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Virginia voyage, 1606-1607

Voyage to Virginia, 1606-1607

Sourc ls:

(Use browser "Bookmark" or "Back" to return to this
page.)

(1) "The Cradle of the Republic", pages 9-10

(2) "Hotten's Lists", pages 155-

(3) "Bristol and America", pages 9-13

(4) "Cavaliers and Pioneers", pages xi-xx.

(5) "The Virginia Adventure".

(6) ''''Ships of the World", p. 425; citing "The Colonial
Merchantman ‘Susan Constant‘ 1605", Brian Lavery,
Annaplolis: Naval Institute Press, 1988

"On S4turday the twentieth of December in the yeere
1606, the fleet fell from London . . . ." — George Percy,
settleri

Due to taking a longer route around the Canary Islands
to the West Indies, and exceptionally stormy weather,
they didn't arrive at the "capes of Virginia" until April
26, 1607. (Dates of various voyage events given below.)
Driven by another storm into refuge in what is now
Hampton Roads, they sailed up a river they named the
James. After exploration in a shallop, searching for a
proper site for settlement, they finally landed the
settlers at "Jamestown island" on May 14, 1607. Thus
did the first settlers arrive at  See list of 
Ei.I:$.Seflt1:|eLs:.


Note that various dates of "arrival" are given in different
sources. This depends on the particular interpretation of
"arrival", since the significant dates are well
documented. In some cases the date is that of arrival at
the "capes", the first landing at "Cape Henry", and the
opening of the sealed box containing the names of the
Councillors (all on April 26). Some refer to the setting up
of a cross at "Cape Henry" (April 29). Others give the
date of arrival at James island (May 13) or the
disembarking of the passengers (May 14).

Similarly, the number of "planters" (settlers) is most
often stated as being 104 men plus crews, but there is
considerable variation amongst source information.
Gentlemen have been listed as 42 or 54, craftsmen as 28
or 31, and "others" as 18 or 38. The total ranges from 82
(from John Smith's letter) to 144 (cit. 4 & 5, below). In
some instances the mariners who returned to England
may have been included. (Some, such as Captain
Newport, may be included as settlers, since they were
often present due to making various voyages. In others,
some who died within a short time of arrival may not
have been included. It is doubtful that an actual count
will ever be resolved.

Voyage Dates:

December 20, 1606 The first three ships ("104 men and
the crews", cit. 1) departed London for Virginia.

January 5, 1606/7, the ships of the Virginia expedition
anchored at the Downs (England). They were
stormbound for about a month.

"About" February 8, 1606/7, the Virginia expedition left
the coast of England. (cit. 1, pp. 9-10)

February 21, 1606/7*, they reached the Canary Islands.
(cit. 6)


Because "the colonists went by way of the West Indies,
they were four months on the voyage.". (cit. 1)
February 23, 1606/7*, they reached Martinique. (cit. 5)

* One of these dates is doubtless wrong, since a voyage
from the Canary Islands to Martinique would certainly
have taken more than two days. Having arrived at the
Canary Islands on the 21st, February 23 is likely to have
been the date of departure from there.

April 26, 1607, they reached the "Capes of Virginia" and
some landed at "Cape Henry". Captain Gabriel Archer
and Mathew Morton were wounded in a fierce attack by
Indians. A sealed box, containing the names of the
appointed Councilmen, was opened that night.

The Councilmen named were:

Mr. Edward Maria Wingfield
Captain Bartholomew Gosnold
Captain Christopher Newport
Captain John Smith

Captain John Ratcliffe

Captain John Martin (Martine)
Captain George Kendall

April 29, they set up a cross at Cape Henry.

April 30, they visited the Indian town of Kecoughtan on
the east side of the "Hampton River".

April 30 — May 12, some of the settlers explored the
James River in a shallop under the command of Captain
Newport, going as far as the "Appomattox River". During
their return, on May 12, they found a point of land which
they named Archer's Hope (for Captain Gabriel Archer):
"if it had not been disliked because the ships could not
ride neare, we (would have) settled there to all the
colonies contentment."


On May 13 the ships reached the west end of a peninsula
about 5-8 miles upriver from Archer's Hope, in
Paspahegh country, where they chose to settle and
named it James Town in honor of the king. (cit. 1)
(''Arrival'' date of May 13 in cit. 4)

May 14, 1607, the passengers were landed on
"Jamestown island". See list of The First Settlers.

Go to the yirginia page or to the Susan Constant page.



"English-America Home Page
FORMAT, TEXT, and INDEXING Copyright © 1996-2003 Thomas Langford.
BASIC DATA CONTAINED HEREIN is, however, Public Domain.


This page was last updated on March 13, 2005


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*’"§‘%"TI]‘° V°*"g“’V°mls’P"°Pl”’Mhces American Plantations and Co

Home About Site Site News Searching Ship Lists Locations 

Virginia People, 1607

Virginia People
The First Settlers

Sources:

(1) Virginia Company, list written by Captain John Smith, 1607
and including other notes here.

(2) "The Cradle of the Republic", pages 8-9 and 33

(3) "Hotten's Lists", pages (Virginia Musters)

(4) "The Virginia Adventure"

(5) "Book of Emiqrants", citing Calendars of State Papers, Am
Series, 1574-1660, ed. W. Noel Sainsbury, Longman & Green,
(6) "Discourse of the Plantation of the Southerne Colonie in Vi
English, 1606", George Percy.

(7) "A True Relation ...", Captain John Smith, 1608

(8) "English Estates of American Co|onists" (Vol.1), by Peter V
Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1980.

(9) "Adventurers of Purse and Person", Jester.

Other information is available at the main page for y_i,rg,i_p[1,imap

Jamestown Settlers, 1607

104 men remained (cit. 2,6).
82 passengers listed by Smith.

