s catalogue. 17 THE TRAVEL DIARY OF ROBERT BARGRAVE with incidental observations on the antiquities and natural landscape of his surroundings. As the London sailed on from Italy to Turkey, Bargrave recorded his vivid impressions of Mount Etna (f. 8") (see Figure 8) and the volcanic Aeolian islands of Lipari and Stromboli (f. 9').' His mind was also increasingly drawn to the world of classical literature as he mused over the supposed associations of Ovid with the island of Cerigo (f. 9") and Homer with Khios (f. 10'). But it was his actual arrival on the mainland of Turkey at the port of Smyrna (now called Izmir) that most excited his sense of the antiquity and polit- ical importance of the country in which he had come to work. He noted that the ‘Seaven holy Churches of Asia’ were easily reachable from ‘Smirna in a Forth=nights travell’ (f. 11’) and made some preliminary observations concerning the antiquities of Smyrna itself. From a merchant’s perspective, Bargrave immediately observed how ‘Smirna has of late so thrivd by the English, Dutch, 8c French Traffick, that it is restord to be a place of Con- sequence’ (f. 10’). Soon, however, Bendish’s entourage resumed its journey to Constan- tinople, ‘overland, in a Kieravan of about 2100: english, together with theyr Servants’ (f. 11") to Bursa (Broussa), renowned then, as now, for its natural mineral springs. After sam- pling the facilities of the local bathing—houses, Bargrave’s party, still in the company of the ambassador, headed across the ‘pleasant and fruitfull Plaines’ to Mudanya, from where they embarked for Constantinople, following the river Scamander, ‘not farr distant from Troy’ (f. 12‘), into the Hellespont and so on to Constantinople, where Bendish’s entourage finally made an entry on 26 September 1647. (See Figures 9, 10, and 13.) From an historical point of view, some of the most informative material in Robert Bargrave’s record of his first journey relates to his detailed observations of (1) the courts of Sultan (‘Crazy’ or ‘Mad’) Ibrahim and his successor, Mehmet IV,2 (2) the political machinations of the English and French entourages then vying for influence at Constantinople, (3) Sir Thomas Bendish’s own fraught dealings with Sir Sackville Crowe, the departing ambassador (Who was far from keen to return home to England), and (4) the stratagems of Sir Henry Hide, the duplicitous agent of the future King Charles II. These sections of Bargrave’s diary (ff. 12'—13", 15"—22", 31'—38', 46'—48’) cannot be readily summarized here since they detail, from the perspective of an inexpe- rienced but increasingly shrewd observer of human behaviour, the nuances of political protocol and intrigue at Constantinople. Nevertheless, it will be useful at this point to provide brief sketches of the chief protagonists in this complex political narrative: Sultan Ibrahim, Sir Thomas Bendish, Sir Sackville Crowe, Sir Henry Hide, and James Modyford (Bargrave’s employer). Sultan Ibrahim, a weak and ineffective figure popularly known as the ‘Crazy’ or ‘Mad’, ruled from 1640 until 1648. (See Figure 11.) Probably mentally deficient and cer- tainly politically inept, Ibrahim dissipated much of his already enfeebled energies in the voluptuous pleasures of the seraglio: his ‘Effeminacie was such as the wealth of his whole Empire could rather only feed then Satisfie’, Bargrave dismissively noted (f. 17"). When Sir Thomas Bendish arrived at Constantinople in 1647 the Sultan was much ‘ Later in the first section of his diary (ff. 39540’) Bargrave provides a memorable description of the effects of volcanic activity on the seabed near the island of Naxos. 2 Bargrave also provides important first—hand descriptions of the Turkish fleet (ff. 19"—20'), the formal processions of the Grand Vizier (f. 20‘), the public Divan or Council (ff. Z0"—21'), and the Grand Vizier's huntingparties (f. 30'). 18 INTRODUCTION under the influence of his powerful and ruthless mother, Kosem, the first Kadm (prin- cipal wife) of Sultan Ahmet I, who had reigned from 1603 until 1617. Kosem had also been influential during the reign of Ibrahim’s elder brother, Murat IV (ruled 1624—40); and there is good reason to believe that Ibrahim was deposed and executed in 1648 with the full connivance of his mother.‘ It is with ample justification that this period of Turk- ish history is sometimes known as ‘the Rule ofWomen’. Sir Thomas Bendish (c. 1607—c. 1674), the eldest son of Sir Thomas Bendish (d. 1636) of Steeple Bumpstead, has long been categorized as a firm royalist? More recently, how- ever, his political allegiances have been convincingly reassessed as more those of a ‘prag- matic “neutralist”’ — certainly, a wise stance for an ambassador sent abroad in 1647, as Bargrave notes, under ‘a double Commission as well from K. Charles then reigning as the Parliament then sitting’ (f. 1').’ Bendishr was appointed in January 1647 to be. Ambassador at Constantinople and, as Bargrave’s diary records, his outward journey aboard the London took from April until September 1647.‘ Bendish’s shrewd handling of the problems engendered soon after his arrival at Constantinople by Sir Sackville Crowe and Sir Henry Hide reveal him to have been a sharp and resourceful politician; and one who was more than able both to assert his authority over the English merchants at the Porte and to handle the idiosyncrasies and inevitable frustrations of diplomacy with Turkish court officials. Bargrave was certainly impressed by Bendish’s subtle responses to the almost constant rivalry between the English, French, and Dutch ambassadors in audiences with the Sultan and Grand Vizier. However, he was even more impressed when on one occasion Bcndish found the French Ambassador occupying his designated seat at a formal audience and, for once eschewing his customary urbanity, Bendish pretended not to realise that the Frenchman was already in his seat, sat down on his lap, feigned surprise to find him there, and then promptly flung him out of the way by the scruff of his neck (f. 19'). Having retaining his ambassadorial position throughout the trial and execution of King Charles I, and then under the Common- wealth and Protectorate, Bendish was honourably recalled from Constantinople in June 1660, finally returning to England in March 1661 (in the convoy that also carried home the newly-widowed Elizabeth Bargrave and the body of Sir Thomas’s wife, Lady Anne, who had died of the plague at Constantinople in 1649)? Sir Sackville Crowe (d. 1683), a former MP and Treasurer of the Navy, had been nom- inated by King Charles I in November 1633 as ambassador to Constantinople, although he did not take up his post until October 1638.‘ Crowe, however, proved an immensely ' See Rycaut, History oft/7e Tm/eis/:1 Empire, II, pp. 1-35. 1 See, for example, Burke, Extinct and Dormant Baronetcies, p. 56, which draws heavily on Morant, The History oflissex, 1768. 3 Fissel and Goffman, ‘Viewing the Scaffold from Istanbul’, p. 427. ‘ CSP 1645-7, p. 519; ERO D/DHf 07-08, letters patent and warrant of Charles I. 5 Wood, Levant Company, p. 251; Bell, Handlist of British Diplomatic Representatives, pp. 285-6. See also W L., Newesfrom Tur/eie, 1648; Anon [Sir Thomas Bendish?],A BriefNamztive and Vindication [c. 1650]; David Lloyd, Memoirs oflfxrellent Personages, 1668, p. 559; and Wood, Levant Company, pp. 91-6. " Sir Sackville Crowe was the son of William Crowe of Sacketts in Kent. He matriculated in 1611 as a Fellow-Commoner from St Peter’s (Peterhouse), Cambridge, and was admitted to the Inner Temple in 1613. He served as MP for Hastings (1625) and Bramber (I627~8). Royal instructions for his appointment at Constantinople were finally issued on 14_]uly 1638. 19 THE TRAVEL DIARY OF ROBERT BARGRAVE unpopular figure and, following petitions from members of the Levant Company for his removal, he was recalled in January 1647.‘ The company lent their full support to Bendish’s appointment but were gravely concerned that their interests would be com- promised when Crowe refused to accept the letter of revocation for his embassy pre- sented to him, as protocol demanded, by Bendish. But, as Bargrave drily commented, the merchants were firm in their resolve ‘to have but one Sunn in theyr Orb, 8c that Sir Sackvile must for England’ (f. 13‘). An unseemly power struggle ensued between Crowe and Bendish (ff. 13"“) and the English merchants, losing patience with Crowe, com- plained to the Grand Vizier, who took immediate action. Without any further discus- sion or warning, on 23 November 1647 a Turkish official arrived at Crowe’s house and roughly manhandled him, ‘in too rude 8c savage a manner’, to a small boat which imme- diately ferried him to Smyrna, where he was bundled aboard the Margaret, a Levant trader about to set out on its return voyage to England? After his arrival back at London Crowe was sent to the Tower in April 1648.3 This affair proved an expensive one for the Levant Company since the Turks took full advantage of the power struggle between Bendish and Crowe, making the former pay heavily before he was recognized and received as the new ambassador.‘ In all, it was calculated that the Company paid out some £80,000, in addition to other cash inducements, as Bargrave explains in his diary (f. 13'), offered to Crowe in the hope of persuading him to leave quietly? Sir Henry Hide, an experienced merchant and Consul of the Morea from 1638 until he was dismissed from the post in 1643, was the self-styled agent of the exiled Charles II in Turkey. Hide’s machinations, especially with some French merchants (and perhaps even with the connivance of the French ambassador himself), posed a significant threat to Bendish’s own authority, whose private diary makes frequent references to Hide’s subversive activities.‘ In November 1647 Bendish had the satisfaction of seeing Hide sent back to England ‘to answer sundry misdemeanures’, on board the Margaret, in the company of Sir Sackville Crowe. On Hide’s arrival at the port of London, the House of Commons ordered his committal to the Tower but he slipped ship and was eventually granted freedom on bond in the summer of 1648. After the Kings execution, he jumped bail and fled to France in search of Charles II. He managed to make his way back to Constantinople in May 1650 and, following the failure of his schemes, was again shipped back to London, arriving there in early January 1651. He was executed on the following 4 March, still protesting his loyalty to Charles II and his country.’ Bendish deserves much of the credit for outwitting Hide but it is clear that the potential damage ' CSPDOIII. 1645-7, pp. 460-70. 1 Wood, Levant Company, p. 251. 3 Crowe died in the Fleet Prison in 1683. ERO D/DHf 016, 020/1;/llumni Cantabrigienses; Complete Baronetage, II, p. 29; Wood, Levant Company, pp. 88-92; Anderson, English Consul, p. 125. ‘ Wood, Levant Company, pp. 91-2. ERO D/DHf 04, O9, 020/1. 5 CSP Ven. 1647-52, pp. 14, 16-22, 27-9. CS1’ Dom. I649-50, pp. 87-90. In CSP Dom. I650, p. 72, the total cost to the Company is estimated as above £100,000. " ERO D/DHf 04. See also D/DHf 024, 027, 028, 043, 044. 7 CSP Darn. 1649-50, p. 198; 1650, pp. 72, 226, 304, 458-60, 481, 586; 1651, pp. 2, 7, 9,14, 28, 30, 33, 38, 46, 79, 95,104, 290, 291, 292, 518; 1651-2, pp. 51, 270; 1652-3, pp. 119-20, 121, 1Z2,123;C$P Ven. 1647-52, p. 159; Hinde, Sir Henry Hide’: Speech on the Scaffold, 1651; Fissel and Goffman, ‘Viewing the Scaffold from Istanbul’, pp. 421-48. 20 INTRODUCTION done by Hide’s malicious accusations to his own reputation back home in England (and with the future King Charles II) weighed heavily upon Bendish’s mind during the remaining ten years of his embassy in Turkey. On his return to England (or perhaps while he was still at Constantinople) Bendish had one of his clerks write out a detailed account of his dealings with Hide from the time of the latter’s arrival back at Constantinople (9 May 1650) until his forceable removal at Bendish’s command (16]une 1650). This man- uscript defence, which predictably lays emphasis upon Bendish’s integrity and patrio- tism, then seems to have been put into print soon after the Restoration, without any signs on the title-page of its origins or authorship, as/1 Brief Narrative and Vindication of Sir I Bendish Knight and Baronet, Ambassador with the Grand Seigneur; in Defence of Himself in the Matter Concerning Sr. Henry Hide, for the Said Embassy [c. 1660] .‘ james Modyford (d. 1673 or 1679), Bargrave’s employer, travelled extensively as a» merchant in Turkey in his younger days and was later knighted during the Common- wealth when, though the influence of his cousin George Monck, first Duke of Alber- marle, he developed extensive interests in Ireland.’ After the appointment of his elder brother, Sir Thomas Modyford (c. 1620-79), as governor of Jamaica in 1664, he was employed as an agent for the colony in London. He was an unsuccessful candidate for the post of ambassador to Constantinople in 1666 but in the following year was appointed by his brother as lieutenant—general, deputy-governor, and chief judge of the admiralty court at Jamaica. Robert Bargrave’s personal contact with James Modyford during their voyage out to Turkey was rarely even commented upon in his diary. But their relationship rapidly degenerated once they were at Constantinople and actively engaged in the day-to-day demands of trade.’ Bargrave complained of ‘the unreasonable taskes imposd upon me by an unsatisfyd master’, who was always taunting him ‘for what I had left undone, whiles I had worne the Skinn off from my fingers 8L elbowes with incessant writing’ (f. 22’). If Bargrave’s account is to be believed, his employer was indeed a harsh and inconsiderate individual, concerned only with maximizing his own profits, if necessary at the expense of those with whom he did business and even of his own employees. During his first year abroad, Bargrave had to cope with outbreaks of the plague, ‘when the Streets were filld with infected bodies as well alive as dead’ (f. 21"), earth- quakes that ‘made the Shipps daunce on the Seae, 8:’. our houses over our heads’ (f. 22’), and a brief but violent military confrontation between the Sipahis and Janissaries (ff. 15“-16') — such vicissitudes being regarded by the English community as no more than the usual occupational hazards of trading in Turkey. But when the Janissaries exploited the Venetian siege of the Dardanelles (May 1648—May 1649) to force the removal of the Grand Vizier, Sofu Mehmet Pasha and to replace him in May 1649 with their own leader, ‘ The manuscript account of Bendish’s dealings with Hide is in PRO SI’ 97/17, ff. 38-42. Fissel and Goff- man, ‘Viewing the Scaffold from Istanbul’, p. 435, note 51, first suggested that the printed defence of Bendish (only surviving copy now in the library of Trinity College, Cambridge) was published ‘almost ver- batim from this letter—book manuscript’. 1 According to the DNB, he died injamaica injanuary 1673 but Burke, Extinct and DormantBaronetcies, states that he died on 2 September 1679. ’ Tilmouth, ‘Music on the Travels of Robert Bargrave’, p. 144, states that Bargrave was ‘articled’ to James Modyford. This assumption is probably correct, although I have been unable to trace any documents specifically detailing Bargrave’s terms of employment. 