Total of 93 and 2 "possibles" listed below.
Those in () added from Musters and other sources.

Except as noted, none of these were killed in the massacre in Marc]
nor are they listed in the Virginia Musters in 1623/4 or 1624/5. t
here without one of those links, notation of death, or departure i1


either had returned to England, departed for other locations, or d:
the first Musters.

Adling, Henry . Gentleman

Alicock, Jeremy Gentleman

(Standard bearer, died of wounds4’6)

Archer, Captain Gabriel Gentleman, Lawyer
(wounded by Indian attack at first landing, Cape Henry, April
(Also member of Gosnold's 1602 expedition to New England.
See gggngll. below.)

(Asbie, John - August 6, 1607, died of the "bloudie Fluxe"4'6)

Beast, Benjamin Gentleman

(September 5, 1607, died of unspecified cause.6)

Behethland, Robert Gentleman
Brinto, Edward Mason

Brookes, Edward Gentleman
Brookes, John Gentleman
Browne, Edward Gentleman

4,6

(August 15, 1607, died of unspecified cause )

Brumfield, James (boy)

Bruster, William Gentleman

(August 10, 1607, died of a wound4; buried August 116)

(Buckler, Andrew - petition in May, 1609, stating intent to return

after having gone "to Virginia two years ago"5.
Note: It is possible he arrived in the "First Supply" ins1

Cassen, George Laborer

Cassen, Thomas Laborer

Cassen, William Laborer

Clovill, Eustace Gentleman

Collier, Samuel (boy) (Captain John Smith's pas
Cooke, Roger Gentleman

Cowper, Thomas Barber

Crofts, Richard Gentleman

Dixon, Richard Gentleman

Dods, John Laborer (Age about 18)

(Arrived on the §usan Constant, 1606-7)


6
Jacob, Thomas (Sergeant ) Gentleman

(September 4, 1607, died of unspecified cause.6)
Johnson, William Lab0rer

Kendall, Captain George Councilman
(Cousin of Sir Edwin Sandys. Tried, convicted, and shot for

in mid—November 1607, sometime after Captain Gosno1d's dea

Kingston, Ellis Gentleman

("Kinistone" - September 18, 1607, died of starvation & cc

Laxon, William CarPenter

Laydon, John Laborer (carpenterz)
(Arrived on the Susan Constant, 1606-7)
(Also listed in the Musters of "Elizabeth Cittie" on Eggggggg
and February 7, 1624/5.)

Love, William Tailor
Martin, Captain John Councilman
(Martine, by his signature. commanded one of Drake's vessels

(Returned to England on the Bhggnig in 1608. May have return
on the Swan in 1624.)

Martin, John (or Martines) Gentleman

(August 18, 1607, died of unspecified cause4’6)

Midwinter, Francis Gentleman

(August 14, 1607, "died suddenly" of unspecified causes)

Mori sh, Edward (Moris) Gentleman
(1607, Corporal Edward Moris, gentleman,

"died suddenly" of unspecified cause4’6)
(Morton, Mathew — wounded by Indian attack at first landing, Cape 1

(Mounslic, Thomas - August 17, 1607, died — 4'6)

MO'l1t on , Thoma S Gent 1 eman

(September 19, 1607, died of starvation & cold.6)

Mutton, Richard (boy)


(Newport, Captain Christopher, Commander of the §g§an_£g2§§§n§. 15‘
and Councilman. Did not remain as one of the original sett]

Old Edward Laborer
Pecock, Nathaniell (boy)
Penington, John Gentlemen

I

(Pennington, Robert — August 18, 1607, died of unspecified cause

Percie, Mr. George Gentleman
(Brother of the Earl of Northumberland)

. I 6
Pickhouse, Drue (Pigasse ) Gentleman

(August 19, 1607, died of unspecified causes)
Pising, Edward Carpenter

Powell, Nathaniell Gentleman
Captain Nathan Powel, Esq., Councilman, and his wife, were
in the "Good Friday" massacre, March 22, 1621/2, at "Powel

Profit, Jonas Sailor

Ratcliffe (alias), Captain John Councilman
(Commander of the Discovery, 1606-7)

(Actual name: Sicklemore4)

(September 11, 1607, made Council President when Wingfield

Read. James Blacksmith
(Ca. November 14, 1607, sentenced to be hung for threatenia

Ratcliffe; from scaffold, implicated Captain Kendall in C(

Robinson, John Gentleman
(Jehu Robinson sued Wingfield for slander on September 17, 16
recovering £100. One of two first jury trials in America.)

(Mid—November, 1607, killed by natives at time of Smith's ca:

Rodes, William Labgrer

("William Roods", August 27, 1607, died of unspecified ca1

Sands, Thommas gentleman
SCOtt, NiChO1aS Drununer

Short, John Gentleman
Simons, Richard Gentleman

(September 18, 1607, died of starvation & cold.6)


Small, Robert Carpenter

Smethes , William Gentleman

Smith, Captain John Councilman (Cape Merchan1
(Captain John Smith sued Wingfield for slander on September 1

recovering £200. One of two first jury trials in America.)

Snarsbrough, Francis Gentleman

Stevenson, John Gentleman

Studley, Thomas Gentleman (& Cape Merchau

("Thomas Stoodie“, August 28, 1607, died of unspecified ca

Tankard, William Gentleman
Tavin, Henry Laborer
Throgmorton, Kellam Gentleman

("Kenelme Throgmortine", August 26, 1607, died of unspeci:

(Todkill, Anas — Councilman Martin's servant, possible although no1
See the §hgenig,W1§0§ for further information.)

Unger, William Laborer

Walker, George Gentleman

(August 24, died of unspecified cause, buried the same daz

Waller, John Gentleman
Webbe, Thomas Gentleman
White, William Laborer

(Lived with the natives and learned some of their customs.‘

Wilkinson, William Surgeon

Wingfield, Mr. Edward Marie Councilman & First Presic
(Edward Maria, by his signature.)