21 THE TRAVEL DIARY OF ROBERT BARGRAVE Kara Murat Aga, the minds of Englishmen at Constantinople inevitably turned to con- template the comparable political events back home in England. Bargrave himself . viewed the Janissary-led rebellion against Sofu Mehmet Pasha as ‘A very neer Paralell with the Rebellion in England’ (f. 16’) and was prompted to recall the communal sense of horror among the Levant Company merchants when the news of Charles I’s execu- tion in January 1649 had finally reached Turkey. The ‘deplorable Tragedie of our King of England’ (f. 14‘) was an especially poignant loss, in both public and personal terms, for Robert Bargrave, whose family fortunes had been so closely allied to royal service. This sense of political (and family) crisis, was compounded, on a more immediately personal level for Robert, by the tragic drowning (f. 14') on the way to Jerusalem of his friend, Thomas Bendish, the ambassador’s son. This bereavement was followed in late-Novem- ber 1647 by the sudden death from the plague of Thomas’s mother, Lady Anne Bendish (f. 15v). Bargrave, like other Englishmen, would have been raised to believe in the popular image of the grotesque violence and cruelty of the Turkish infidel; and his experiences at Constantinople did little to temper the potency of this stereotype. Following the murder of Sultan Ibrahim in 1648, another Janissary-led uprising was rapidly quelled and the ringleaders condemned before the Divan. They were then ‘hurried forth into the open Court, there strangled, 85 minc’d into mammock=pieces; One pulling out an Eye, another cutting off an Eare, a third a finger, till he was cutt out by retaile in satis- faction for personall Injuries’ (f. 17'). Deriving a kind of grim satisfaction from this eye- for—an eye form of judicial retribution, Bargrave pointedly compared the Turkish rebels’ ignominious end with what he hoped might ultimately await the parliamentarian rebels in England: ‘Thus does the Paralell hold in the Act; 8c and it may do so in the Conclu- sion’ (f. 16”). Sultan Ibrahim’s favourite mistress, known as ‘Sugar=Bitt’, was executed (‘sayd to be put in a Sack 8c throwen into the Seae’, f. 17”), leading Bargrave to conclude that the Grand Vizier and his closest supporters ‘are now growen so vitious in theyr Government that they droune all regards to Honour 8c the comon=wealth in the Streames that runn to theyr privat Gaine’ (f. 18’). He also developed, in common with other English visitors to Turkey, a morbid fascination with their process of justice, espe- cially its most spectacularly barbaric punishments, including ganching (in which felons were thrown down walls onto upturned metal hooks, see Figure 12), staking (involving driving a sharpened stake through the body and then setting it upright in the ground), and the diverse range of hideously ingenious mutilations performed on convicts’ bodies while they were still alive (ff. 30"—31'). The general level of violence in the streets of Constantinople was also a constant threat to English merchants attempting to carry on their lucrative trade. On one occasion Bargrave remembers how he himself was attacked ‘by some desperat villaines’ as he transported merchandise to a secure vault (f. 21“). At other times, all Englishmen at Constantinople risked being ‘stabbd by the drunken sot- tish Turkes’ (f. 22') who considered everyone dressed in western habit to be Venetians (then besieging the Dardanelles). In mid—165O Robert Bargrave unwittingly found himself sucked into the political intrigues of Sir Henry Hide who was still actively scheming to regain his position as Consul in the Morea and, ultimately, to usurp Sir Thomas Bendish’s own position as ambassador (ff. 31'—32'). Bargrave initially became personally involved with Sir Henry 22 INTRODUCTION because he had been a student at Corpus Christi College, Oxford, when Hide’s brother, James, held a fellowship there (f. 32’). James was also in Constantinople in 1650 and probably fully involved in his brother’s dangerous schemes, even though at their trial at London in 1651 Henry assumed full and sole responsibility for his actions, thereby saving James from the scaffold. Bargrave was soon completely out of his depth, although his wily employer, James Modyford, was more than a match for Hide. On one occasion, when Hide was pressing his claim to be named English ambassador in person to the Grand Vizier, Modyford burst into the meeting and denounced Hide in Turkish, which Hide did not understand (f. 32“). Eventually, Hide was apprehended in August 1650 and placed under arrest on board a ship bound for England. Some of his allies con- cocted a desperate scheme to force the English merchants to release him, which appar- ently included, as an act of pure revenge for his intervention with the Grand Vizier, the. seizing of Modyford and ‘putting him privatlyito death’ (f. 33‘). V A small party of Turkish officials came to where Modyford was staying with the inten- tion of arresting him but Bargrave loyally (and, in retrospect, naively) masterminded his escape: ‘I directed my master a privat way to escape, over a Street of houses into the house of his friend a french merchant’ (f. 33”). Frustrated in their attempts to seize Modyford himself, the Turks arrested instead Bargrave and another young English mer- chant, Jonathan Dawes, throwing them into a filthy prison cell (f. 34').‘ While Modyford then ignominiously fled ‘in a womans habit to the Ambassadors house, where he took some weeks Sanctuarie’, Bargrave was abandoned by his master to endure a period of incarceration (culminating in the unwelcome sexual advances of his Turkish jailor), fol- lowed by an especially incomfortable transportation to Smyrna under an armed guard of Janissaries. To Bargrave’s fury, the Turks even demanded that he should pay for his own travel costs on this journey. He was then delivered to the French at Smyrna as a negotiat- ing pawn for the release of Sir Henry Hide (ff. 34’—36"). The French merchants were eventually obliged to hand Bargrave and Dawes over to the Turkish authorities, who promptly reincarcerated them at Smyrna Castle (see Figure 9, no. 15) inside what appears to have been some sort of charnel house into which the bodies of executed felons were thrown to rot (ff. 37""). Bargrave and Dawes were only finally released from their grim captivity when their English friends took some French merchants captive as a reprisal, thereby forcing the French to persuade the Turks to hand over their hostages. In his few leisure moments before his imprisonment in 1650, Bargrave had gained some momentary relief from the pressure of trade and an inconsiderate master by immersing himself in a variety of poetical and musical pursuits, culminating in an epi- thalamion and pastoral masque to celebrate the intended marriage of James Modyford to one of Bendish’s daughters, Abigail. Much to Bargrave’s relief, the match was broken off soon after he had completed his compositions. He also enjoyed the occasional rural sojourn in a ‘faire Country Pallace’ set in the countryside outside Constantinople and regularly used by the English merchants as a retreat from the heat and dirt of the city (f. 29"). After his release from captivity, Bargrave took time on his journey back from ‘ Sir Jonathan Dawes (1633-72), the son of a Gloucestershire clothier, served as treasurer of the Con- stantinople factory during Bendish’s ambassadorship and in 1663 married his daughter, Anne. See p. 53, note 6. An inventory of his household has survived in Prerogative Court of Canterbury Records, PRO 4.5600. See Anderson, English Consul, pp. 82, 150, 169; and Woodhead, Rulers ofLondon, p. 58. 23 THE TRAVEL DIARY OF ROBERT BARGRAVE Smyrna to contemplate what was then supposed (wrongly) to be the site of Troy, fol- lowed by a cruise back to Constantinople, via the Dardanelles (ff. 40""). This first sec- tion of his diary concludes with a detailed and richly informative description of the city of Constantinople (ff. 40"—44'); an account of a lavish feast held by Modyford and two other merchants in honour of Ambassador Bendish and the English factors of Con- stantinople and Smyrna (ff. 44""), much of which was actually planned and executed by Bargrave himself; and a survey of Turkish legal practices and social customs (ff. 46'—48'). By 1652, when it was time to return to England, the enthusiastic and somewhat inno- cent Robert Bargrave who had left England in 1647 had been tempered by the demands of commerce, political intrigue, and personal tribulations into not only a competent and resourceful international trader but also a much shrewder judge of the motives and characters of those around him. The Second]onmey: September I652—Marcb I653 49’—]0I', Raw]. MS C 799) The account of Robert Bargrave’s second journey records his often arduous travels overland from Constantinople to England, via Turkey, Bulgaria, Romania, Poland, Ger- many, and the Low Countries. Modyford’s and Bargrave’s small party left Constan- tinople on 9 September, accompanied by two servants, ajanissary, and a luggage wagon (f. 49'). On 16 September at Khasskeuyi (Uskiib, Skopje) they teamed up with, slightly later than planned, a large caravan heading towards Lvov (Lemberg, Leopolis) in Poland (f. 51'). At first travelling conditions seemed reasonably good, largely due to the Turks’ traditional hospitality towards travellers though their renowned khans, or posting inns: ‘. .. the turkes Charitie is chiefly exercisd in building of Canes 8c Fountaines, for conve- nience to Travellers: in memorie perhapps of theyr own advance, by wandring motions, when such Helpes as these were most gratefull.’ (f. 50")‘ On 17 September they crossed the border into Bulgaria, where Bargrave found that the locals spoke a ‘confusd mixture of Turkish, Sclavonian 8C Greek’ (f. 51"). As their caravan worked its way northwards, Bargrave was struck by how the ‘rugged Hills of Bulgaria’ were strangely reminiscent of ‘the barren parts of England’ (f. 52'). He was also clearly fascinated by the social structures and customs of the local villages, espe- cially the strongly matriarchical organization of Bulgarian peasant communities. Writ- inglabout the region around Dervend Derbenil), Bargrave described how: The women here do allmost all the worke, at lest theyr shares with the Men; having a mas- culine proportion, apted for it. Theyr Habit is a kind of Gowne without Sleeves, wrought round at the bottome; as are also theyr smocks; so ordring the length of Either, that the workes on both do appeare: they weare Sylver Rings almost on every finger, Braceletts of black 8c white Beads or Shells upon theyr wrists, 8: great Collars of sylver Coines about theyr Necks (f. 52')? Bargrave’s relations with his employer, James Modyford, continued to deteriorate as ‘ Bargrave provides an interesting comparison of the design of Turkish khans with those in Dobrudja (f. 55'). 2 Cf. Bargrave’s account of the markets at Provadiya (Provadia, Prawody): ‘well customed by young Bulgare Wenches, in theyr gay wrought Smocks and Gounes, bringing to markett each theyr Groats worth of Eggs, Creame &t’ (f. 54'). Bargrave also provides a brief account of Romanian women and family customs (f. 58'). 24 INTRODUCTIO-N they were forced into even closer contact through the hardships of travel. Near Aytos, their wagon was found to be beyond repair and Bargrave was appalled when Modyford brusquely commandeered the wagoner’s three best horses for the rest of the journey to Lvov, leaving their former owner abandoned with his broken wagon and ‘two poore Jades’ (f. 53') . To Bargrave’s disgust, Modyford later sold one of the commandeered horses to his own servant for a handsome profit, leading Bargrave to conclude ruefully: ‘which Story is not so impertinent, but that it may Caution Travellers, not to adventure into savage Countrys under the Lash of any, whose humours they have not experienced’ (f. 53').‘ Crossing into Dobrudja on 29 September (f. 54'), the weather gradually began to change for the worse, heralded by ‘a scotch Mist, which seemd to usher in Winter’ (f. 56’). By 5 October the caravan was able to travel by boat along the Danube, in rather more comfort than on land, beside the territories of the modern Romania. Earlier in the . year an attack on Wallachia by Vasile Lupu (‘Basil the Wolf’), prince of Moldavia, had failed at the Battle of Finta and Bargrave’s narrative indicates that he heard all about this military conflict as he passed through the area (f. 56‘). The presence of the plague in local towns served to hasten their journey as they finally passed out of areas under Turk- ish control. As always sensitive to language, Bargrave noted that the" Romanian tongue ‘is now mixd, digressing from Italian, as Italian does from Latine; easy to be learnd by him that understands either’ (f. 57”). Arriving on the evening of 12 October at Jassy (Yash, Ia§i), the Moldavian capital and seat of Vasile Lupu, Bargrave’s party was finally able to enjoy some brief respite from their strenuous progress northwards. Bargrave attended a church service in ‘the vulgare Greek tongue’ (f. 60') at Vasile Lupu’s own chapel and took notes on their style of musi- cal settings (see p. 136). Tactfully changing from Turkish into western garb, ‘to be the better credited in our addresses’ (f. 60') Bargrave’s party, on the strength of a recom- mendation from an unnamed third party, were able to meet with the renowned Polish Jesuit, Stanislaw Szczytnicki (cl. 1667) and Vasile Lupu’s personal secretary, George Kotnarski (d. 1653) (f. 60”). These two influential individuals in turn facilitated an audi- ence with the prince himself, who graciously granted them the invaluable gift of an offi- cial passport, freeing them (in theory) from all customs checks while travelling in his territories. The remainder of their brief sojourn at Jassy was occupied with a guided tour of the prince’s palace and chapels (f. 61'), and, on Bargrave’s part, with making a commercial assessment of this important trading city, which had only two years earlier suffered a violent attack by Cossack and Tartar maurauders (f. 61"—-62"). Before resuming their journey on 20 October, it was necessary to obtain the required currency— by ‘changing Gold by Anti=chemestry into Brass’ (f. 61') as Bargrave wryly put it — for the Polish stage of the trip as far as Danzig.’ From Jassy, they were accom- panied by a group of Scottish merchants, who at that period exercised a firm hold over ' Bargrave recounts (f. 59"") another example of Modyford’s inconsiderate behaviour, this time towards his own travelling companions, near Birlad (Barlad). On a later occasion (f. 72*), one of Modyford’s other servants was apparently even willing to forgo all of his wages rather than to continue working for him. At Danzig Bargrave’s dealings with Modyford came to a crisis point, with Bargrave himself threatening to return to England at his own expense (ff. 79"—80'). 1 As befits a travelling merchant, Bargrave’s diary keeps a detailed record of the currencies and rates of exchange then prevalent in the various areas through which his part was passing. (See for example, ff. 61".) 25 THE TRAVEL DIARY OF ROBERT BARGRAVE the local potash trade (ff. 63’—64'). Before reaching the river Dniester, they crossed over lands recently ravaged by the Tartar invaders and had great problems even in finding basic provisions and accommodation. So much so, that after a particularly hard day’s travel through ‘bitter Frost, and thick Mists’ Bargrave’s party were obliged to forgo supper and ‘betake us to our Grandame Eves bed, the soft Earth; learning by sad experience, they must indeed be hardy Souldiers [who] can feed on the Tartars Reliques’ (f. 65’). Hoping for better fare at Jazlowiec (then polluted with contagion), they found themselves excluded from its fortified centre for fear that they were carrying ‘some new infection’ (f. 66’), although the governor readily supplied them with provisions and freedom from’ customs’ levies on account of Vasile Lupu’s letter of recommendation.‘ Bargrave finally arrived at Lvov on 1 November (f. 67"), where they rested for some eleven days. Interspersed with some general sightseeing was Bargrave’s momentous meeting, at the house of an Armenian merchant, with Krzysztof (Christopher) Korycki, who in 1645 had married Vasile Lupu’s daughter, Maria. In a makeshift mixture of Latin, French, and Italian, Korycki informed the astonished Robert Bargrave (f. 68') that he had once visited his father’s house at Canterbury. Life at Lvov continued to prove even more surprising when one evening a local Dominican prior, whose company Bargrave had sought out for some educated conversation, offered to procure for him the charms of ‘a faire Polish Lady’ (f. 69’). Fortunately, more reputable means of seeking out female company were readily to hand and between 7 and 18 November Bargrave’s party devoted themselves wholeheartedly to ‘refreshments 8c Curiositie’, including some lively banter with ‘the Polish Exchange wenches; who for theyr persons, theyr wares 85 theyr witts, come little Short of Ours in London’ (f. 69“). Thanks to introductions by some Scottish merchants they also passed almost an entire night in the company of ‘two young Ladies’, amusing themselves with ‘Crambo Playes, good musick, a Collation, 8: Dauncing’ (f. 70“). On 18 November Bargrave’s party, guided by a group of experienced Scottish mer- chants led by Mr Thomas Murray, left Lvov for the next stage of the horneward journey. Accommodation was still hard to come by and on one evening (f. 71") they onlyescaped a night out in the biting frost by pretending that Modyford was an English ambassador, the rest of the party his retinue, and Bargrave his interpreter — a ruse which provides further incidental evidence of Bargrave’s skills in rapid language acquisition. The health of the party was also under constant threat with a virulent outbreak of the plague throughout the entire area. Just as they approached Lublin, they could hear from a neighbouring village: the lamentable Cries of Men, women 8c Children; who being infected with the Plague, were thrown out into litle Hovells; and Dying miserably there, sang theyr own deplorable Dirges: we searchd diverse houses, whose late inhabitants the Plague had engrossd ere we could find a person alive; 85 those, when found, (alas) not enough to bury the dead. (ff. 72v—73') ' This dispensation from customs levies was entirely ignored, much to Bargrave’s annoyance, in those Polish villages where the authority over such tolls had been placed in the hands of Jews, who collected them with rigorous efficiency. This unusual level of racial tolerance, in Bargrave’s eyes, caused unwarranted prob- lems for gentile travellers: ‘which horrid permission of the Polanders has in humane reason, pulld doune a more weighty Burden of miseries upon them’ (f. 67’). 