(September 11, 1607, deposed as Council President & from C<

Wotton, Thomas Surgeon

From Captain Smith's “True Relation ...", 16087
A boy, name not stated, on the pinnace (Discovery) was sla
about the end of April, 1607
5 mariners sailed the pinnace during exploration, probabl:
on board and are not listed here


9P

Enqlish-America Home Page

FORMAT, TEXT, and INDEXING Copyright © 1996-2003 Thomas L.

BASIC DATA CONTAINED HEREIN is, however, Public Doma

This page was last updated on March 13, 2005


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Discover Yaur Fnrnlly Story

Passenger and Immigration Lists Index, 15005-19005

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Virginia I
8925

Bargrave, Thomas

Alphabetical list of immigrants to Virginia, 1635-1800, from a variety of sources,

STANARD, WILLIAM GLOVER. Some Emigrants to Virginia: Memoranda in
Regard to Several Hundred Emigrants to Virginia during the Colonial Period
Whose Parentage is Shown or Former Residence Indicated by Authentic
Records. Richmond [Va.]: Bell Book and Stationery Co., 1911. 2nd ed., en1., 1915._
Reprinted by Genealogical Publishing C0,, Baltimore, 1983. 94p.

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Washington, prince Char|es's page, in Spain, 1623 ;—Certificate of the Judges
touching the jurisdiction of the County Palatine of Chester, 20 Jan. 1619
Notes of Sir J. Caesar on Ecclesiastical writers, Latin, with an alphabetical

list of the Fathers ;—Letter of Henry Caesar, D.D. Dean, and the Chapter

of Ely, to Sir J. Caesar, touching the fine of a copyhold, 22 Oct. 1628;-
Letter of [Robert Bertie] Earl of Lindsey, Lord Great Chamberlain, to the
same, respecting the suing out of liveries, 28 July, 1628 ;—Letter of Viscount
Falkland, Lord Deputy of Ireland, to the same, respecting a suit in Chan-
cery, 31 Oct. 1626 ;-Case in Chancery between Thomas Pynden and

Robert Bateman, chamberlain of London ;—Agreement between Humfrey
Staverton and Walter Sambourne, about the registership of Ireland, 21 Sept.
1585 ;—Theologica| notes, etc. ;-Note by Sir J. Caesar of two enemies ships
of war quarrelling in our King's harbour, Feb. 1528 ;—Abstract of a writing
presented to the Emperor by the Electors and Princes of the Diet at Ratson
[Ratisbon] 21 Feb. 1623 ;—First draft of a Petition of the Commons to the
King against Popish Recusants ;-Sentence given against Lionel, Lord Cran-
field, Earl of Middlesex, Lord High Treasurer, 13 May, 1624 ;—Question

by Dr. Walwood, " An legatus in territorio principis, ad quem missus est,
delinquens, in jus citari et puniri possit," 7 May, 1624;—Notes of Instruc-
tions for ships sent to sea, 1576-1578, in Sir J. Caesar's writing;-Declara-
tion of James I at Whitehall, to both houses of Parliament, 23 March,

1623 ;-Writ for summoning the Parliament, 18 James I. Lat.;—Copy of a
Letter of George [Abbot] Archbishop of Canterbury, II Aug. 1622, with

the articles concerning preachers and the Lord Keeper's [John Williams,

Bp. of Lincoln] letter for the release of recusants, 2 Aug. 1622 ;—Dr. Donne's
verses on the shortness (of man's life, 20 Aug. 1625 ;—Petition of Lewes
Hughes to the Privy Council, against abuses in the Summerr Islands ,(printed);
-" Considerations touching the new contract for Tobacco," 1625 printed) ;
—Notes by Sir J. Caesar of the patents granted to the Adventurers to Vir-
ginia ;—Letter of James 1. tu the Council, touching the decree in Chancery

for Sir Thomas Smith against Bargrave, 17 June, 1622 ;-Proposals of‘


The solemnity at Perghen for the Earl of Southampton and his son, I Dec.
1624 ;-Petition of Jacob Stoit to the Justices of Middlesex, for setting the
poor at work, 18 Oct. 1626;—Mr. Williamson's opinion, touching some pro-
vision for the poor, 26 Aug. 1624;-Minute of a circular letter from the
Privy Council, touching Vagrants, 23 Dec. 1623;—Orders and Directions of
the Council respecting the Poor, 1630, (printed by Barker) ;~Notes of Sir

J. Caesar touching the amending of the Highways in Islington and Highgate,
7 July, 1623 ;—Proc|amation for the repeal of certain Letters patent, 30
March, 1621, (printed) ;—Distribution of the Shires between the Commis-
sioners for the relief of the poor, 5 Jan. 1630 ;—State of the manufacture
of gold and silver thread, 1624, (printed) ;—Dr. Walwood's notes touching
the pretended irregularity of the Abp. of Canterbury, 17 Oct. 1621, Latin ;-
List of Commissioners for Mr. Sutton's Hospital [the Charter House] 9
James 1. ;—Assignation by Sir J. Caesar, of a trust for Sir William Button
and his lady, 7 July, 17 James |.;—Notes by Sir J. Caesar of the knighthood
of himself in 1603, of Sir Charles Caesar, in 1613, and Sir John Caesar, in
1617 ;—Act for the grant of two entire subsidies, I Car. 1. (printed) ;-Re-
ceipts against the stone, strangury, ulcer, etc. communicated to Sir Julius
Caesar by various persons ;—Instructions for the use of D. [Stephen?]
Bradwel's medicines against the p|ague;—Letter of Capt, Thomas Allen, to
Sir J. Caeesar, 20 Oct. 1629 ;-Speech of Charles I. at the prorogation of
Parliament, 26 June, 1628;—Letter of John [Williams] Bishop of Lincoln,
Lord Keeper, to Sir J. Caesar, on Lady Bulk|ey's case, 9 Nov. 1623 ;—Letter
from the King to the Commissioners for Trade, on reforming the book of
rates, 26 Dec. 2 Car. 1. ;—Protestation of the Archbishops and Bishops of
Ireland, concerning toleration of religion, 31 May, 1627 ;—Commission of
Charles I. touching fees in courts of Justice, 1623, (printed by Norton)
Acts for. confirmation of the Decrees of the Exchequer and Duchy, touching
the Kin.'s lands in Lancashire, Yorkshire, etc. 7 James |.;—Papers respect-
in., the license to the town of Yarmouth, co. Nor£ for the transportation of

herrings, 1624,1625;—Epitaphial verses upon the death of young Mr. Thomas K;


field, to Sir J. Caesar, relative to the minister of the Alum works, 21 April,
I6I9;-Considerations for the planting of common brewhouses in all cities;
—Petltion of Jeffery Duppa and Thomas Stanley, to the King, touching
breweries, 4 Feb. 1619;—Affidavit of Richard Vines in the matter of Sir
Ferdinando Gorge, Knt., and Andrew Batten, 1626 ;—Draft of Certificate of
Sir J. Caesar to the Lords of Council, in the same case, 7 Feb. 1626 ;—Notes
of Exchequer faults, delivered by Sir Henry Woodhouse, 16 June, 1607;-
Notes by Sir J. Caesar on the Case of Sir John Michell against Alderman
Rothram and others, 9 Sept. 1620;—Petition of Will. Richardson and Will.
Cockaine to the King, respecting the office of Auditor in the Chancery, 27
June, 1621 ;—Two Letters of Sir Sydney Mountagu, Master of Requests,

to Sir J. Caesar, touching a habeas corpus for Sir John Michell, Master of
the Court of Chancery, 24 June, 1621 ;-Petitions to the King from Dr.
Francis Hering, M.D., June, 1621 ; John Pitt, May, 1620; John Sawier, of
Dudcott, co. Berks, July, 1621 ; John Andrewes, May, 1621 ; John Owfeilde,
July, 1623; Richard Erswicke and William Potter, June, 1621 ; and Wil-
liam Wicke, and Thomas Smethwicke;—Two Letters of John Suckling to

Sir J. Caesar, 17 April, 5 May, 1621 ;-Letter of thanks from the Vice-chan-
cellor and Senator of Cambridge, to the same, 6 id. Dec. 1623, Lat.;—
Papers in the case of Sir Thomas Blakiston against Henry Robinson, 1626 ;
—Acrostic Verses addressed by Nathanael Richards to Sir J. Caesar;—Letter
of John Rychers, to the same, inclosing Orders of the Justices of peace at
Aylesham and Repham, respecting corn, Dec. 1622;—" Relacion of our
Princes entertainement in Madrid, with a breefe of his voyage, till he was
lodged in the king of Spaynes pallace, where he hath quarter, per S. D."
[1620] ;-Reasons for the maintenance of the patent for the lights at Win.
terton nesse, co. Linc. to be lawfull, and no grievance, 21 James I.;—Letter
of [Henry Cary] Viscount Falkland, Lord Deputy of Ireland, to Sir J. Caesar,
respecting his brother, Sir Philip Carey, and John Williams, the goldsmith,
IS Aug. 1624;-Case of Dr. Thomas White's will, 28 May, 1628;—Notes

of Sir J. Caesar on the Case of Daniel and Isaac Pennington, May, 1628;-


Jan. 1624 ;-Questions respecting the office of Earl Marshal, 11 July, 1622,
in Sir J. Caesar's writing ;—Notes by Sir J. Caesar, on the Star Chamber;—
Cases of Thos. Perkin of Lincolnshire, late servant to the Earl of Lincoln,

and of Sir Francis Englefield, Bart., for slander, 13 Feb. 1623 ;-Proceedings
in the Star Chamber against Sir John Bennet, 27 Nov. 1622 ; - Notes by Sir
J. Caesar on various Cases in the Star-Chamber, viz., Case of Holt against
Asshley, 14 Feb. 1625; use of carts with four wheels, against the statute,

6 Aug. 1622 ; Cases to be heard 2 May, 1623 ; Case of Sir H. Fines against
Harrison and others, 7 May, 1623; Case of the transport of wool into foreign
parts, 9 May, 1623; Case respecting buildings in and about London, 21
June, 1621 ; Case of Sir James Reynoldes and his son, for forging and in-
terlining the son's name into the commission of the peace, 11 July, 1622 ;
and Case of Lady Winwood against More, 23 June, 1621 ;-Letter of Anne
Pecke to her brother, Sir J. Caesar, requesting him to pay a bond for her, 14
Oct. 1629;-Two Letters of John Coke, Secretary of State, to the same,
committing the Earl of Bedford to the custody of Sir Julius Caesar, Nov.
1629;-Accompts in the case of Sir Henry Reeves against Denny, 13 Dec.
1629;—Petition of [Henry Cary] Viscount Falkland to the King, on behalf

of his son, Sir Lucius Carey ;-Letter of Samuel Brooke, master of Trin.