26 INTRODUCTION At Belshize, a town once heavily populated by Scottish potash merchants, Bargrave and his travelling companions found less than twenty people still alive, including one Scottish family, ‘the wife lying then sick, the husband howerly expecting his Call, 8C all theyr Chil- dren allready dead’ (f. 73’). But by the time they arrived at Kozienice (Kosenizy), which was also striken by the plague, their party was on the verge of either starving or freezing to death. So desperate was their plight that they decided to enter the town, considering the plague ‘hazardous’ but their hunger and cold ‘certein Death’ (f. 73V). The threat of the plague had necessitated avoiding such major cities as Lublin and Warsaw but this had also exacerbated their problems in finding even basic provisions, since all the outlying villages were themselves in a state of virtual famine. Eventually, as they approached Gostynin they began to sense that the plague might be abating and they began ‘to hope for some acco- modation befitting Men, after our long 8c bitter sufferance’ (f. 74'). _ As the party passed over the famous wooden bridge across the river Wesil into Thorn, the hoof of Bargrave’s horse went through a rotten plank, nearly throwing him into the icy, fast moving waters below. But, apart from this potentially fatal accident, travelling conditions gradually began to improve and Bargrave and his companions were able once more to enter the major cities in search of reasonable accommodation and food. He even resumed his habit of making brief observations on the major architectural and his- torical features of Thom, Graudenz, and Neuenberg, until they arrived at Danzig (f. 75") on 6 December in the company of some Dutch merchants, with whom they stayed during the Christmas and New Year period until 18 January. Bargrave clearly relished his stay at Danzig and, in the manner of a young man on the ‘Grand Tour’, compiled a detailed description (ff. 75"—80') of its major public buildings, churches, fortifications, and extensive trade. He also witnessed the lavish wedding entertainments of a local bur- gomaster’s daughter, sledge races in the snow, and festivities laid on for them by a prominent English exile at Danzig, the royalist soldier, George Cock, who had served as treasurer to William Cavendish, Marquis of Newcastle, during the English Civil War. Heading out of Danzig for Hamburg on 18 January 1653, Bargrave’s party made fast progress to Szczecin (Stettin) where on 27January they passed by the rotting bodies of five criminals broken on the wheel (f. 81‘), a grim reminder of the casual brutality of the world in which they earned a living. By 2 February they had reached Liibeck, a major Hanseatic League port where they briefly rested by watching a ‘stately dutch Comedic’ (f. 84“). Arriving at Hamburg on 5 February, their party recuperated there for six days during which time Bargrave made his habitual exploration of the city’s antiquities, mon- uments, and curiosities. He was especially struck by a remarkable display of mechanical automatons, representing such tableaux as a lady playing a lute and the Annunciation of the Virgin Mary (ff. 85"—86"). Leaving Hamburg on 11 February, they travelled to the port of Bremen and spent the next week heading towards the borders of the Dutch ter- ritories and the frontier town of Zwolle (f. 89“). At Amsterdam, where they arrived on 22 February and stayed for three days, Bar- grave was able to absorb himself in a somewhat frenetic examination of the city’s corri- merce, fortifications, and major buildings. But the highlight of the Dutch section of his travels home was undoubtedly his visit at The Hague to the entourage of several mem- bers of the exiled English royal family. Bargrave also enjoyed meeting there Mrs Bar- bara Palmer and several unnamed friends whom he had not seen for some years. 27 THE TRAVEL DIARY OF ROBERT BARGRAVE Through their influence, he was able to meet Elizabeth, Queen of Bohemia (1596-1662), the daughter of King James I and widow of Frederick V, Elector Palatine. As previously noted (see p. 7), Robert’s father, Isaac Bargrave, had visited Elizabeth’s court in 1616, as a member of Sir Henry Wotton’s outward—bound ambassadorial entourage to Venice; and Robert was clearly moved to be able briefly to talk with Elizabeth and some of her chil- dren some thirty—seven years later (ff. 94""). He was also genuinely excited to meet the renowned Ladyjane Lane (d. 1689), who after the Battle ofWorcester (1651) had assisted Charles II’s escape to France in disguise as her manservant; and the former Lady Stan- hope, Catherine Kirkhoven (d. 1667), who had been the governess of Charles I’s eldest daughter, Mary, the princess royal. In 1641 the princess had married William, son of Fred- erick Henry, Prince of Orange, and her court had become an important focus of support for Charles and his brother, James, until contact was forbidden by the Dutch States on the outbreak of war between England and Holland in 1652. Lady Stanhope, ‘the greatest Beauty there’ as Bargrave calls her, had only recently returned to The Hague, after being arrested and tried in England on account of her royalist connections (f. 94‘). From The Hague, Bargrave’s party reached Delft on 1 March 1653 (much of which was almost entirely destroyed in the following year by a power-keg explosion), and then travelled to Rotterdam and crossed to Dordrecht on 3 March. Within half an hour of setting sail from Dordrecht, their ferry became lodged on sands and Modyford’s party had to be rescued by another boat, leaving Bargrave and some servants on board (at Modyford’s command) to look after the horses and baggage. Furious at being aban- doned by Modyford in this casual fashion, the ever-resourceful Bargrave nevertheless succeeded in having the boat dragged off the sands, only to find when he landed that Modyford and the rest of his party had already set out without him for Antwerp. Resentfully, he made his own way there and, although he had only two days in the city, he compiled as usual an informative account of its major landmarks and fortifications (ff. 96‘—99’). Passing quickly through Ghent and Bruges, Bargrave sailed from Nieuw- poort to Dunkirk, arriving at the Downs on 13 March. After disembarking, he happily recalled how: ‘. .. joying at that long’d for hower, 85 reverently kissing my native Soile, I praised God for his inestimable kindness; through whose Protection I began my Jour- ney so prosperously, perform’d it so safely, and finishd it so successfully.’ (f. 100') The Third journey: November 1 65 4—Febmary 165 6 ( 102’—174’, Rawl. MS C 799) By the time of his third journey Robert Bargrave, now an experienced trader and a mar- ried man with a newly-born baby (see p. 2), was employed as supercargo on the mer- chant ship, Thomas and William, bound for the Straits of Gibraltar with a full cargo of com. This post placed him in overall charge of managing the ship’s load and all the com- mercial transactions of the voyage. He was also responsible for the welfare of the young Henry Palmer, the son of his brother-in-law, Sir Henry Palmer (see Family Tree 3), who was travelling with him both to gain commercial experience and probably to escape from the pressures of belonging to a prominent royalist family in Kent. As they left the Downs on 7 November, Bargrave was striken with a severe bout of sea-sickness and knew little of the voyage until they had to put into Plymouth for repairs to some minor leaks (f. 102'). Setting out again on 15 November, they made rapid progress past 28 INTRODUCTION Ushant, through the Bay of Biscay, and down the west coasts of France and Spain until they rounded Cape St Vincent and entered the Gulf of Cadiz bordering the coast of Andalusia. The winds had been so favourable that it had only taken just over seven days from Plymouth the the Straits of Gibraltar, a stark comparision to his previous voyage home when the same stretch of sailing had taken six weeks (f. 103'). Bargrave made_some brief comments on the North African shoreline (ff. 103"——104‘), before resuming his description of the eastern side of Spain as far as Alicante where they arrived on 26 November and stayed until 3 December. During this week Bar- grave’s time was filled both with commercial duties and with stirring reports of the recent exploits of Admiral Blake, whose fleet was then docked at Alicante (f. 105‘). Their own passage to Barcelona was also not without anxiety when, as they came into sight of the city, they mistakenly interpreted the Spanish flags (‘the Black could not, at a Distance, be perceivd within the white: sothat we thought them to be French, with whom we were now at warrs’, f. 105") and only a surreptitious reconnaissance trip by a Plymouth bark sailing with them clarified the matter. Having docked safely, Bargrave spent some five weeks at Barcelona, occupying himself both with business and tourism. His description of the commerce of the city is informatively specific, detail- ing the prices of such staple commodities to the English merchant as Currants, pilchards, eels, herrings, oil, and anchovies. Both for practical and cultural purposes, he also compiled a valuable profile of the city’s major architectural landmarks, as well as its religious, political, military, and social structures (ff. 105"—110'). By earlyjanuary Bargrave had managed to sell all of his corn, and had also sent the Thomas and William back to Alicante to collect another cargo of woollen goods for Venice. With his busi- ness affairs running satisfactorily, he made ready for a trip to Madrid to collect the payments due for the sale of his corn. Leaving Barcelona on 12]anuary 1655, Bargrave stayed overnight at the Benedictine monastery of Montserrat and viewed its famous treasury and hermitages (f. 111'—117‘). He continued to make his way across the monotonous plains (Llano d’Urgell) to the west of Barcelona, then infested with robbers (‘to shew the Rumour was not vaine; the Quarters of a man lately executed were hung on a Stake by the Way side for a Memento’, f. 1 18'). During the Catalonian revolt of 1640, Lérida (where Bargrave arrived on 16_]an- uary) had chosen Louis XIII for its king. Outraged by this action, Philip IV came in person to the siege and defeated La Mothe, the French general. The French unsuccess- fully besieged the town in 1644 and again in 1646 and 1647 and, as Bargrave noted in 1655, the surrounding countryside was still in a state of total devastation from these ‘three severall Sieges of the French and Spaniard’ (f. 118‘). As he left Catalonia and entered Aragén, Bargrave noted that the local language was ‘much purified from the mixd Gallimofory of that Country, 8c refind to a Smack of Castilian’ (f. 118‘) .‘ He also ‘ Bargrave’s spelling of local names and Spanish phrases (e.g. ‘River Ghébu' = river Sebou, f. 103‘; ‘in Passa tiempo’ = en pasatiempo, f. 105'; ‘Santa Lulalia’ = Santa Eulalia, f. 107'; ‘River Yobragatt’ = river Llobre- gat, f. 111'; ‘Villa Rossa’ = Vinaros, f. 120') suggests that he managed to get by with a little basic knowledge and a good ear for conversational Spanish. Certainly, he was sensitive to changes in local dialects and pro- nunciations. Just outside Zaragoza, for example, he noted how the speech of the local peasants led him to speculate that ‘the skirvy whining tone of the Jewes, is derivd from the Spanish among whom they have livd’ (f. 119'). Similarly, at Messina, he noted: ‘The Language of Cicilia is absurd Italian, nor is it betterd any whit by its being under the Spanish Command’ (f. 157'). 29 TI-IE TRAVEL DIARY OF ROBERT BARGRAVE became increasingly irritated by Spanish regulations which forbade the local hostelries from providing food for their visitors. Instead, under ‘that troublesom Law’ each trav- eller was obliged to buy his own provisions, ‘for which, Hunger and Cold’, Bargrave commented, ‘made me very angry with the Viceroy of Aragon’ (f. 119‘). After staying for two days at Zaragoza, the capital of the ancient kingdom of Aragén, Bargrave tried to resume his journey westwards. But at the city gate he was stopped by the customs officers, ‘strippd to the Skinn, 8L searchd for fraud of Custome’ (f. 122“), under the regulation that no visitor could take gold out of Zaragoza. Three gold dou- bloons were duly confiscated before Bargrave was allowed to continue on his way. Fol- lowing the river Jalon (‘Crawling yet farther through the Crookes of the mountaines, along the fierce Halone’, f. 125'), Bargrave made his way quickly along the well-trodden merchant’s route from Zaragoza through Terrer, Arcos, Sigfienza, Hita, and Alcala, arriving at Madrid on 28 January, where he spent some ten days absorbed in his busi- ness affairs. He then made a special visit to the palace of El Escorial (see Figures 15 and 16), which he described in considerable detail (ff. 128"~133"), passing the Palacio Real and the Retiro on the way. On 9 February he toured the grounds of the palace of El Pardo (ff. 133"—134") before returning to Madrid. Bargrave’s diary then offers a concise analysis of What he had managed to glean about the government of Madrid and Spain in general (ff. 1343-136’), followed by detailed descriptions of Madrid itself (136"~138', 140'—141') and the palace of El Retiro (ff. 138'—139"). As Jonathan Brown and H. Elliot have observed, Bargrave’s diary provides ‘the best existing eyewitness account of the palace during the reign of Philip IV and brings its magnificence vividly before our eyes’.‘ This section was then rounded off by along autobiographical poem addressed to his wife, Elizabeth Turner (‘Fido to his Robina’, ff. 141’—147"), recounting his exploits in Turkey and their marriage after his return to England in 1653. Bargrave departed from Madrid for Valencia on 2 March 1655 in the company of several English gentlemen (f. 147"). On the way he visited the Palace at Aranjuez with its impressive waterworks, and arrived at Valencia on 7 March. After three days there, during which time Bargrave packed in his usual mixture of business and sightseeing, he headed off towards Alicante to meet up again with his ship, which was being laden with its cargo of woollens for Venice. On 22 March the Thomas and William sailed from Alicante and, following part of the route of his first sea voyage, passed by Ibiza, Minorca, Majorca, Sardinia, and the vol- canic islands of Lipari and Stromboli, arriving eight days later at the Sicilian port of Messina. After a brief sojourn here, Bargrave continued his journey to Italy, briefly putting in at Ancona for provisions, before being admitted to Venice on 16 April. Lodg- ing at the house of Signor Paolo Rodomonte, where John Evelyn had stayed some ten years earlier, Bargrave was detained at Venice until 2 July 1655, both by his business affairs and by ‘the States Embargo’ (f. 159') . As had become customary by the mid-sev- enteenth century among English visitors to Venice, Bargrave referred the readers of his diary to the various printed accounts of Venice already available, and limited his own comments (ff. 159'~163') to those buildings and facets of Venetian life — such as the ‘ Brown and Elliot, Palacefora King, pp. 107-9, trace Bargrave’s progress through the palace against Car~ lier’s plan of the main floor of the palace. 