Col]. Cambridge, to Sir J. Caesar, 29 March, 1630;-Letter of Nathanael
Snape, Steward of St. Katharine's Hospital, to the same, 30 Jan. 1629;-
Letter of Edward Lord Zouche, to the same, 20 July, 1621 ;—Reasons for
defence of the glass patent, granted successively to Vercelline, an Italian, Sir
Jerome Bowes, and Sir Robert Mansell, 21 Dec. 1621 ;—The three Creeds,

in Italian, 7 Jan. 1627;—The Ten Commandments, in Greek;—Notes by

Sir J. Caesar on the case of Robert Ayre against Sir Francis Wortley, Oct.
1626, with the will of Christopher Ayre annexed, 15 Jac. I. ;-List of

the ships and men set out of Plymouth to the sea, Oct. 1625 ;—Case in the
Star chamber of a complaint against Francis Basset, Esq., Vice-Admiral of
Cornwall, and his deputy, 18 May, 1625;-Petition of George Lowe, Esq.,

to the King, respecting the Alum works;—Letter of Edmund, Lord Shef-

!J~J


addressed to the same;—Letter of [Thomas Howard] Earl of Arundel and
Surrey, to the same, 24 Nov. 1621 ;—Letter of Jane Jewkes and Mary
Forester to Thomas Joslyn, Esq., n. d.; - Letter of W. Maynard [after-
wards Lord Maynard] to Sir J. Caesar, 14 April, 1624;—Letter of [James
Hay] Earl of Carlisle, to the same, 16 Sept. 1623;—Statement by Sir Wm.
Wood of his case against Cockerom and Hi|l;—Letter of John Sotherton,
Baron of the Exchequer, to Sir J. Caesar, relative to his daughter's mar-
riage, 17 Aug. 1622;—Letter of Elizabeth [daughter of Edward Boughton]
Countess of Devonshire, to the same, 2 March, 1624;—Letter of Elizabeth,
Lady Carey [of Lepington, afterwards Countess of Monmouth] to the
same, /7. d.;—Letter of [Robert Rich] Earl of Warwick, to the same, 29

Oct. 1622;-Sir Julius Caesar's Answer in Chancery, in the case of Dame
Martha Button, 14 Feb. 1625;-Proceedings in Chancery respecting the
debts of Sir John Kennedie, 1623-4 ;—Richard Broughton's notes touching
the alteration of coins ;—Case of Lord Stanhope and Mathew de Questre,
touching the office of the foreign post, 1626 ;—Reasons offered to the com-
mittees for avoiding the corrupt mingling of coals, 1622;—Case between
Lord Kerry of Ireland and his son, in 1621 ;—Case between the Turkey
Merchants and Sir John Aires, Ambassador to Turkey, 1622, in Sir J.
Caesar's writing;—Petition to the King from the prisoners, on account of the
late loan, 1627 ;—Case of division of profits from letters of reprisal against
Spain, 1610 ; - Letter from the Bailiffs of Maldon, co. Essex, to Sir J. Caesar,
relative to the election of a burgess, 13 April, 1623 ;—Case of Michael
Burton in the Star—Chamber, 11 Jun. 22 Jac. I. ;—Letter of Thomas Gur-

lyn to Sir J. Caesar, inclosing his Petition to the King, 31 Jan. 1620;-

"The briefe of the ministers bill for London tithe," Nov. 1621, (printed);-
Memorial of Sir Thomas Ridley, in the matter of Sir John Mychell;-Notes

by Sir J. Caesar on the tax of 3d. per ton, for the repairing of Dover Haven;
—" Project for the reestablishing and renewinge of a mynt in the Kingdome
of Ireland, demonstrated by Peter French, of Galway in Ireland, Alderman,"

1 March, 1618;-Letter from James I. to the Commissioners for Trade, 23


 

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A VOLUME of the Collections made by Sir Julius Caesar, Judge of the
High Court of Admiralty, and Master of the Rolls, temp. James I
containing the following miscellaneous Papers and Letters, for the

most part Originals:

Papers respecting the petition of Thomas Hutchins and others against
John, Lord Stanhope, Master of the Posts, etc., 1610-1623 ;-Letter of Sir
W. Byrde, to Sir Julius Caesar, respecting the will of John Love, 9 July,
1623;—Copy of the Warrant of James I. relative to a composition of Lord
St. Albans' debts, 14 Nov. 1622, endorsed in Bacon's own handwriting;—
Offers by Mr. Crawshaw, Mr. Seaton, and Mr. Trussel, for a lease of Barne-
Elms, co. Surr., 27 Feb. 1622; certified by Sir J. Caesar and E. Leche;—
Draft in Sir J. Caesar's writing, of a Certificate to the Master of Requests,
touching John Dingley and his creditors, 19 May, 1623;—Notes of Sir

J. Caesar respecting the church of Ireland, 1622 ;-Protest of John Gun-
ning, Richard Welldon, and George Broen, against the proceedings of
the Dutch in the East India Islands, dat. Batavia, 1623;—A Note of

the Lords and Ladies to attend his Majesty [Charles |.] to Dover, for

the reception of the Queen, 1625;-Letter of Nicholas Toke to Sir J.
Caeesar, 27 June, 1621 ;-Protest of the Governor and Council (Thomas

Brokedon, Henry Hawley, and John Gomring] of the English E. India Com-

pany, against the proceedings of the Dutch at Amboyna, dat. Batavia, 20 Dec.

1623 ;-Names of the English Officers and men of note slain at the Isle of
Rhé, in Nov. 1627 ;—Two Letters of [William Herbert] Earl of Pembroke,

to Sir J. Caesar, 17 Nov. 14 Dec. 1623;—Latin Verses of G. Chamber,


Thomas Martin, [brother in law of Sir J. Caesar], respecting the question
between the Virginia Company and himself, 9 Dec. 1622;—Capt. Bargrave's
project touching Virginia, 8 Dec. 1623 ;-" The manner howe Virginia mas,
be made a royall plantation," by Thomas Martin;- Proclamation of the Com-
missioners for Virginia, 1624, (printed) ,'—” The manner how to bringe in
the Indianss into subjection, without making an utter exterpation of them,."
by Thomas Martin, 15 Dec. 1622 ;—Prociamation of James 1. prohibiting the
importation of tobacco not grown in Virginia or the Summer Islands, 1624,

(printed) ;—letter of Thomas Martin, in Virginia, to Sir J. Caesar, 8 March,

1626 ;—Commission of James I. for the settlement of Virginia, 15 July, 1624.