30 INTRODUCTION Grand Canal, the courtesans, the Piazza San Marco, the Lido, the Doges’ Palace, and the Rialto Bridge — which (entirely predictably) captivated his interest. (See Figure 17.) With some unaccustomed spare time on his hands, Bargrave also paid a brief visit to Padua (ff. 163”), which he had last seen in the company of his cousins, John Bargrave and John Raymond (see p. 16). At Padua, he matriculated at the University and enjoyed the company of the thriving community of English exiles (including the renowned companions, Finch and Baines, ‘two retnarkeable Patternes for Learning and Virtue’, f. 163‘). Leaving Venice on 2 July, he was accompanied to his ship by a party of English gentlemen, ‘to dismiss whom I made our Gunns speak theyr Adieu’. This ami- able assembly of newly-made acquaintances also included his cousin, John Bargrave, whom he would later meet up with again at Augsburg (f. 181"). The Thomas and William sailed out into the Gulf of Venice in the company of another English ship, the Northumherland, commanded by Captain Trenchfield, who had been of such signal ser- vice to Bargrave during his imprisonment at Smyrna (see f. 36'). Passing by Corfu and Cephalonia, he arrived at Zante in the Morea and stayed at ‘the house of the English Consul, William Fulke (Fowke). Bargrave was detained in Greece, where he intended to pick up a cargo of oil, for some ten weeks, due to a trumped up charge of malpractice foisted on him by some ‘powerfullV1llaines of the Toune’ (f. 164"). He only managed to escape through some adroit machinations of his own (ff. 165'—166") and sailed on to Patras, where he was able to exchange cargoes surreptitiously with an English—ownecl vessel from Leghorn (f. 167’), thereby entirely avoiding the usual customs charges. Having spent in all some five months trading in the Morea, Bargrave returned to Venice (f. 171") where his ship was quarantined for forty~three days, on account of one of its crew foolishly trying to smuggle onto land a small quantity of wool (regarded as a prime carrier of contagion). The eventual release of Bargrave and his companions onto shore in February 1656 coincided with the excitements of the great carnival at Venice (ff. 172-174’), a welcome contrast to their previous tedium on board the Thomas and William. The Foarthjoumey: Fehmary—March I 656 ( 174L193’, Rawl MS C 799) Robert Bargrave’s account of his fourth journey covers his rapid travels overland from Venice to England, via Austria, Germany, and the Low Countries. His travelling com- panions included Henry Palmer (his sister’s step—.son), Peter Annot (the surgeon from the Thomas and William), Tomaso Rodomonte (presumably a relative of the Paolo Rodomonte in whose house he had resided at Venice, see f. 158"), and William Fuller (‘my Trumpeter’). On 20 February 1656 at Mestre, Bargrave hired at a cost of about £7 10s. the services of a guide and horses to take them as far as Augsburg. His party passed through the fertile plains watered by the river Brenta around Treviso, Fanzolo, Bassano del Grappa, Primolano, and Borgo Valsugana, where they entered the territories con- trolled by the Archduke of Innsbruck. From this point, their journey became more taxing as the terrain began steadily to rise towards the Alps. By 23 February the party has reached Trento and Bargrave occupied himself with compiling a brief analysis of the 31 THE TRAVEL DIARY OF ROBERT BARGRAVE town’s historical significance, architecture, fortifications, and produce (ff. 177'—178"). After resting overnight at Trento, they continued to make their way along this cen- turies-old trade and pilgrimage route, passing through Colma and Chiusa to Innsbruck, which they reached on 26 February. Although the party only spent part of a day at Innsbruck, Bargrave crammed into his tight schedule as much sight—seeing as possible. He visited the Hofburg imperial palace, the emperor’s renowned collection of wild animals, and the Hofkirche. He also heard with evident pleasure a concert given by \X7illiam Young, then ‘chiefe Violist to the Arch=duke’ (f. 180') and the famous English actor-manager, George Jolly, offered to stage a private performance of a comedy for Bargrave’s travelling companions. On the next morning, they left Innsbruck and crossed out of the territories of Charles, Arch- duke of Austria into those of Ferdinand Maria, duke of Bavaria. Passing within some twenty miles of Munich, they reached Landsberg on 28 February: ‘... and here we bid adieu to the Alpes, after seaven dayes travell through them from Bassan to this Place: in all which way we passd over but five great hills; the Rhode generally lying in the hollow valleys, which are walld in by the vast mountaines.’ (f. 181’) - Moving on to Augsburg, Bargrave was both surprised and delighted to meet up with his cousin,John Bargrave, and his young charge, William Juxon, who were then resident there. Acting as his guide, John Bargrave filled the next three days by taking Robert to see the great Fuggerhaus at Augsburg, the city’s water mills and fountains, and various displays of fine local metalwork. In particular both men were fascinated by intricate examples of the ‘incomparable watchwork’ produced by the skilled craftsmen of the city. Together they pored over various mechanical musical boxes, miniature orchestras, and, most remarkable of all, a mechanical coach ‘which by Engines withinside, (gov- erned by those who sitt in it) has been driven round the Streets of Agosta, so that it seemd to the Spectators to goe of its own accord’ (f. 182""). Regretfully leaving ‘the enjoyment of m‘Juxon 81, my Cousin m’. Bargraves Company’, Robert Bargrave and his party pressed on to Ulm, which they reached on 5 March. The next major destination on their route was Heidelberg, the capital of the Rhine palatinate and the seat of Charles Louis, the son of Frederick V and his queen, Eliza- beth, the daughter of James I. As Bargrave records in his diary, the contact enjoyed by his father, Isaac, with the court of Frederick and Elizabeth at Heidelberg in 1616 (see p. 7) was fondly recalled by the Palsgrave himself: After church, the day following our arrivall, I was sent for to the Palsgrave, when having all of us kissed his hands, he honourd me with about an howres discourse: after which the Palsgrave, with Prince Rupert, and the Palsgraves Sonn, his Princess (daughter to the Landtgrave van Hess) together with Princess Elizabeth and Princess Sophia (his sisters) sate doune to Dinner: Being sett by the Palsgraves order I was made sitt at the table with them; when the Palsgrave soon ask’d me if I were related to Doctor Bargrave dean of Can- terbury; which having heard from me, he straight after drank to me, and discoursd with me much of dinner time. (f. 185‘) This conversation, which continued after dinner, provided one of the highlights of Robert Bargrave’s journey home from Venice to England. The Palsgrave Charles Louis freely expressed his affection for the Bargrave family and, after hearing about Robert’s 32 INTRODUCTION earlier experiences in Turkey, requested ‘a description of the great Turkes Seraglio’ (f. 186’). Robert was clearly deeply moved by the hospitality shown to him at Heidelberg and by how his father’s memory was still honoured within this Anglo-German royal family. On departing Heidelberg, he neatly expressed his sentiments in the Latin epi- thet: ‘Quam Faelix est, virtuoso Patri Filius, esse’. The rest of the party’s journey home was largely uneventful. Leaving Heidelberg on 10 March, they arrived at Frankfurt on the following day, passed through Mainz on the 12 March, and hoped to reach Cologne by the next evening. But bad weather retricted movement on the Rhine and they were forced to put up overnight in a small (unnamed) village: ‘where the only enjoyment we had, was to lodge in the house where the King of England, the Duke of Yorke and Prince Rupert had all lodgd but newly before us’ (f. 188'). As the inclement weather briefly abated, they moved on down the Rhine to Bacharach, Boppard, and Coblenz, where they passed by the grim Ehrenbreitstein for- tifications opposite the city. At Cologne, which they reached on 16 March, they visited Charles II sixteen-years old brother, Henry Stewart, duke of Gloucester and earl of Cambridge (1640-60), who was then resident there in the company of Sir Gilbert Talbot and Admiral Sir John Mennes (1599-1671), the commander of Charles I’s navy in 1645 (f. 189"). Still hampered by bouts of bad weather, they headed on through Dus- seldorf, Wesel, Rheinberg, Rees, Emmerich, and Nijmegen, reaching Dordrecht on 24 March. From there they made rapid progress to Flushing, where Bargrave agreed terms with a Captain Bunker, the commander of a convoy ship, for his party’s passage to Eng- land. They reached Thanet on 29 March and braved mountainous seas in a small landing craft so as to hasten their family reunions. In conclusion, Bargrave calculated that his party of five travellers had covered some 930 miles from Venice to England at a total cost of £125 (f. 193'). Robert Bargrave’: Dramatic and M usical Interests Throughout his diary, Robert Bargrave reveals a keen interest in dramatic activities, not only as an observer but also as a performer and stager. While at Cambridge, his father Isaac had played the part of ‘Torcol, portugallus, leno’ in George Ruggle’s Latin comedy ‘Ignoramus’, performed at the university before James I on 8 March 1615; and Robert may well have watched, or even taken part in, similar amateur university dramatics.‘ Isaac maintained his taste for Latin drama while at Canterbury and in February 1637 mentioned in a letter to Katherine Oxinden: ‘There is a Comedie acted tonight in Latin at the Deanery’, an entertainment which could also have been of interest to his univer- sity educated sons.‘ Experience of such pursuits both at university and in the family home would have stood'Robert Bargrave in good stead when he first began to learn the skills of a Levant merchant. The Company tended to recruit young men of reasonably high educational attainments, who were well used to providing their own forms of cul- tural relaxation. Certainly, at Constantinople Robert’s dramatic talents were well uti- lized by the local English community and he records how: ‘we of the younger forme, ' Isaac Bargrave’s performance is recorded in Nichols, Progresses, III, p. 52. 2 BL Additional MS 27999, f. 282; quoted in Bann, Under the Sign, p. 56. 33 THE TRAVEL DIARY OF ROBERT BARGRAVE under the pupillage ofMr: Samuel Rogers, represented two or three Comedies, with the reward of great Applause’ (f. 13"). On other occasions, watching a play or light dramatic interlude offered to the weary merchant a pleasant and undemanding form of relax- ation. At Leghorn, for example, Bargrave recalled dining at the houses of various local tradesmen, and ‘for disgestion they had after meales Italian Comedies, on Stages built on purpose’ (f. 8"). Similarly, at Liibeck Bargrave and some of his companions went to see ‘a stately dutch Comedie’; and the nature of his comments after the performance were indicative of the range of his already wide experience as a theatre-goer: ‘the Actors wherein excelling the Italian Comedians as much in theyr Dress, as the English exceed them both in theyr Action’ (f. 84"). At Innsbruck, he was offered a private performance from ‘m']olly (an english Commedian)’ (f. 180') but the cost of this staging seems to have been prohibitive and the offer was turned down. At Venice, however, he was capti- vated by the lavish theatrical events on offer during the Carnival: The varieties of Carneval enterteinments are as uriconfind, as are mens Fancies, Every minute and every place affording new: But above All, surpassing whatsoever theyr Inven- tions can elce stretch to, are theyr Operas, (or Playes) represented in rare musick from the beginning to the end, by Select Eunuchs and women, sought out through all Italy on pur- pose: whose Persons are adornd as richly and aptly, as the best contrivers can imagine: theyr many various Scenes set out in rare painting, and all magnificent costlyness; intermixing most incomparable apparitions and motions in the aire and on the Seae, governd so by Machines, that they are scarse discernable from the reall things they represent; having also most exquisit Anticks and Maskings Dances, and whatsoever elce beseeming, that Art and mony can arrive to. One Opera I saw represented about 16: severall times; and so farr was I from being weary of it, I would ride hundreds of miles to see the same over again. (ff. 173”) Bargrave was especially interested in the kind of entertainment, loosely coming under the generalized term of ‘masque’, which blended musical, dramatic, and poetic interludes with lavish costumes and sets. On his third journey, in the Casa de la Diputacion (Town Council House) at Barcelona, for example, he witnessed: ‘a noble Balla danc’d before Don Juan by his Favourite Ladies: whose Garments being costly, theyr Jewells very rich, theyr Persons handsome, and theyr meen mixt between French and Spanish’ (f. 109’). But it was during his residence at Constantinople in 1649 that Bargrave most often turned to the composition of such entertainments as a means of celebrating significant occasions. Following the death by drowning of Ambassador Bendish’s son, Thomas, Bargrave penned a workmanlike elegy addessed to the grieving parents (‘Art, Witt, 8L‘ Nature, fallen at Strife, / which had most interess in the Life / of your prized Sonn’), in which he adorned a basic poetic narrative of the events leading up to Thomas’s death with a lavish use of the standard topos of bereavement (ff. 14‘-15"). Some time later a marriage was arranged between Bendish’s daughter, Abigail, and James Modyford (Bar- grave’s employer). It seems that Bargrave was either commissioned to produce a series of poetic and dramatic commemorations of this union, or he voluntarily undertook the compilation of what amounted to a substantial body of writings. Robert first penned an epithalamium on the intended marriage (ff. 22"—23"); and fol- lowed this up with two pastoral dialogues (‘A Dialogue between Art 8: Nature in the habits of a Court Lady 85 a Shepheardess’, ff. 245-25’; and ‘A Dialogue between a for- ward Lass 86 a Backward Lad, fitted to the Italian Fuggi, fuggi’, ff. 25'—26') both of 34 INTRODUCTION which were set to music, By far his most accomplished composition, however, was ‘A Masque for Fower persons to be habited like the :4: Seasons of the Yeer’ (ff. 26'—28"), which again included musical settings and even details of the intricate steps to be danced by the performers. Bargrave’s masque provides an informative example of the kind of amateur dramatics with musical accompaniment staged at private houses and educa- tionalinstitutions, which were, as Michael Tilmouth has suggested, in many ways the the ‘poor relations in every sense to the opulent court entertainments on which they were modelled, but relations nevertheless’. The text of his ‘Masque of the Four Seasons’ as recorded in MS Rawlinson C 799 provides one of the few surviving examples of this genre and, as Tilmouth, concludes: it represents a kind of domestic musical activity generally overlooked in comparison with the doings of the mighty, though forming just as real a strand in the texture of the musical life of the time.‘ As someone who had already grown to mistrust Modyford deeply, Bargrave was delighted when the marriage was called off, even if it meant that his literary and musical effusions were no longer required. Instead, he satisfied himself with penning a joyful poem (perhaps best described as a kind of anti—epithalamium, f. 29’) on the break-up of the match. Poetry, as with many of his contemporaries, also provided Bargrave with an evocative means of commenting on hisown position, especially at times of personal duress. After his release from a Turkish prison at Smyrna (see Figure 9, no. 15), for example, he penned a poem set to music ‘Upon Mr Dawes his 8c my Release from our Imprisonment in Smirna Castle Anno :1650:’ (ff. 38""), verses which served both to express his euphoria at his release and to act as a documentary record of his appalling treatment at the hands of the Turks. Similarly, in some spare moments at Madrid in the spring of 1655, he wrote a moving autobiographical poem, ‘Fido to his Robina’ (ff. 141'—147"), surveying his career as a merchant up to that point and expressing his love for his wife, Elizabeth. While Bargrave’s poetic and dramatic effusions may be categorized as the competent but unremarkable efforts of a well-educated amateur, his level of musical accomplish- ment was of a much higher order. Robert’s father, Isaac, had been bequeathed Sir Henry Wotton’s viol de gamba in his will and music clearly played an important part in the family life of the Bargraves at Canterbury} There still survives in the cathedral library, for example, the carcass of an organ bearing the arms of Dean Bargrave on its side. This instrument was possibly the one heard by avisitor from Norwich in 1635 who described it as a ‘fayre organ, sweet and tunable’? Roger Bowers has suggested that Isaac’s own ‘ Tilmouth, ‘Music on the Travels of Robert Bargrave’, p. 158. See also Butler, ‘Private and Occasional Drama’, pp. 148-58. _ 2 See Wotton, Life and Letters, I, pp. 215-19, for this bequest to Isaac Bargrave in Wotton’s will (made 1 October 1637). Thomas Bargrave was named as one of Wotton’s executors and Isaac Bargrave also received some of Wottoifs Italian books. Roger Bowers notes: ‘The lay clerks’ chest of viols was kept in. the Dean- ery, where it was probably intended primarily for the provision of elevated diversion and entertainment for distinguished guests’. Collinson, History of Canterbury Cathedral, p. 445. ' . 3 This suggestion is made in Bann, Under the Sign, p. 56. The most detailed study of this organ carcass is by Collier, ‘Dean Bargrave’s Organ at Canterbury’ (forthcoming) who suggests (p. 4) that the organ heard by the visitor from Norwich was probably the quire organ and not Dean Bargrave’s. 35 THE TRAVEL DIARY OF ROBERT BARGRAVE experiences abroad may have directly influenced his choice of music at Canterbury Cathedral: It appears that Bargrave sought at first to make a mark on the Cathedral’s music through initiatives that were prompted very probably by practices that he had encountered on his missions to Italy, and especially to Venice: he aimed principally at the enhancement of the actual tonal splendour of the impact made by the music of the services, through expanded participation of the available instrumental resources.‘ With such a background, secular music became for Robert Bargrave an essential ingredient of social intercourse. On his first voyage out to Constantinople in 1647 aboard the London, he recalled how the more youthful members of the ship’s company entertained themselves when the seas were smooth: ‘Nor did we want many handsom divertisements of musick 8c dancing, among our Academic of young Gentlemen 8C Ladies; for whom, if the Merchants at any time made a Banquett, we were repayd from the Ladies with Advantage’ (f. 4’). Despite Bargrave’s protestations of ‘my litle skill on the Viall’, the level of his accom- plishment on the instrument was such that he was invited at Siena to perform before some of Mattias de’ Medici’s own musicians. Furthermore, the complex series of musi- cal settings of dances for his masque, written in honour of the proposed wedding of Abigail Bendish andjames Modyford, indicate his proficiency in both composition and performance (since Bargrave himself presumably would have led the musical accompa- niments to this dramatic pastoral interlude). Throughout his travels, Bargrave found in music a route to pleasure, conviviality, and relaxation. At Siena, in the company of John Bargrave and John Raymond, he ‘spent almost a forthnights time in the daily divertisements of Musique, horse=riding, Bal- lone’ (f. 6‘). Elsewhere, for example at Lvov in Poland, ‘Crambo Playes, good musick, a Collation, 8C Dauncing’ (f. 70") provided the means of passing away several cold evenings. He also took the opportunity to listen to the music performed at a Polish wedding, noting that ‘the musick of the Russes here, [is] much sweeter 8c more,regu— lare’ (f. 70') than in other local areas permeated by Tartar influences. At Zwolle in the Low Countries he admired the elaborate carillons in the Grote Kerk: in the Steeple are a siett of Chimes which (like them of Danzick) sound severall Tunes of Psalmes; 8L by the help of a man with hammers in his hands, strikes double noats, & play in division, both in tune and time, very much like an Organ; so musically that till I heare something equall it, I shall esteeme it Sans Pareille. (f. 89') While at Amsterdam during the following week, Bargrave stayed at the ‘Heren Logia— ment’ which possessed a ‘glorious Organ’ for the use.of the residents (f. 92"). In fact, virtually anything of a musical nature tended to attract Bargrave’s immediate attention. In terms of popular folklore, at Smyrna he studiously noted down the belief that the bite of a tarantula spider could be cured only by music (f. 11’); and while at Augsburg, again in the company of John Bargrave, he was fascinated by the local trade in mechan— ical musical boxes (ff. 181’—182"). Even the occasional turn of phrase in Bargrave’s own ’ Roger Bowers in Collinson, History of Canterbury Cathedral, p. 445. Isaac Bargrave, according to Culmer, Cat/Jedrall Newes from Canterbury, p. ll, also sang in the Cathedral choir. 36 INTRODUCTION prose style reflected his habitual way of thinking in musical terms. Following the news of Thomas Bendish’s death, his closest friends at Constantinople tried to cheer them- selves up after a due period of mourning. But ‘Scarse was our cheerfull Praelude ended’, Bargrave wrote, ‘but a Pavan of fresh Sorrows oretook our intended Joyes’ (f. 15"), when Lady Bendish unexpectedly succumbed to the plague. _ As an accomplished performer on the viol, Bargrave was naturally interested in the technical skills of other string instrumentalists. At Danzig, oneof the Scottish mer- chants, Peter Dunbar, laid on ‘a gallant Banquett of musick, in a consort of a German Viall 8C Violine, with an Italian Lute and Voice; litle inferiour to the best I ever heard’ (f. 79'). At Hamburg Bargrave heard with pleasure and increasing admiration the playing of the famous German viol player, Theodore Steffkins (d. 1673), who had been employed by King Charles I during the 16303” and had played in Ben Jonson’s The Tn: amp/7 of Peace (1634). Bargrave recorded in his diary how he did ‘charme mine Eares, with his admirable Skill on the base Viol, which as I think it impossible to exceed, so I conceive it very difficult to equall’ (ff. 86-"-8 7’). But it was at the archducal court at Inns- bruck that he met one of the most accomplished English instrumentalists then working abroad. With evident pleasure Bargrave recalled how: I went to receive a most pleasing entertainment of Musique from in‘ William Young, Groome of the bed=charnber and chiefe Violist to the Arch.=duke; espetially on an Octo=cordall Viall, of his own Invention, apted for the Lira way of playing, farr beyond those with six strings only: to which favour he added his promise to give ine his Lessons composd for that Viall, and his Aires for two Bases and a Treble which he intends to pub— lish. (f. 180') Bargrave was also always keen to assess the various kinds of church music accessible to him on his travels. At Majorca he was especially impressed by the preference for wind, rather than string, accompaniments to choral devotions: ‘theyr cathedrall musique, which fortuning to be on a Festivall, was performed very solemnly, with Nunnes voices, 8c great varieties of wind==Instruments, better suiting with a Quite then any cordall Instruments whatever, in that they resemble a voice more lively.’ (f. 6') Italy, as John Stoye has explained, was renowned throughout Western Europe as a centre of excellence for devotional choral work.‘ At Venice Bargrave marvelled at the sheer technical skill demonstrated by the female voices at ‘the two Nunneries of Beg- gars and of Bastards’. At the latter, he heard: a famous Nunns way of singing, Iobservd her excellency above others: first in a soft stealing Fall from ‘d’ through ‘c’ into ‘b flat’ 2": In Trilling, when usually she made first three Offers, and then quickned her Trills by degrees, beating strongest upon the highest halfe Noat, and rather slow then quick; in which she seemd to govern her voice by the motion of her tongue.’ 3". in Repicates, singing the first strong, the second Ecchoing, St the third very strong: falling at the close into a soft Trillo. 4". After a Pause, shee would rise in a third, drawing the Noat as in length so in Strength, and trilling at the last, 5". in falling a running Sixth, swift and Strong. 61’. in drawing out a melting Noat from a strong to faint. 7". In the comon Close she often trilld, not in ‘a’ but in ‘b’ to end in ‘g’ and some’- times would begin to trill in ‘b flat’ and steale it insensibly into ‘a’ before she closd in ‘g . ' See Stoye, English Trarueller/lbroad, pp. 151-4. 37 THE TRAVEL DIARY OF ROBERT BARGRAVE Lastly in expressing of words by singing according to theyr sence: as Morire dolefully, Sospiri sighingly, 8: Ridendo laughingly. (ff. 162"—163') At Padua the feast of St Anthony was ‘celebrated with most rare Musick, with adoration ‘ of his miraculous Reliques: and with a Show through the whole City, of Pageants 8C1‘, in nature of my Lord Maiors of London’ (f. 163“). Even outside Italy, Bargrave found various opportunities to ponder the quality and stylistic differences in the various kinds of church music on offer. At Jassy, for example, in the chapel of Vasile Lupu, he heard ‘Anthemes sung musically, but in a way rather like the Turkish, then Italian, Spanish, or Englishe manner’ (f. 60'). At ajesuit church at Lvov, the sweetness of the music engendered a sudden bout of homesickness in Bar- grave: ‘which being rarely good, wrought in me, I know not whether more Joy of pre- sent, or more Grief that I should no more heare it in England’ (f. 69"). Similarly, at Madrid the excellence of the royal choristers quietly enhanced his own spiritual throughts: ‘the Musique pleasd mine Ears; performd by his Majesties Capellanes, with such Art and Solemnitie, as indeed struck devotion into the hearers.’ (f. 140'). Although Bargrave’s appreciation of music was clearly incidental to his main business as a trader, the range and interest of his comments provide a valuable insight into the cultural sophistication of an English merchant of the mid-seventeenth century. 3. ROBERT BARGRAVE’S DIARY: BODLEIAN LIBRARY, OXFORD, MS RAWLINSON C 799 Composition MS Rawlinson C 799 is penned in Robert Bargrave’s own hand throughout (except for a few, later marginal annotations probably in the hand of his cousin, John Bargrave, as indicated in the notes to this edition). This may be shown by comparing its pages with the identical hand in several official letters penned during November and December 1660 by Bargrave, in his capacity as personal secretary to Heneage Finch, Earl of Win- chilsea.‘ (See Figure 1, 2, and 4). It has not been possible to establish conclusively whether the Rawlinson C 799 man- uscript account of Bargrave’s travels was written out at the same time as these letters (perhaps as a means of occupying spare time during the voyage from England to Turkey) or (probably more likely) at some earlier period between Bargrave’s return to England at the end of March 1656 and his departure as the new secretary to the Levant Company on the Plymouth with Winchilsea’s entourage on 20 October 1660.‘ But it ' PRO SP 97/17 f. 292 (from Lisbon, 6/16 November 1660), f. 293 (from Lisbon, 6/16 November 1660), f. 295 (from Lisbon, 12/22 November 1660); SP 71/1 pt ii, f. 185 (from Algiers, 26 November 1660) and f. 195 (from Messina, 3/13 December 1660). SP 103/1, pp. 280-87, ‘A Narration of the Treaty of Peace wth Algiers by commands and instructions of his Mat“‘ is written in a different hand, probably Paul Rycaut's. 1 A comparison of the paper used in the SP letters and MS Rawlinson C 799 has proved inconclusive. It has usually been assumed that Bargrave produced MS Rawlinson C 799 when he was back home in England (e.g. ‘a carefully written manuscript presumably compiled when he was back in England from more detailed notes made during the journeys abroad’, Tilmouth, ‘Music on the Travels of .. . Robert Bargrave’, pp. 144-5). 38 INTRODUCTION does at least seem certain that the Rawlinson C 799 manuscript was compiled either from a collection of notes or from an earlier complete draft. In some sections Bargrave also seems to have been writing from memory. Very occasionally, he makes careless errors over dates (e.g. f. 1’: ‘In the month of April Anno: 1646;’ = April 1647; and f. 174': ‘the :20"‘: of February :1655:’ = 20 February 1656, although this latter example may simply be Bargrave uncharacteristically slipping into the old-style Julian calendar). At other points, such as his totally confused account of the route to Bursa (Broussa) followed by Sir Thomas Bendish’s entourage (f. 11"), he seems to have muddled two distinct journeys. It is noticeable that Bargrave’s diary is also riddled with references to his personal loyalty to King Charles Hand his immediate family (see p. 33). Of course, if his travel diary had been intended as a purely private document and was compiled at some point_ between March 1656 and May 1660, then Bargrave’s frequent gestures‘ of royalist devo- tion may simply be regarded as an honest -— but also potentially risky — committing to paper of his personal adherences. If, however, the MS Rawlinson C 799 draft of his trav- els was written up during the months immediately after the Restoration, then Bar- grave’s account of his travels may also be regarded as an implicit attempt to establish early in the new reign his own personal credentials as a loyal royalist and man of inter- national affairs. This later dating of the manuscript would then offer a different level of reading for some of the key incidents detailed in the diary. Bargrave’s delighted refer- ence, for example, to his overnight sojourn in March 1656 at a house near Cologne ‘where the King of England, the Duke of Yorke and Prince Rupert had all lodgd but newly before us’ (f. 188’) could be interpreted as a graceful sign of loyalty to his newly restored king rather than a boldly defiant gesture towards the Protectorate of 1656 back home in England. It should be emphasized, however, that a conclusive date for the com- pilation of MS Rawlinson C 799, beyond the broad perameters of March 1656 and December 1660, cannot be determined. Why, then, did Robert Bargrave compile such a detailed account of his experiences as a trader between 1647 and 1656? Presumably, he was partly motivated by an impulse common to most writers of travel diaries to record, both for private recollection and the curiosity of family and friends, his personal experiences of the foreign, the unusual, and the historically momentous. In his study of the collections of Robert’s cousin,]ohn Bargrave, Stephen Bann notes that John ‘was neither a great man nor an artist. He was, however, a person incessantly devoted to signifying, to making sense’! The concepts of ‘signifying’ and of ‘making sense’ are also relevant to an understanding of Robert’s motivations as a writer. As Michel Tilmouth correctly observed, as a diarist Robert was reluctant ‘to duplicate what was common knowledge’? Hence, an insistence upon the validity of his own personal experiences and perspectives is maintained with consider- able determination throughout the diary.’ MS Rawlinson C 799 not only records an ' Bann, Under the Sign, p. viii. 1 Tilmouth, ‘Music on the Travels of Robert Bargrave’, p. 143. _ . _ 3 Bargrave was always at pains in his diary to present himself as exercising a high degree of discerning selectivity over what information might be included. In Spain, for example, he noted: ‘To describe the Escu- riall all throughly might indeed employ a booke, so that I shall but briefly recite what I think most remarke- able about BL in it’ (f. 129'). 39 er/,,,,r9;/5 Wax,-Jflrzn r“._’p1I«}"'-1 fl: 1; l er ' i‘ ‘J », 1 ' ‘- ‘..‘ ' ’ , ggmfrgsgr '/In 1*; 4:, =' w 5 4 i _ v I: v‘.£§.v"'.‘,§y H K2)?‘ ‘ v { .-x «.2 f.reI«A{, m .r:(*I;1A .