Folio. [12,496.]

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items Site ieiap Risks ?ernm as: Forum ‘stew Quest Beet; Sign Gaest Book

   CHAPTER one Qsamniel
 [sample of contents and footnotes]

Ricks Settlers in Colonial America:
A Survey of Genealogical Records

The Land Story

Captain John Martin owned and operated one of the earliest private

plantations in Virginia, known as Martinfls Brandon.-1 it was first settled
about 1616-17, situated on the south side of the James River and
northwest of the mouth of Upper Chippokes Creek. The original charter
of the plantation made it initially independent of the Jamestown General
  §":~:r::%<srs Assembly, which first met 30 July 1619.2 John Martin supposedly died
 at Brandon in 1632. On 5 August 1643, 4,550 acres of land, "commonly

“ known by the name of Martin Brandon lying betwixt Chippokes Creek
and Wards Creek" became the patent of Symon Sturges, John Saclier,

   

..;m~ \ '1
s‘\:::oasE:t.2::§:~— L"

;:;,,;,;,§ ;:=m,:, and Richard Quincy, of London, Merchants}?

\ g ‘ Martin's Brandon was originally a part of Weyanoke Parish when
   Charles City and seven other "Shires," immediately referred to as

A  M counties, were formed in 1634. The remaining seven were Accawmack,
 Charles River, Elizabeth City, Henrico, James City, Warrosquoyacke, and

Warwick River. The Maryiand Charter of 1632 set the northern boundary
of the Virginia area. in 1634, James City County included the area south
 of James River now known as Surry County, which was formed in 1652.
A " In 1637, Warrosquoyacke County became isle of Wight County. In 1753,

Sussex County was formed from the southwest part of Surry Countyfa

On 4 June 1655, the area of Martin's piantation became part of Martin
Brandon Parish, Charles City County. ln 1703, Prince George County
was formed from the southwestern part of Charles City County, south of
  James River. Martin Brandon Parish remained in the new county. in
January 1721, parts of Westover and Weyanoke Parishes united with
Martin Brandon. Thereafter, Martin Brandon Parish remained
predominantly in Prince George County.

 

To the northwest of Martin‘s Brandon and Upper Chippokes Creek, 
along and south of the James River, was another plantation called 5 '7
Ward's, established in 1619. To the east of Upper Chippokes Creek along
and soeth of the river was Captain Lawnefls Plantation at Lawneis
Creek, south of Hogg lsiand, settled in 1619. The Parish of Lawne's

  


Creek, created in 1646, "...was the first of such organizations within the

Eimits of coloniai Surry County."5 Southwark Parish lies aiong the
western boundary of Surry County, and members of the Ricks famiiy
settled there after 1700.

Several James City County patents identify some of the earliest land
owners aiong and in the vicinity of Upper Chippokes Creek. These

individuals and their famiiies formed the nucieus of the con1munity:5—

Book1
0 - 462. Thomas Weekes, 21 August 1637. 100 acres abutting

Chipokes Creek &c Wm Rookins? dividend lying on the west.

o - 548. John Fludd [Flood], 12 May 1638. 2100 acres. Adjoining the
land of Capt. Henry Browne, north upon the main river, west upon
Benjamin Harrison's marked tree [being up the west side of Sunken

Marsh Creek].3

a - 554. William Rookins [Rookings], 5 March 1638. 150 acres. Upon
the upper Chippokes Creek, northerly upon James river adjoining
the land of Samuel Edmonds.

o - 556. Benjamin Carrill, 16 May 1638. 700 acres. Beg.g [beginning] at

Sandy point and extending down the river to Dancing point.9

. - 557. Charles Foard [Ford], 19 May 1638. 250 acres. Over against
Dancing point on the Southly side of the river.“

o - 566. John Senior & Henry Carman, 10 May 1638. 150 acres. North
upon upper Chippokes Creek, adjoin.g the land of Thomas Weekes.

o - 583. Edward Minter, 25 July 1638. 300 acres. At the upper
Chippokes, on the west side with a great swampe next to the land
of Benjamin Harrison.

Others who later acquired property aiong Ward's Creek were: In
1655, Wiiliam Bayly patented 400 acres;” Elias Osborne patented 200
acres on the south 1 January 1668;” and Ralph Racheil patented 200
acres on the southeast side 28 January 1670.13

While Richard1 Ricks arrived in the New World very early, he was not
one of those eariy land owners in this area of Charies City and Surry
Counties. There were few Rickses documented in Virginia before about
1650, and it appears that this family resided in the Ward's-Upper
Chippokes Creek area as early as that year, perhaps eariier. Life was
difficult for those early immigrants; and at one point, after the
devastating Indian massacre in 1622, the rnortaiity rate for the settiers
was about seventy- Ive percent.” While there is no confirmation of the
Ricks surname in extant colonial records during that infamous attack,
they were certainly there during the second massacre that occurred 18
August 1644. "The lndians feli upon the settiers aiong the frontier near

the head of the rivers and south of the James River."»1~5 The totai number
killed-at ieast 500-was more than the iosses suffered in the 1622

massacre.15 A peace treaty was signed in 1646, a peace that iasted until
1676. Richard? Ricks, his wife Elizabeth and their children probabiy lived
in the Charles City County area in 1644.17

Coloniai Virginia was predominantly Anglican, but "Puritans were
influential in Southside Virginia, south of the James River, where
immigrants came Iargeiy from southern and southwestern Engiand, the

center of Puritanism in the tatter country."3¥3r It is not known if any
Rickses in Virginia were Puritans, but most iived south of the James


River in areas known as Prince George and Surry Counties. Isaac Ricks
settled in colonial Isle of Wight County by 1682, and he was a Quaker.”