~ v/1/am/1¢’4~. nirwz 41-rt \fl¥a”),E 1?. an I/tfzia 7!, _ f is 7’u‘{n“u tar -at 1 ” .-«/}Z72’¢2fli:7 I I , '\_ Ila". ‘ 5 t‘-‘fir/7lg»‘l!’£“MV5»"l_!fl1rr!l:f!¢aE.!CJ'-fif 1 V’ ,,.,;T’;»;. 1 jrwag. an: «.1124 V " , , ,, x_..;.;.>.i~,* -L "” _ y ’ ' M L in .2) y~ K‘: 7 ,‘’//‘;‘:v;' /7 ~//5»?! A I; ‘../~ flab ii M. ' l V/1, A (I; o, /7‘ M .‘c5_£;. ,‘ '4 ‘fn/gygz. ' i . ‘V7 ,. V . v i ‘/7 v ‘f ~‘/ /ré,[«",?','zfzr/ L i ii r'_zV3u'o-1; (‘I A V - éy.r' M I-,7 _ Z _ ’ “'” ' ““’ ' ’ ‘’‘’‘‘ ‘ ' ‘ * - Fig. 2: Heneage Finch, Earl of Winchilsea, from Algiers, 26 November 1660 (penned by Robert Fig. 1: The Travel Diary of Robert Bargrave .(f. 1'), Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS Rawlinson C Bargrave). PRO SP 71/ 1. f. 185. Crown copyright material in the Public Record Office is repro- 799' Reproduced by P‘-'m'“55‘°" of the Bodlfilafl LlbFaI'Y- duced by permission of the Controller of Her Majesty’s Stationery Office. 40 41 THE TRAVEL DIARY OF ROBERT BARGRAVE interesting (and often historically significant) itinerary of foreign travels but also docu- ments the cultural and commercial maturing of an intelligent and sharply observant young man. In this sense it provides a more acutely subjective record of travels than many such diaries of the period, in which a heavy reliance upon secondary sources pro- vided the guiding principles of composition. For Bargrave apparently trivial details (such as his disputes with Modyford, his activities as a private tourist, and his asides on the civil dissent back home in England) were no less important than his richly informa- tive observations on more obviously important matters (such as the diplomatic proce- dures of the courts of Sultan ‘Crazy’ Ibrahim and Mehmet IV or his description of the palace of El Retiro). Inevitably, Bargrave’s written style, especially in his account of the first voyage, evokes a sense of a young, self-conscious writer, striving to put together a lively and vivid delineation of his personal experiences. Sometimes, it has to be admit- ted, Bargrave’s mode of writing lapses into the naive excesses of a juvenile diarist. The opening description of his sicksickness during his first experience of sea travel, rapidly lurches from literary elegance to euphustic exuberance: the wind grew exceeding boistrous making us fresh=water souldiers sensible of the sudden Change; so that we threw our very Galls in Neptunes face, 8t payd our Forfeits to the Fishes his hungry 8c dilligent Attendants I found my selfe in a strange world, the Seae beating sometimes into my very Cabin; 8!. I tossd 8: tumbled, sometimes my bed upon mee, 8: Sometimes I upon my bed now on my head then on my heeles, all wett 8:. dabled, sick, hungry without sleep, 8: in a confusion of Torments; hapy only in my unexperience, which made me thinke t’was allways thus at Seae: (f. 1") But, in general, Bargrave adopts a form of writing in keeping with one who wished to preserve a factual and clearly written record of his personal experiences in Turkey and Western Europe, primarily for their historical and geographical significance.‘ In this respect, his purpose seems very close to that of Paul Rycaut, who travelled out with him in 1660 to Constantinople on board the Plymouth. Sonia Anderson has clearly explained Rycaut’s youthful motivation in compiling his monumental History of the Turkish Empire (1680): ‘From the first Rycaut saw his official and his literary career as interde- pendent. “I resolved”, he tells us, “from my first entrance into those Countries, to note ' Little is known about Robert Bargrave’s own reading and I have been able to trace only one book defi- nitely owned by him. There are two volumes of the Discorsi of Pietro Andrea Matthioli (Venice, 1604) in the library of Peterhouse, Cambridge, signed: ‘II Sign‘ Roberto moriendo a Smirna in Asia Minore’. These vol- umes were once in the library of Sir Henry Wotton who, in his will dated 1 October 1637, bequeathed them to Queen Henrietta Maria. It seems probable, however, that they never reached the Queen and instead were either given to Isaac Bargrave (who was the named recipient of all of Wotton's ‘Italian books not otherwise bequeathed in which country I first contracted with him [Isaac Bargrave] and unremovable affection’. Wotton, Lzfiz and Letters, I, pp. 215-19) or to Isaac’s son, Thomas, who had married Wotton's niece and was an executor of his will. (See Bann, Under the Sign, p. 83.) Certainly, Thomas Bargrave owned them before leaving them to his close friend, Sir Henry Palmer of Bekesbourne. After Palmer’s death, they were left to Robert Bargrave and, following his death at Smyrna, they were passed to his cousin,]ohn Bargrave. (Bann, Underthe Sign, p. 83, states that John purchased them from Robert’s widow.) Following ]ohn’s death, they were donated to the library of Peterhouse. See Bargrave, PapeAlemna'er VII, ed. Robertson, p. xviii, and Wotton, Life and Letters, II, p. 486 and I, p. 217. Collinson, History ofCanterhmy Cathedral, pp. 379-80, details Isaac Bargrave’s role from the late—1620s onwards in developing the Cathedral Library and recording its muni- ments (although, in the latter case, probably more harm than good was done by amateur historians pillaging the Cathedral’s holdings for documents relating to their own genealogical or local history interests). 42 INTRODUCTION down in a blank Book what occurred in that Empire, either as to civil or military affairs; with what Casualties and Changes befel our Trade, that so both one and the other might serve for Examples and Precedents to future Ages” (History, 1623-77, To the Reader). He lost no time in starting to collect his material. The voyage out to Turkey took three months and was packed with incidents that provided him with copy both for his pro- jected history of the Turkish empire and for his first, anonymous publication." It may have happened, on this long voyage out to Constantinople, that Rycaut and Bargrave together decided to compile personal accounts of their experiences as trav- ellers. Alternatively, it may even have been the more experienced Bargrave who first encouraged Rycaut to begin recording his observations and reseaches into Turkish his- tory. (See Figure 3.) Posthumous Provenance of MS Rawlinson C 799 After Bargrave’s death, the manuscript seems to have been owned by a female member of his family before being acquired in the eighteenth century by two notable collectors of manuscripts, John Murray (c. 1680-1749) and then Richard Rawlinson (1690-1755). The huge bequest of manuscripts to the Bodleian Library made by Rawlinson arrived there in 1756, where they have remained as a unified collection up to the present day. The miscellaneous group of documents drawn together under ‘Rawl. C’, mostly of a legal, historical or theological nature, were arranged and catalogued by Stephen Reay, a sub-librarian from 1828 until 1861. In his 1878 catalogue of the collection Will-iam Dunn Macray defined MS Rawlinson C 799 as: ‘Codex chartaceus, in 4-to, sxc. xvii. ff. 193’ and, drawing on Rawlinson’s own notes, recorded some evidence of previous own- ership: ‘Olim liber Elizabethae Bargrave; postea, inter codices Joh. Murray, 633, wins auctione emptus fuit, una cum cod. C. 63, pretio 6s. 3d.’2 The name, ‘Elizabeth Bargrave’ is penned in a clear hand on a strip of paper attached to the top of the inside front cover of the manuscript (immediately above where Rawl- inson placed his own book-plate), either as the owner’s signature or as a sign of owner- ship written by another hand.3 This Elizabeth is most likely to have been Robert’s wife, Elizabeth (Turner) Bargrave, who was with him when he died at Smyrna in 1661, although it is also possible that this name may have been added to the manuscript by another Elizabeth, such as their daughter, Elizabeth (Bargrave) Tuckwell, before her marriage (see Family Tree 5) or Elizabeth (Bargrave) St Leger, the daughter of Robert’s elder brother, Thomas (see Family Tree 4).‘ It also seems likely that the manuscript was ‘ Anderson, English Consul, p. 26. 1 Madan,A Summary Catalogue of Western Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, pp. 177—9.'Macray, Camlogi Cadicum Mimuscriptorurri Bilzliotheae Bodleiame [Rawlinson MSS], pp. 498-9. See also Philip, The Bodleian Library, pp. 82-4, 93-8; and Enright, ‘Richard Rawlinson, collector, antiquary, and topographer . 3 The fact that the name ‘Elizabeth Bargrave’ is written on a strip of paper stuck onto the inside front cover of the manuscript may suggest that this signature originally belonged to another document. If so, then it is possible that someone (probably a family member) who knew that this Elizabeth Bargrave had once owned the manuscript, placed this signature here at a later date. _ ‘ Tilmouth, ‘Music on the Travels of Robert Bargrave’, p. 144, incorrectly states that MS Rawlinson C 799 ‘bears the bookplate of his [Robert Bargrave] wife Elizabeth’. In fact, the only bookplate in the manu- script is that of Richard Rawlinson with the signature ‘Elizabeth Bargrave’ appearing above it on the inside front cover. 43 . , INTRODUCTION _,,_. i ‘ _,__ once either in the hands of, or even owned by, Robert’s cousin, John Bargrave (C. . é . 6 3 1 1 1 . . E i r i i i C " ‘ i “ " * M ‘. i 1610-80), who a ears to have been res onsible for a number of later annotations on , J ~ rx " 1 . PP P W m V_,, U) 0 h 53:) . ‘ g the manuscript: 1 B « mg: _ > _m ‘ j f. 1': Below the name ‘Robert Bargrave’ is added: ‘Younger Sonn to Dr Isaacke Bargrave m _ . pa, : ‘ <1 l""4 if 5; E‘: Deane of Canterbury’. Q_., as , Z 5 _ . > E V, f. 6': The name ‘m'John Bargrave’ is underlined and a note added in the margin: "" Since ‘‘ >* V‘ _ ""' D g <5 ‘*4 D:D: and Canon of Christ church Canterbu 1662". OJ. 4 Cd 0 L3 >4 ‘Y ,. ‘ “‘ ‘ii ‘ , [-4 3 “ E v "1 £181": The phrase ‘my cousin M‘John Bar rave’ is underlined and a note added in the Y L~LI_JO.v0 .430 O. o 33 2-50 I. .g , I-I I 1.: Z 3 K < _ Cd Q‘ H} E .6‘ Q I.‘ 0 margin: Since D : Di: and Canon of Christ Church Canterbury . E E « I‘ 3‘ Q m N S ii pQ_ Z. 2 3 :33 Q g2 f. 182“:The phrase ‘my Cousin m’Bargrave’s Company’ [i.e. John Bargrave] is underlined. _ Lu 7 a-4 _ .. vi 0 r W g L. J... 2 _ O" E‘ if. § § . . . ‘M “i O E‘ 0 ‘Z 93 Comparison of these four sets of annotations with John Bargrave’s own hand in the ms ~:-3 .5 LIJ ‘’ E 1 5 5 5 E 3% .“:::.:S:;‘:;.‘:.ii;:..’;’::.E:.i’:§:.‘::‘.f§;.::€:..‘:’i.:::.".:‘;:::;:::‘::::z.E:::“;::;i::::*‘.;:> V — e. . :‘ —''’‘ § H . . . - ' S , ~ _ _ ‘ 4 ».s S S 2 23 big uscript diary. (See Figure 1, 4, and 5). < _ E I _ ' , , ‘ "1 V -3‘ At some oint, the manuscri t assed out of the ownershi of Robert Bar rave’s .. I Q, . . . 53 , 3 , F" 9. E . P . P P . P g _ ,{’« . . _’ _ . c/2 ’ to ~ g E‘ immediate famil and/or descendants and was ac uired b the rolific collector, ohn , ;_;.. A ., I < H ‘3 .: Y _ q Y P .' _ , = . — ' m ‘ I V 5 V "3 9* Murray of Sacombe (situated between Stevenage and Hertford), whose name also .'”..“i Z .“”f:‘.i:‘ -_—~*- I i ‘; 1., appears on the manuscript (at the top of f. ii’). Murray frequently travelled to London, Oxford, and elsewhere in the country to the great houses of thevrich and famous in pur- suit of historical materials but there is no evidence to suggest exactly where Murray may have acquired the Bargrave manuscript. As both a collector and, it seems, an informal dealer in books and manuscripts, Murray’s reputation among the most noted biblio- philes of his generation was mixed. While Thomas Hearne affectionately referred to him as ‘my Friend, M’. John Murray, the curious Collector of Books, M55‘ and printed’, Thomas Rawlinson, the elder brother of Richard, clearly despised him as an opportunist and social climber, dismissively describing him to Hearne as having been ‘educated under his Hounsditch Pawn-broking Father’.‘ Murray concentrated mainly upon topo- graphical, antiquarian, and historical materials but was also interested in writings about travel. Hearne, for example, records how Murray had supplied him with a copy of Leland’s Itinerary around England for a Mr West who had promised to pay ten guineas for it; and how Murray had himself paid three guineas for a five—volume set of Purcbas’s Pilgrims, the large collection of voyages and travel writings compiled during the reign of James I as a continuation to Hakluyt’s renowned volumes? It seems likely, therefore, that Bargrave’s travel diary (however obtained) would have fitted in well with Murray’s own interests. Thomas Rawlinson’s hostility towards Murray as a book—collector, did not inhibit his younger brother, Richard, from being an active buyer at the sale of Murray’s library in .\ ‘ Hearne, Remarks, VIII, pp. 61, 407. Thomas Raw|inson’s hostility to Murray may have been aggravated, Hearne suspected, by the rumour that he owed Murray £100, a debt which Murray was then actively pursu- ing. See also ibid., VIII, p. 241, for claims that Murray was not only a collector but also a dealer in books; and VI, pp. 215-17, for a general description of Murray's literary collections. . . . . . . . , ‘H ,R /e,VIII. .104,283.Rih dHkl P’ ‘ [N ‘x’ ,V , .113’ ' Fig. 3=Tn1e-page and facmg Illustration of Paul. Rye-am. The Hzsrory of the Turlmb Emznrefrom the zs..§7.§if~.Z7ZZf 5, 1539,31 1593,11, is°9§‘xxi, i 6o‘87‘s2Zfiiifiu.c1.f.§’f‘iiZZi..y{ZZ”§§i.ZZm...fSifiifilfiif the ‘War I 623 to the Year 1677 (1680). Reproduced by permission of the Brotherton Collection, His Pilgrimes, 1625, was originally published in four folio volumes. To this four-volume collection was usu- University of Leeds (Trv.q,Rycaut). ally added, as a fifth volume, the fourth edition of Purchas’s Pilgrimage. AlidliilliillillllllllIlll|lIllllll1llII1111ulllitlllllilllllllllllllll 44 J 45 l . E 1 l 1 4 1 1 3 i 4 ' "4l,,ur5/ _ mt ;.«r'A:'z1{,r'/e.£i'.i/6 /710111;‘ 14*‘./"£1/T'.l’lllg[’.'i/,4’l‘fm"i 1 ‘ . . 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Zf?7jIrzar'.e‘m::/akin-‘ I 1/.7/fezi/iizézy ~. . ts!/{¢~ arnafigg . ma; #7; /Frrz’7z‘ri/777/1 a,/. ~ « ‘L ‘4”é5t! réeiztza I/ctztaaz... réna .43, “7rz._t'~/I1§,,r,:'1.t"‘)z.i',,1l.! ’ - ,. »"7 u,;.W ,_ I ‘ " M. M _l/’_ Jr. [mg 44' 11(.£.JZ’£’../I/u{)vfz¢;?[* '1 V‘ H} i!;’lf‘./ff’,/7'/it’. 114/1 [Irv .6 “V My V V p L r , .. . V. ;.i ‘ , ,__ ~{’€/1.14;/é.,'rU ,_m /see mgr ('97/z./24 121%,; 2;»: ,(,).1g;1r,;./ea. & xxx 1 —/ c.'.'_,r '. “ . It ,. yr 1 ._ ‘ ‘ , Ir" 17 %~/91.1/€i:y.r7iz.Vr(“;2.»’ [fizz Lf‘ 'ujrI..r’f4r'.,_«3/ HM‘ \K{.=‘.:tf7 ‘Bendyshe’ and ‘embasy’ > ‘Embassy’), his omission of the word ‘Anne’, and his use of brackets in contrast to MS Rawlinson C 799’s use of a single comma in the phrase about a commission from both ‘King Charles’ and ‘the Parliament’, are more indicative of a difference in copy-text. Of course, it cannot be entirely discounted at this stage that Curling was merely a remarkably inaccurate and perverse transcriber of his source material. But as one continues to compare his text as printed in The Gentleman ’s Magazine with that in MS Rawlinson C 799, these kinds of minor, incidental variations remain apparent, as in the passage where Bargrave describes the dying down of a storm and the ships travelling in convoy with his own: But now, Boreas’ reign being spent, Zephir succeeded, and with his gentler gales gave us a more pleasing convoy. , With the ship London went the Unicorn (both general ships for the Levant Company), having made with each other a league of consortship; when after 2 days sailing, wee came in view of 5 men-of-war belonging to the Queen of Sweden, and giving conduct to a fleet of merchants’ ships. (p. 367) . . . but now Boreas Reign being spent, Zephir succeeded, BC with his gentler Gailes gaue us a more pleasing Convoy. \Vith y‘ Ship London went y‘ Vnicorne (both Gen". Ships for y‘ Levant Company) hauing made with each 0th’ a Legue of Consortship; when after two dayes sailing, we came in view of five men of warr belonging to y‘ Queen of Sueden, 8: giuing conduct to a fleet of Merchant Shipps: (MS Rawlinson C. 799, f. 2') These incidental variations in paragraphing, punctuation, spelling, and abbreviations, of course, cannot be taken as conclusive proof of the existence of two distinct manu- scripts. Furthermore, Curling’s transcript possesses one striking similiarity with MS Rawlinson C 799 which, at first sight, would seem to suggest that he was indeed using MS Rawlinson C 799 as his copy-text. In a small number of instances (as detailed in the notes to this edition), marginal annotations, usually concerning the specific identity of individuals mentioned by Bargrave, were added to MS Rawlinson C 799 at some later 49 I 1 I l l l l l l 1' 4 I l I ! l l J I THE TRAVEL DIARY OF ROBERT BARGRAVE stage by an unknown hand. Two of these distinctive annotations, as detailed below, are also recorded in Curling’s extracts in The Gentleman’: Magazine. In the first, Robert Bargrave recalls how he travelled to Siena to meet up with his cousins: Yet out of my ambition for the language, as also to see my cousins, Mr. John Bargrave ""‘ and Mr. John Raymond, then at Sienna, I put my viaticum in my purse, and all alone adven- tured thither, "' Since Dr. of Divinity and Canon of Christ Church, Canterbury, 1662 (p. 604) Yet out of my Ambition for the Language, as to see my Cousins “ m’]o1m Bargraae 81: m’ John Raymond then at Sienna, I put my Viaticum in my purse; Sc all alone aduenturd thither, " Since D:D: and Canon of Christ church, Canterbury 1662' (MS Rawlinson C. 799, f. or) The second margin annotation common to both Curling’s printed text and MS Rawlin- son C 799 comes in a passage from Bargrave’s elegy on the death by drowning of Sir Thomas Bendish’s son, Thomas: God it seems too good for this, Has rais’d him to a world of bliss, And tho’ the cursed hand of one, * Who was the Devil or his son, Dismist his body to the deep, There to take its early sleep. * Who cut a rope on w°l‘ my dear frend hung, begging to buy his life w"' a great ransome. (p.361) God, it seems too good for this, has raisd him to a World of Bliss: And though y‘ cursed hand of * One who was y‘ Devill, or his Sonn, dismissd his body to y‘ Deep, there to take its early Sleep; * W"" cutt a Rope on which my deare frend hung, begging to buy his Life w"‘ a great Ransome:- (MS Rawlinson C. 799, ff. 14"—15’) Despite the minor incidental variants running throughout each of these two sets of parallel passages, the presence of these kind of marginal annotation does perhaps lend support to the possibility that Curling’s source was indeed MS Rawlinson C 799. But at another point in his printed text, where Curling notes a similar marginal emendation, an examination of MS Rawlinson C 799 reveals that this correction has already been assim- ilated into its text of Bargrave’s diary. In the description of Siena, Curling transcribes from his manuscript source: The city [Siena] was once + a state of itself, but now reduced to the dukedom of Tuscany. * Formerly (p. 604) However, MS Rawlinson C 799 simply reads (with no indication that the word ‘once: had been revised to ‘formerly’: INTRODUCTION The City [Siena] was formerly a State of itselfe, but now reducd to y‘ Dukedome ofTus— cany: (MS Rawlinson C 799, f. 6V) This kind of textual evidence supports the possibility that Curling had access to another (probably penultimate and perhaps holograph) draft of at least the first section of Bargrave’s own account of his travels. At this period, it was common for manuscript copies of such documents to be made and Bargrave’s own circumstances may well have encouraged him to ensure that there were in existence at least two copies of his record of his travels between 1646 and 1656. After all, if in 1660, as he embarked aboard the Plymouth to take up his Levant Company secretaryship, Bargrave chose to include among his luggage a manuscript of his own travel diary, then he would certainly have appreciated the wisdom of also leaving a copy of it at home with either relatives or friends. Alternatively, on the voyage out he may have occupied his spare time in copying ‘ out MS Rawlinson C 799 as a fair—copy from an earlier manuscript draft (perhaps the one used by Curling). The likelihood that Curling’s text was taken from an earlier draft of Bargrave’s travels, is suggested not only by MS Rawlinson C 799’s silent revision of ‘once’ to ‘formerly’ in the above example, but also the generally neat appearance of MS Rawlinson C 799, with its regular hand and few deletions characteristic of the act of copying rather than the recasting and revisions inherent to actual composition. But in conclusion, it should be emphasized that the existence of two distinct manuscripts (one certainly holograph and the other possiblyso) of Bargrave’s travels — Curling’s source and MS Rawlinson C 799 —— can at this stage (i.e. until or if another manuscript is actu- ally located) be regarded only as an intriguing possibility rather than as an established textual fact. THE TRAVEL DIARY OF ROBERT BARGRAVE Recreo’ was theyr cathedrall musique, which fortuning to be on a Festivall, was per- formd very solemnly, with Nunnes voices, 86 great varieties of wind=Instruments, better suiting with a Quire then any cordall Instruments whatever, in that they resemble a voice more lively? The next day we provided a handsom Treat on Shoare, in returne to the Gentlemen who had favord us the day before: when after our last Course, came in from the Byshop, a very rich banquett; 8C thus we receiv’d from him the last comple- ment, as well as the first enterteinment; only we requited his Gentlemen with some’ English Regalios‘ from aboard our ship. From Majorca we saild onn to Legorne,5 meeting nothing in the way novall, but spending our time in great emulation for the obteining the Italian tongue: Being arrivd, 8L having a nett Porrent" from England touching our health, we soon had prattick7 8L went to Shoare; but having no acquaintance there of mine own, his Lordship very kindly ordred me handsom accomodation, as for one of his own retinue: Yet out of my Ambition for the Language, as to see my Cousins mr John Bargrave,” 8c mr John Raymond" then at Sienna,” I put my Viaticum“ in my purse; 8L all alone adventurd thither, which is about 80: miles within the land: In the way I saw many pretty places, espetially Piza,” which is chiefly famous [f. 6"] for its crooked Steeple, built so out of designe, to the wonder of all beholders" 225° the fower brazen gates of the principall Church, incomparably cast in historick workez“ SC :3:° theyr bridge very artificially ' The word is not written clearly but appears to be ‘Recreo’, perhaps recreation. 2 The organ dated from 1437 and was renowned for its sweet tone. 5 ‘such’ deleted and ‘some’ added above the line. - ‘ Regalo, a present, especially of choice food or drink; a choice or elegant repast or entertainment. The erroneous form ‘regalio’ is common in the second half of the 17th century. 5 Leghorn (Livorno) was founded in 1571 as a port by Cosimo I (1519—74), Duke of Florence, and devel- oped by his son, Ferdinando I (1549-1609). " Neat patent, denoting freedom from disease. 7 Pratique (originally spelt ‘pratticlte’), a licence to have dealings with a port, granted to ships after quar- antine or on showing a clean bill of health. Sandys,]oumey (1610), pp. 5-6, illustrates how these licences were used. . 5 john Bargrave (c. 1610-80). See Family Tree 2 and p. 15. This name is underlined and “" Since D:D. and Canon of Christ church Canter Bury 1662", has been added in the left-hand margin, probably by]ohn Bar- grave himself. 9 john Raymond's name appeared as sole author on/1n Itinerary Conzayninga Voyage Made Through Italy in the Years 1646117111 1647 [IlMercurio Italico], 1648. See Figure 6. He may have been thejohn Raymond (or Rayment) of Patrixbourne, Kent, who was admitted, aged 15, as a pensioner at St Peter's College (Peter- house) on 3 March 1642/} (scholar, 1643-4). He was admitted at Gray's Inn on 6 February 1644/5. On 22 May 1663 he married Elizabeth Clarkson of St Giles, Cripplegate./ilrtmni Cantahrigienses. See also p. 232, _ note 2. Since Robert Bargrave viewed some of the locations and buildings described in his diary in the company of Raymond, comparative descriptions from Raymond’s Itinerary, 1648, have been provided in the notes. ‘° Siena. " Viaticum, a supply or official allowance of money for a journey. '1 Pisa. '3 The Campanile, known as the Leaning Tower (Torre Pendcnte). Raymond Itinerary, 1648, p. 19: ‘the Fallin»gTower ‘Tis cover’d round with galleries 8: 7. rowes one above another of Marble Pillars, so that ‘tis hard to bee imagin’d by what engines so great a structure should be supported, it being built so declining to one side, that all men which regard it, at the first expect its fall’. “ The original bronze doors were by Bonanno da Pisa (1180). Almost all of the doors were seriously dam- aged or destroyed by a fire in 1595 and were replaced or remodelled by sculptors of the school of Giambologna. Raymond, Itinerary, 1648, p. 19: ‘the Gates of Brasse its rarity’. 6O .3 ,..-\/Enetzaai " kg _ ‘ . ‘Tfifi-ii-a'« Fig. 6: Title—page of John Raymond,/1n Itinerary Contayning a Voyage Made Through Italy, in the Yeare 1646, and 1647 (1648). Reproduced by permission of the Brotherton Collection, Univer- sity of Leeds (Trv.d.Raymond). 61 ..,.... ......__._.._...-_.. BIBLIOGRAPHY I. Manuscript Sources Bodleiaa Library, Oxford Additional MS 15750, f. 29: see p. 70, note 10. Clarendon MSS vol. 29. 2515: naval records. Clarendon MSS vol. 30. 2643: arrest of Sir Sackville Crowe. British Library, London Additional MS 6096, f. 1232': Isaac Bargrave and Lydd. Additional MS 27999, f. 282: Isaac Bargrave to Katherine Oxinden (6 February 1637). Lansdowne MS 1485: memoir of John Bargrave. Sloane MS 1708, f. 107: Robert Bargrave’s birth. Canterbury, Cathedral Archive Lit MS E 16: ]ohn’s Bargrave’s Catalogue. Lit MS E 39a-c: John Bargrave’s ‘The Pope, and Colledge, or Conclave of Cardinalls Lit U1 1/8: John Bargrave’s diary of his travels in France. Canterbury, Prerogative Court Records 4.5600: Inventory of the household contents of Sirjonathan Dawes. Canterbury, Probate Registry A.R. 70(708) (1649): the will of Robert Bargrave, the elder. C.187 (1642): the will of Isaac Bargrave, Dean of Canterbury [Record Keeper’s Department, Somerset House] (1858): the will of Christian Tournay Bridger. Essex Record Office, Chelmsford D/DHF 04: diary of Sir Thomas Bendish. D/DHf 07-08: letters patent and warrant of Charles I to Sir Thomas Bendish. D/DHf 09: Sir Thomas Bendish and Sir Sackville Crowe. D/DHf 010-11, 014-15, 017-19: letters from Philip Williams to Sir Thomas Bendish. D/DHf 020/1: Sir Thomas Bendish and Sir Sackville Crowe. D/DHf 021: Sir Thomas Bendish’s accounts. D/DHf 023: letter from Sir Thomas and Lady Bendish to their daughter, Dorothy Williams. D/DHf 024: Sir Henry Hide’s activities at Constantinople. 256 BIBLIOGRAPHY D/DHf 025-O26: death of Lady Bendish. D/DHf 028: Sir Henry Hide’s activities at Constantinople. D/DHf 033: Sir Thomas Bendish’s report of the plague and intervention on the part of English galley-slaves. D/DHF 041: articles of high treason and depositions given by Paul Haggatt against Sir Thomas Bendish. D/DHf 043: Sir Henry Hide’s activities at Constantinople. D/DHf 044: Sir Henry Hide’s activities at Constantinople. D/DHf 052: arrangements for Sir Thomas Bendish’s departure from Turkey. Leicestershire Record Office DG7 Box 4982: record of Robert Bargrave’s death (formerly HM C Finch, L93). Portland Papers HM C 13th Report, Appendix, Part I, The Manuscripts of H is Grace the Duke of Portland, L437: account of naval engagement, 1 May 1647. Public Record Office, Kew Calendar of the Proceedings of the Committee for Compounding, 1643-1660 [1643-6]. Calendar of the Committee for/idvance of Money, Domestic 1 642-1 65 6. Calendars of State Papers, Domestic, 1645-7, 1648-9, 1649-50, 1650, 1651, 1651-2, 1652-3 . Calendars of State Papers, Venetian, 1643-7, 1647, 1647-52. II. Printed Sources [Place of publication is London unless otherwise stated] Allin, Sir Thomas. The journals ofSir Thomas Allin 1660-1678, ed. R. C. Anderson, Navy Records Society, 2 vols, 1939-40. - Alumni Cantabrigienses from the Earliest Times to 1900. Part I. From the Earliest Times to 1751. Compiled byjohn Venn and]. A. Venn, 4 vols, Cambridge, 1922-7. Alumni Oxonienses. The Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714, ed. Joseph Foster, 4 vols, 1891. Anderson, Sonia P. An English Consul in Turkey. Paul Rycaut at Smyrna, 1667-1678, Oxford, 1989. Anon. [Sir Thomas Bendish?] . A brief Narrative and Vindication of Sir T Bendish Knight and Baronet, Ambassador with the Grand Seigneur; in defence of himself, in the matter concerning Sr. Henry Hide, for the said Embassy, who arrived at Constantinople the 9th of May, and departed for England about the end of/iugust 1650 [London, c. 1660], Wing B1 847A. Anon. A Particular Description of the City ofDantzick, with Many Other Remarkable Curiosities. By an English Merchant lately Resident There, 1734. Anon.A True and Exact Relation of the Late Prodigious Earthquake fr Eruption of Mount /Etna, or Monte— Gibello, 1669), Wing W2967. 257 THE TRAVEL DIARY OF ROBERT BARGRAVE Armytage, Sir George J. A Visitation of the County of Kent Begun Anna Dm’. MDCLXIII. Finished Anno Dni. MDCLXVIII, The Publications of the Harleian Society 54, 1896. B., R. A True and Full Relation of the Late Sea Fight, Betwixta Squadron of Ships Belong- ing to the Parliament of England, and the Queene of Swethlands Fleet, upon the Coast of England, neer Portsmouth, upon Saturday, May 1. 1647. Printed for E. Golding, May 10 1647, 1647, Wing B171. I have cited from the text of BL, Thomason Tracts, E386.12 (microfilm reel 61). The only other recorded copy is in the John Rylands Library, Manchester. Babinger, Franz Carl Heinrich. ‘Robert Bargrave, un Voyageur anglais dans les pays roumains du temps de Basile Lupu, 1652’. [With the English text of Bargrave’s jour- ney concerning Romania, and a Romanian translation by I. R. Rosetti],AnaleleAcad- emiei Romane, Memoriile sectiunii istorice, Ser. 3, Tom 17, Bucharest, 1935~6), quoting extracts from Bargrave’s second journey (ff. 74"—100'). When referring to this work, two page references are cited: the first to the article itself, and the second to the pagination of the Analele/lcademia Romana in which it appears. Bann, Stephen. Under the Sign. john Bargrave as Collector, Yraveler, and Witness, Ann Arbor, 1994. Baretti, G. An Account ofthe Manners and Customs ofltaly, 2 vols, 2nd edn, 1769. Bargrave, John. Pope Alexander the Seventh and the College of Cardinals, ed. James Craigie Robertson, Camden Society 92, 1867. Baudier de Languedoc, Michel. History of the Imperiall Estate of the Grand Seigneurs. Tr. Edward Grimston, 1635, S TC 1593. Baumber, Michael. General—At—Sea. Robert Blake and the Seventeenth—Century Revolu- tion in Naval Warfare, 1989. Bell, Gary M. A Handlist of B ritish Diplomatic Representatives 1 509~'.7 688, Royal His- torical Society, 1990. . Berry, William. County Genealogies. Pedigrees of the Families in the C ounly of Kent, 1830, with MS notes byJoseph Foster in BL copy (2098.f). A Birch, Thomas. The Court and Times of Charles the First, 2 vols, 1848. Blaeu, G. and J. Novus Atlas, das ist Welt—Beschreibung, 6 vols, Amsterdam, 1647—55. Volume I: World, Europe, Scandinavia, Russia, Germany, Low Countries, 1649. Blainville, M. de. The Travels through Holland, Germany, Switzerland, and other parts of Europe but especially Italy, 1743-45, vols 1 and 2 ed. by Daniel Soyer and tr. from the French by George Turnbull and William Guthrie (1743), vol. 3 ed. and tr. by Daniel Soyer and John Lockman (1745). Blake, Philip H. ‘The Builder of Bifrons’,/lrchaeologia Cantiana, 108, 1990, 270. Blount, Henry. A Voyage into the Levant, 1638, STC. 3136. Blue Guides (A. 84'. C. Black, London; W W Norton, New York): Ian Robertson, Austria, 1987 John Tomes, Belgium and Luxembourg, 1989 edn Roland Gant, Corsica, 1987 Michael Jacobs, Czechoslovakia, 1992 edn Alta Macadam, Florence, 1988 Ian Robertson, France, 1988 edn 258 BIBLIOGRAPHY James Bentley, Germany, 1987 Robin Barber, Greece, 1990 John Tomes, Holland, 1987 edn Bob Dent, Hungary, 1990 John Freely, Istanbul, 1991 edn Jane Holliday, Morocco, 1988 Alta Macadam, Northern Italy From theAlps to Rome, 1988 edn Ian Robertson, Paris and its Environs, 1985 Alta Macadam, Rome and Environs, 1985 edn Alta Macadam, Sicily, 1990 edn Paul Blanchard, Southern Italy From Rome to Calabria, 1986 Ian Robertson, Spain, 1991 edn Ian Robertson, Switzerland, 1989 edn Bernard McDonagh, Turkey. TheAegean and Mediterranean Coasts, 1989 Alta Macadam, Venice, 1987 edn Paul Blanchard, Yugoslavia, 1989 Stuart Rossiter, Yugoslavia. The Adriatic Coast, 1969 Bowers, Roger. ‘The Liturgy of the Cathedral and its Music, c. 1075-1642’, in Collinson, Patrick, et al. (eds),A History of Canterbury Cathedral. ‘ Brennan, M. G. ‘Sir Charles Somerset’s Observations on Continental Gardens in 1611 and 1612’, Garden History, 20, 1992, pp. 1-10. Brown, Jonathan and Elliott, J. H.A Palace fora King. The B uen Retiro and the Court of Philip IV, New Haven and Yale, 1980, quoting extracts from Bargrave’s third journey (ff. 138'—139", 143'). Bruyn, Corneille Le (also often catalogued under Cornelius De). A Voyage to the Levant: or, Travels in the Principal Parts of Asia Minor, the Islands of Rhodes, Cyprus, Gc. with an Account of the Most Considerable Cities of Egypt, Syria and the Holy Land. Translated from the French version by WJ., 1702. Burbury, John. A Relation of a ] ourney of the Right Honourable my Lord Henry Howard, From London to Vienna, and Thence to Constantinople, 1671, Wing B561 1. Burke, John and John Bernard. A Genealogical and Heraldic History of the Extinct and Dormant Baronetcies of England, Ireland and Scotland, 1844. Butler, Martin. ‘Private and occasional drama’, in The Cambridge Companion to English Renaissance Drama, ed. A. R. Braunmuller and Michael I-Iattaway, Cambridge, 1990, pp. 127—59. Canterbury. Calender of the Grants of Probate and Letters ofAdministration Made in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury [for 1858] (n.d.). Capp, Bernard. Cromwell ’s Navy. The Fleet and the English Revolution 1648-1660, Oxford, 1989. Cavendish, William, Duke of Newcastle. Dramatic Works by William Cavendish, ed. Lynn Hulse, The Malone Society Reprints, 158: Oxford, 1996. Chalklin, C. W. Seventeenth—Century Kent. A Social and Economic History, Longmans: London, 1965. Chaney, Edward. The Grand Tour and the Great Rebellion, Geneva, 1985. Chishull, Edmund. Travels in Turkey and Back to England, 1747. 