Johnz Ricks (Richard1) owned land in Nlartin Brandon Parish, Charles
City County, between Upper Chippokes Creel: and Ward‘s Creek, but
only in the 16805 and later.

The following history is the only known genealogy published for this
branch of the Ricks family. While the surname spelling appears in early
records as Reeks or Reekes-other variations include Rooks, Ricks and
Rix. The name spelled "Ricks" became more common after 1706,
especially within the lsaac Ricks family, of Isle of Wight County, Virginia.
Hereinafter, the surname spelling "Ricks" will be used in discussion, the
exception being the name as presented in original and abstract records.
All counties mentioned are in Virginia, except where noted.

[The following material in this chapter includes a thorough discussion
and survey of records associated with Richard Ricks, lsaac Ricks, and
Richard Rooks. Several other Ricks men are discussed briefly.)

Footnotes

‘Richard L. Nlorton, Colonial Virginia, Vol. 1, "The Tidewater Period,
16(}7EJ1710" (Chapel Hill, NC: University of N. C. Press, 1960), pp. 58, 62,
63, published for The Virginia Historical Society.

2Charles Francis Cocke, Parish Lines, Diocese of Southern Virginia
(Richmond: Va. State Library, 1964), pp. 89591; 84885 for the discussion
of Westover and Weyanoke Parishes.

3"Charles City County: Patents issued During the Regal Government,"
The William and Mary Quarterly (hereinafter WMQ), Ser. 1, Vol. 9, No. 4
(April 1901), p. 233. WMQ, Ser. 1, Vol. 20, No. 3, p. 220, states that these
three merchants obtained the estate called Brandon from Robert
Bargrave, son of George Bargrave and Dorcas llilartin, daughter and heir
of John Martin. The land later descended to Robert Richardson, who in
1720 conveyed Brandon to Nathaniel liarrison.

4The information for this brief survey of Virginia county boundaries was
taken from the computer program "Anihfiap Plus," Version 1.6, County
Boundary Historical Atlas, ©1991fl1995, State Group #1, revised March
1995, by Adrian B. Ettlinger, The Gold Bug Company, P. 0. Box 586,
Alamo, CA 94507.

5Cocke, Parish Lines, Diocese of Southern Virginia, p. 58.

6"Patents issued During The Regal Government," WMQ, Ser. 1, Vol. 9,
No. 2 , pp. 67

-{William Rookings, son of William Sr. (in this record), was one of
Baconis maiors. Rookings had family ties to the William Short and
Nicholas Wyatt families. Nicholas was another of Bacon officers, and
he was the brother—in-law of Capt. William Rookings (WMQ, Ser. 1, Vol. 5,
No. 3, p. 191; Ser. 1, Vol. 10, No. 4, pp. 261 M64).

8 "Some Old Surry Families,“ WMQ, Ser. 1, Vol. 16, hio. 4 (April 1908), pp.


221 D225. This is an excellent discussion of the Fiood famiiy.

9Dancing Point is iocated on the north side of James River, in Charies
City County, due east about five miles from the mouth of Upper
Chippokes Creek, opposite Stoop Point in the northwest corner of Surry
County.

“Another reference for Dancing Point is that of a sharp point of ianci on
the north side of James River directly across the river from Sunken
Meadow Lake. The wording of this patent suggests the land was in the
vicinity of Sunken Marsh.

“wriio, Ser. 1, Vol. 24, No. 2 (Oct. 1915), p. 142.
‘ZWMQ, Ser. 1, Vol. 13, No. 2 (Oct. 1904), p. 117.
13wMQ, Ser. 1, Vol. 13, No. 2 (Oct. 1904), p. 119.
“Morton, Colonial Virginia, Vol. 1, p. 88.
“Morton, coioniai Virginia, Vol. 1, p. 153.
“Morton, Colonial Virginia, Vol. 1, p. 156.

17?-"or more on eariy colonial life, read Richard L. ivlortonljs informative
book Colonial Virginia.

“Morton, Colonial Virginia, Vol. 1, p. 151.

“This Ricks famiiy is weil documented in the minutes of Chuckatuck
Monthly Meeting (MM) and in the Quaker abstracts by Wiiiiam Wade
Hinshaw. Some new information on this family foilows after the Richard
Ricks material.

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Dinsmore Documentation presents Classics of American Colonial History

Author: Cheyney, Edward P.
Title: “Some English Conditions Surrounding the Settlement of Virginia.”
Citation: American Historical Review 12 (April 1907): 507-28
HTML by Dinsmore Documentation * Added May 7, 2002

SOME ENGLISH CONDITIONS SURROUNDING THE SETTLEMENT OF
VIRGINIA

To Americans the settlement of Jamestown presents itself as something
unique, the birth of the nation, the first scene in the drama of American history.
Looked at from the European side, however, it was but a single occurrence
connected with a long line of preceding events and surrounded by a group of
others with which it had mutual relations. Under the conditions existing in
England at the beginning of the seventeenth century the establishment of the
Virginia colony was the natural next step to take, and its form reflected the group
of influences active there. In these times of reminiscence it may be of interest to
examine more closely some of the steps that led up to the formation of the
Virginia Company and some of the contemporary circumstances under which the
settlement was made.