259 THE TRAVEL DIARY OF ROBERT BARGRAVE Clark, Peter. English Provincial Society from the Reformation to the Revolution: Religion, Politics and Society in Kent 1500-1640, Hassocks, 1977, Cock, F. William. ‘Kentish Men at the University of Padua’,Archaeologia Cantiana 40, 1928, pp. 85-7. . ‘A Note on the Rev. Wm. Gostling and on the Roman Altar at Stone-in-Oxney’, Archaeologia Cantiana 47, 1935, pp. 1-12. Collier, James. ‘Dean Bargrave’s Organ at Canterbury’, British Institute of Organ Stud- ies (forthcoming). Collinson, Patrick, Ramsay, Nigel, and Sparks, Margaret (eds),A History of Canterbury Cathedral, Oxford, 1995. Complete Baronetage. Edited hy G.E.C.[o/eayne], II, 1625-1649, Exeter, 1902. Cook, M. A. (ed.). A History of the Ottoman Empire to 1730. Chapters from the Cam- hridge History of Islam and the new Camhridge Modern History, Cambridge, London, New York, and Melbourne, 1976. Chapters by V J. Parry, H. Inalcik, A. N. Kurat and J. S. Bromley. Coryate, Thomas. 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V Le Monde Oriental, I4"anne’e, Uppsala, 1920. 266 INDEX Abaza Melik Ahmet Pasha, Grand Vizier, 81 n.5 Abele trees, 13 n.4, 164 Abydos, 113 Accademia cle’ Filomati, 62 n.7 Achaea, 231 n.1 1 Adige, river, 242 Adrian, Thomas, 12 n.3 Adrianople, see Erdine Adriatic Sea, 228 Aegean Sea, 69 n.5 Aeolian Islands, 68 n.3 Africa, northern shoreline, 29, 58 Ahmet I, Sultan, 19 Albania, 225 Alcalé de Henares, 30, 194-5 Alcala la Weja, 195 n.3 ‘Alcastilio’, 219 Alcoran, see Koran Alexandria, 224 Alexis, Tsar ofMuscovy, 144 n.5 Alfonso I of Aragén, 189 n.6 Algiers, 3-4, 14, 177 Alham de Aragén, 193 Alicante, 5, 29-30, 177—8,182, 222-4 Castillo de Sta. Barbara, 178, 223 n.1 Castillo de 5. Fernando, 223 n.1 Allin, Captain Thomas,]ournals, 3-4, 5 n.1, 69 n.5, 72 n.1 Almeria, 177 Almussafes, 221 aloe, 182 Alps, 31-2, 240 Alsace, Theodore, Count of Flanders, 173 n.6 Alt-Damm, 156 ‘Aluf, mr’, 54 Ammannati, Bartolommeo, 64 n.5 Ammer, river, 245n Ammersfoort, 164 ‘A’mory:m’, 244 Amstel, river, 166 n.1 Amsterdam, 27, 36, 164-7, 174 Begiinen sloot, 164 n.10 Beurs (Exchange), 166 Burgerwceshuis (orphanage), 164 n.10 churches, 165 nn. 5-6 Convent of St Lucy, 164 n.1O Gasthuis, 166 ‘Heren Logiament’, 36 hospitals, 164, 166 n.1 _, . Kloeveniers—doelen (shooting gallery), 165 Koninklijk Paleis, 165 n.1 museum, 164 n.10, 165 n.1 prisons, 166 State House, 165 Thomas Bargrave at, 13 n.4 Tribunal (Vierschaar), 165 n.2 Amsterdam—Rijn Kanaal, 164 Anatolia, 100, 121, 125 Ancona, 30, 225, 235 Andalusia, 29, 58 n.9, 176-8 Anderson, Sonia, 42 Andros, 70 n.8 Anklam, 157 Anna, Queen of Philip H of Spain, 200 n.2 Annot, Peter, 31, 175, 232, 239 Antenor, the Trojan, 230 n.4 Antwerp, 7, 28, 154m, 159 n.7, 164 n.9, 170-72, 174, 200 n.4,252 n.3 Beurs, 172 churches, 170 n.8,171 n.4, 172 fortifications and walls, 28, 171 Carmelita convent, 171 Cathedral, 171 Druon Antigonus, giant, 171-2 Hendrik Conscienceplien, 170 n.8 Jesuit School, 170 n.8 Matsys Well, 171 n.7 Meir, 171 n.1 National Maritime Museum, 170 n.7 Steen, 170 Waterhuis, 172 Antwerp, Flemish province, 169 n.6 Aragén, 29-30, 182 n.4, 129 n,6,196 Aragén, arms of, 191 Aranjuez, 30, 217-18 Palace and gardens, 30, 217-18 267 THE TRAVEL DIARY OF ROBERT BARGRAVE waterworks, 30, 218 Arcadia, 231 Archipelago, 70 Arcos de Jalén, 30,193 n.6 Arcos de Medinaceli, see Medinaceli Argolis, 231 n.11 Ariza, 193 Arno, river, 62 n.l Arras, 134 n.4 Arthur, legendary King of England, 243 n.9 ‘Ascue’, see Khasskeuyi Asia Minor, 100 n.3 Atapuerca, 200 Athens, 235 ‘Atso’, 252 Augsburg, 31-2, 36, 239, 242, 244-6, 250 ‘Bunch of Grapes’, 246 churches, 245 n.9 fountains, 32, 245 Fuggerei, 245 n.9 Fuggerhaus, 32, 245 mechanical devices, 32, 245-6 met-alwork, 32 Austria, 31 Aytos (Ajtos, Aitos, Aitos), 25, 129 Babaeski, 127 Babinger, Franz Carl Heinrich, xiii, 125 n.l Bacharach, 33, 251 Plalzgratenstein, 251 Bagshawk Directory, 48 Bahlui, river, 138 Baines, Sir Thomas, 31, 230-31 Baker, Henry, 53 n.6 Baker, N. L., xiii Baker, Richard, 4-5 Baker, Thomas, 12 n.3 Balearic Islands, 59 n.l, 180 n.3 ‘Ballukgi—Bassi’, 110 Biltagesti see Battadschi Baltic Sea, 156, 158 n.4' Bandini, Giovanni, 65 n.8 Bann, Stephen, 1, 39 Banner Point, see Smyrna Barcelona, 29, 178-82, 196, 224 architecture, 29, "179-82 Arsenal, 180 n.8 Barri Gotic, 180 n.l Basilica of Santa Eulalia, 180 Casa Consistorial (Town Hall), 181 Casa de la Diputacién, 34, 181 Casa Lonja (Exchange), 180 churches, 180 n.6, 181 n.2 hospitals, 181 La Seu (cathedral), 180 Maritime Museum, 179 n.l Museum of Modern Art, 180 n.8 Plaza de la Paz, 179 n.l Plaza de Palau, 180, n.7 port, 179 Bargrave (Bargar) family at Eastry Court, 48 early origins, 7 n.2 influence in Kent, 10 n.1, 12 royal service, 6-7, 10-11, 13-14, 22, 27-8, 39, 131,167—8, 248-9, 251-2 Bargrave, Elizabeth, daughter of Robert, see Tuck- well, Elizabeth Bargrave Bargrave, Elizabeth Dering (c 1592-1667), Wife of Isaac, 9,1l,161n.1 Bargrave, Elizabeth Peyton, wife of Isaac’s nephew, Robert, 12 Bargrave, Elizabeth Turner (b 1632), wife of Robert, 2-6, 19, 30, 35,42 n.1,43,210-17 Bargrave, Hester, daughter of Robert, see Turner, Hester Bargrave Bargrave, Henry (1636-7), brother of Robert, 6 Bargrave, Isaac (1586-1643), father of Robert, 2 6-12,16,48,53,161n.1,167 n.5 church livings, 7, 10 death and burial, 11 dramatic interests, 33 library, 42 n.l musical interests, 35-6 Polish connections, 26, 143-1 royal chaplain and Dean of Canterbury, 1, 7, 9-11 sermons, 10 travels abroad, 6-10, 28, 32, 36, 249 Bargrave, Isaac (d 1626), brother of Robert, 6 Bargrave, Isaac (1660-63), son of Robert, 3, 5-6 Bargrave,_]ane Crouche , wife of John (dc 1625), 7 n.2 Bargrave,Jane (d 1630), sister of Robert, 6 Bargrave,_]ohn (dc 1625), brother of Isaac, 7 n2, 12 n.3, 15 Bargrave,]ohn (d 1625), brother of Robert, 6 Bargrave, john (c 1610-80), cousin of Robert, 2, 6, 11 n.7 antiquarian collections and books, 17, 39, 42 n.l, 45, 47, 243 n.8 y 268 INDEX Canon of Canterbury, 16 n.4 degree of DD at Cambridge, 16 n.4 in France, 12, 16, 17 n.l in Germany, 16, 32, 244 n.l, 245-6 in Italy, 12, 14, 16-17, 31, 36, 50-51, 60, 63, 230 n.9, 231 in Holland, 16 Peterhouse fellowship, 12, 16 Pope Alexander the Seventh, 16 n.3, 17, 45, 47 portraits, 16 travels with Robert Bargrave, 15-17, 31, 36, 50-51, 60, 63, 230 n.9, 231, 244 n.1, 245-6 see also Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Rawlin— son C 799 Bargrave,]ohn, seller of Bifrons, 12 n.3 Bargrave, Richard, brother of Isaac, 12, 167 n.5 Bargrave, Robert (1628-61), author of diary First journey (1647-52), 14-24, 53-123 Second Journey (1652-53), 24-28, 125-74 Third Journey (1654-56), 28-31, 175-237 Fourth Journey (1656), 31-3, 239-55 birth and early education, 1 Clerk of the Castle Court (Dover), 2 culinary pursuits, 24, 119-20 dance notations, 92-9 death and burial, 4-5, 6 n.l, 8 n.2, 14, 42 n.l, 43, 74 n.6 dramatic interests, 23, 27, 32, 33-8, 78, 88-99, 159 imprisoned in Turkey, 23, 31, 35, 105-111 knowledge of languages, 15, 16 n.6, 24-6, 29, 60, 121, 125 n.1, 128, 134, 180, 224-5, 240, 249, 251 library, 42, n.l literary pursuits, 6 n.l, 23, 30, 78-80, 88-99, 110-11, 210-17 ‘A Masque for Fower persons like the :4: Seasons’, 35, 93-99 musical pursuits, 23, 25, 32-8, 57, 94-7, 110, 120-21, 145, 154, 161, 163, 166, 170, 206-7, 229-30, 237, 244 royalist sympathies, 8, 13-14, 22, 27-8, 39, 131,167-3, 248-9, 251-2 Secretary to the Earl of Winchilsea, 3-5, 14, 38 Secretary to the Levant Company, 3, 7, 38, 51, 74 n.6 see also Bargr-ave, John; Eastry Court; Oxford, MS Rawlinson C 799 Bargrave, Robert (c. 1583-1649), brother of Isaac, 12,13,167 n.5 Bargrave, Robert (c. 1540-1600), father of Isaac, 7 Bargrave, Robert, King’s Scholar, 1 n.2 Bargrave, Robert (be 1600), son of]ohn (dc 1625), 12 Bargrave, Robert (1654-9), son of Robert, 2, 5-6, 217 Bargrave, Thomas (be 1620), elder brother of Robert, 1 n.2, 2, 11 n.4,13, 35 n.2, 42 n.l, 164 n.6 Bfirlad, see Birlad Barlad, river, 135 n.2 Barrow, Alexa, xiii ‘Basil the Wolf’, see Lupu, Vasile Basic, 8 Bassano del Grappa, 31, 240 Battadschi (Biltigesti), 132 Batten, Captain and Vice—Admiral, 55 n.5, 57 n.2 Baudier dc Languedoc, Michel, 121 n.3 Baumann, Georg, 160 n.2 Bazargic (Basargic), 131 becmfico (bird), 72 Bedell, William, 8-9 Bekesbourne, 42 n.l Belgrad, 87, 99 n2 Beliyce (Belshize), 27, 147-8 Bcndish family, 53 n.6 Bcndish, Abigail, see Edwards, Abigail Bcndish Bcndish, Andrew, 53 n.6 Bcndish, Anne, see Dawes, Anne Bendish Bcndish, Anne Baker, wife of Sir Thomas, 5,19, 22, 37, 53 n.6, 74 n.4, 80 Bendish, Diana, 53 n.6 Bendish, Dorothy, see Williams, Dorothy Bendish Bendish, Elizabeth, 53 n.6 Bcndish, Henry, 53 n6 Bendish,]ohn, 53 n.6 Bendish, Robert, 53 n.6 Bcndish, Susan, 53 n.6 Bcndish, Sir Thomas ((1 1636), 19 Bcndish, Sir Thomas (c 1607-c 1674), 2 n.3, 5, 7, 12,14-15,18—22, 39, 48-9, 53, 54 nn. 2, 3, 3 and 9, 59, 65 n.3, 68 n1, 7o n.10, 74,76, 84-5, 83,102-4, 107, 119 A BriefNamztive ofsir T Bcndish, 21, 81 n.5 Bcndish, Thomas, son of Sir Thomas, 6 n.l, 22, 34, 37, 50, 53 nn. 6 and 7, 78-80 Benegida, 221 Benincasa, Catherine, see St Catherine of Siena Bennet, Charles, 108 Bense, Alexander, 223 Bensheim, 249 Bentheim, Liider von, 162 n.7 269 [ER..&E§"”'§.”‘ BARGRAVE GENEALOGY —John BARGRAVE (T12.1643 Sir Henry PALMER —Edward (Iyoung) —Thomas (*~1620;T<1.1660); of Eastry Court; scholar of The King’s School, Canterbury 1634-1640 =>12. 1642 Honora ESTCOTT (‘(1682) who remarried after 1.1660 Joseph ROBERTS of Canterbury I—Thomas (%1653) I—Charles (%l65l ;T 1713) of Eastry Court =Elizabeth WITHWICK (‘I17 32) |—Isaac (*1680;I‘1727); of Eastry Court I :Christian LEIGH (*1698;'I1772); daughter of Sir Francis LEIGH of Hawley |—Isaac (*1721;’r24.5.1800); of Eastry Court; eminent solicitor in London I =3.175°/1 Sarah (*1724;I1780);” I—Christian (*~ 1734;I~ 1774) I =Rev. Claudius CLARE of Hythe I —Christian (*1751; I'26.9.1806) I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I =at Hythe, Robert TOURNAY (‘I195 .1825) of New Buildings, then Brockhull, Saltwood and later Eastry I—Christian (*1782;‘I9.9.1858) I =William BRIDGER of Eastry Court I |—Bargrave I I—Christian Bargrave I I =Thomas HARVEY of Upper Deal; Captain in the Royal Navy I I-Sarah Bargrave I I =Augustus Charles MAY of Clifden, Co. Galway; Commander in the Royal Navy I |—Ma:ry Bargrave I I—Charlotte Frances Bargrave I I =Rev. Thomas WATKINS of Llansaintfread, Breconshire I—Sarah (*1784) =Richard HALFORD of Canterbury —Richard Bargrave (T1828, very young) I I I I I I I I I I I I I I =Sir Thomas STAINES , K.C.B. of Dentdelion, Kent; Captain in the Royal Navy I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I L.L.B0yle 31/08/00 E'}R.A..EZ<”T I =Robert KIRK; Captain in the Royal Navy I~Frances :John BROADLEY (T 1784) —Charles =Sarah AUSTEN; of the Isle of Sheppey —Robert (T17.12.1779,aged 84;»IEastry church) :5 .1733 Elizabeth (T2.7.1737,aged 32); daughter of Sir Francis LEIGH of Hawley —Robert (I‘14.2.1774;aged 39); a Procter in Doctors’ Commons =Rebecca RUDD (”r2.11.1795,Deal); daughter of Dr. RUDD, Vicar of Westwell —Rebecca =James WYBORN of Hule, near Sholden |—BargraVe |—Iames I~Frances I =John MAY of Deal I—Eliza I =Captain DEAN of the Berkshire Militia I—Rebecca =175 3 Elizabeth BASSETT —Elizabeth (*1678,Eastry) =1702 Edward ST. LEGER (*1665,Maidstone;T1729,Great Mongeham);15 surgeon, of Deal —Honora =1660 Charles KNOWLER =Joseph ROBERTS I—Martha I =1714 Zouch PILCHER I—Hester I =William BRIDGES; of Sandwich |—Mary =David DENNE I—John (»I25.7.1625, Canterbury Cathedral) I—Isaac (Tyoung;~I«18. 1 1.1626,Canterbury Cathedral) I—Robert (*25.3.l628;T166l, I zmir;ISt.Veneranda Cemetery, I zmir); scholar of The Kings School 1642; Levant merchant I =1653 Elizabeth TURNER (*1632;”r1703;IKensington); only daughter of Robert TURNER of Canterbury I I—Robert (*25.8.1654;~I28.8.1659,Canterbury Cathedral) I I-Hester (*1 . 1657/g;~I/EEISIL Malling) I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 25.2.1680, in Canterbury Cathedral, Francis TURNER of London I—Elizabeth (*~1659) I =Mr. TUCKWELL of London BARGRAVE GENEALOGY—— Sheet 3 L.L.B0yle 31/08/00 DRAFT‘ I I |~Isaac (%14.8.1660,Canterbury Cathedraln“10.7.1663;Canterbury Cathedral) I I—Mary (*1629) I I =John SMITH I I—Jane (~l«23.7.1630,Canterbury Cathedral) I I—Hester (*1632) I I =Francis NOWERS I I—E1izabeth (*1635) I I =Edward WILSFORD I I—Henry (*1636;T1637) |—Anne (»L8.1.1636/7) I =Robert NAYLOR I-Alice I =Robert TOURNAY of Sturry; third son of Thomas TORNEY of Brockhull, Saltwood and Alice BLECHYNDEN of Aldington I —Thomas (T1669) of Dover Castle I—Angela (113.1 1.1645,Canterbury Cathedral) =4.10.1604 John BOYS (%12.11.1571,Eythorne;'I30.9.1625)16; Dean of Canterbury Cathedral 3.5.1619;17 Fellow of Clare College, Cambridge 1592 1 Matriculatcd Clare College, Cambridge 1588; admitted to the Bar at Lincoln’s Inn 7.11.1590. 2 This ship was recorded on 4.5.1618 as being involved in the trade with Virginia. James Brett of London was the master. 3 His plantation was on the James River, Virginia. 4 Sister of Sir Thomas PEYTON ('I1684;»l«Westminster Abbey) of Knowlton Court and also sister of Anne {T288 1640), the first wife of Henry OXINDEN of Maydekin. 5 Scholar of The King’s School, Canterbury 1623-1626. 6 Doctor of divinity; after petitioning the King became Canon of the 5th prebend of Canterbury 26.9.1662; matriculated Peterhouse; Vicar of Smarden and rector of Harbledown. 7 The sale to Sir Arthur Slingsby was arranged by Sir Samuel PEYTON; however, Bifrons was already the family home of Sir Guilford Slingsby so these details need confirmation. 8 B.A. Pembroke College, Cambridge 1606-1607; D.D. Clare College, Cambridge, 1621. 9 Presented to the prebendary canonry by the King; instituted 6.11.1622 and installed by the archbishop 7.11.1622 resigned 29.10.1625 on promotion to Dean. 10 Presented to the deanship 10.10.1625; instituted by the archbishop 14.10.1625; no installation recorded; presided at chapter 3.11.1625. 11 Seized by Parliamentary forces at Gravesend 8.1642 and imprisoned for 3 weeks in the Fleet without trial or being charged. 12 Daughter of John DERING of Egerton and his second wife Elizabeth WOTTON. 13 Daughter of George LYNCH, M.D. (T1787) of Canterbury (younger borther of lohn Lynch D.D., Dean of Canterbury) and Mary BOWLER (T921776) of Ripple. 14 Took the surname and arms of BARGRAVE in addition to those of TOURNAY by Royal Sign Manual dated 23.8.1800 15 Son of Dudley sr. LEGER (*1639;T1700) and Winnifred HORNE of Deal. 16 Son of Thomas BOYS of Eythorne and his wife Christian SEARLES, daughter and co-heir of John SEARLES of Wye. 17 Rector of Betteshanger. BARGRAVE GENEALOGY—— Sheet 4 L.L. Boyle 31/08/00