England came late into the colonizing movement. The example of two great
colonial empires had long been before her. When the settlement of 1607 took
place, more than a century had passed since the nearly contemporary voyages of
Vasco da Gama in 1497 and of Columbus in 1492 had established the dominion of
Portugal and of Spain respectively in the East and the West Indies. In the years
immediately succeeding 1497 the Portuguese government, in a wonderful series
of naval and trading expeditions, extended its dominion along the coasts of the
Indian Ocean far beyond what would have seemed inherently possible for so
small a nation. A line of able commanders not only successfully fought Indian,
Arab, and Turkish fleets and the armies of petty Indian rajahs and island
Chieftains, but carried out a policy of seizing and holding the strategical military
and commercial ports that soon gave them virtual command of all the Eastern
seas. By 1520 the east coast of Africa, the land at the outlet of the Persian Gulf,
the west coast of India, the island of Ceylon, Java, and the Spice Islands were
lined by a scattered series of Portuguese fortified stations, and most of the
princes of these regions had been forced to accept dependent alliances with the
king of Portugal. From Quiloa and Mombassa on the African coast, through
Ormuz, Diu, Goa, and Calicut, to Malacca and the Spice Islands, no vessel could
trade without a

508

Portuguese pass, no coast ruler could make a treaty antagonistic to Portugal, and
all the most profitable commerce was in her hands. A Portuguese Viceroy ruled at


Goa, and two governors with stations at Mozambique in the west and Malacca in
the east were given the oversight of the outlying parts of these 15,000 miles of
coast dominion. Every year a fleet averaging twenty sail passed around the Cape
of Good Hope between Portugal and her eastern dominions, its great galleons,
caravels, and carracks loaded with the most valuable articles of commerce.
Lisbon became a great commercial centre and Portugal enjoyed a period of
unwonted intellectual, economic, and international prominence. Her king along
with his other titles called himself “Lord of the Conquest, Navigation, and
Commerce of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, and India.”

The construction by Spain in the latest years of the fifteenth and the early
years of the sixteenth century of a still more extended, more powerful, and more
profitable empire in the West is an even more impressive if also more familiar
story. By some such date as 1540 the conquistadores had explored and largely
subjugated a great part of the island and continental regions of America south of
what is now the United States. This dominion had been organized under the
systematic administration of the Council of the Indies and the Casa de
Contratacion in Spain and of two viceroyalties with a number of subordinate
governments in America. Certain municipal institutions had been established and
constant communication took place with the home government. The vast
geographical extent of the Spanish dominions in the New World, with a Spanish-
born population of perhaps 150,000 and native-born of possibly 5,000,000: the
productivity of the silver and gold—mines, unexampled before in human history;
the size of the fleets carrying between Spain and the Indies emigrants, military
and civil officials, troops, bullion, European and American goods, and all the
interchange of two parts of an advanced empire; the reaction of these things on
the importance of the mother—country in Europe—a|l these, like the East-Indian
empire of Portugal, had grown practically to maturity by the middle of the
sixteenth century, long before England had established her first colony.

We know that the existence of these imposing political structures exercised a
powerful influence on the thought of Englishmen. It was not merely that they had
a natural human interest in the newly—discovered lands, with their savage men,
new animal and vegetable productions, and peculiarities of climate and physical
conformation; nor was it merely that the mystery, the glamor, and the romance
of the distant and the unknown touched poetic imaginations amongst

509

them; but it was true that many Englishmen of influence had a vivid realization
that two nations of Europe, one far smaller, the other not inordinately larger than
England, had obtained a great inheritance in the East and the West that England
might have had, might even yet rival. The very first reference to the New World
in English general literature is an expression of regret and vexation on that
account:

0 what thynge a had be than

Yf that they that be englyshe men

Myght have ben the furst of all

That there shulde have take possessyon
And made furst buyldynge and habytacion


A memory perpetuall.

And also what an honorable thynge
Bothe to the realme and to the kynge
To have had his domynyons extendynge

There into so farre a grounde.1

An early historian makes one party in the council of Henry VIII., as early as
1511, say, “The Indies are discover’d, and vast treasure brought from thence
every day. Let us therefore bend our endeavours thitherwards; and if the Spanish
and Portuguese suffer us not to join with them, there will be yet region enough

for all to enjoy.”2 The well—known memorial sent by Robert Thorne, an English
merchant resident in Seville, to Henry VIII. in 1527, after speaking of the islands
and territories belonging to the kings of Spain and Portugal, declares that in
some of the earlier English expeditions, “if the marriners would have been ruled,
and folowed their pilot's mind the lands of the West Indies from whence all the
gold commeth had beene ours”, and that even yet England might find lands
under the equator no less rich in gold and spicery and no less profitable to her

than theirs were to the kings of Spain and Portugal.3 Richard Eden in the
dedication of his Treatyse of the New India, published in 1553, again expresses
regret that the faint-heartedness of the early English navigators prevented its
coming to pass that the rich Peruvian treasury of the Spanish king at Seville was

not in the Tower of London.4 In his Decades of the New World, published two
years later, he refrains, naturally enough, from such a pious wish, as his book is
dedicated

1 An Inter/ude of the Four Elements, written probably in 1519; printed in
E. Arber, First Three English Books on America, pp. xx—xxi.

2 Lord Herbert of Cherbury, History of Henry VIII., under the year 1511.
3 Hakluyt, II, 177.
4 E. Arber, First Three English Books on America, p. 6.

510

to Philip of Spain, now king also of England, but he does go so far as to say in his
“Preface to the Reader”:

Besyde the portion of lande perteynyng to the Spanyardes and beside
that which perteineth to the Portugales, there yet remayneth an other
portion of that mayne lande reachynge towarde the northeast, thought
to be as large as the other, and not yet knowen but only by the sea
coastes, neyther inhabyted by any Christian men.

Then still more exactly indicating the very region which was destined long
afterward to become Virginia and New England, he declares that it is a reproach
to the English race that they who are the nearest people in Europe to that land
have not attempted to christianize or occupy it, nor “to doo for owr partes as the
Spaniardes have doone for theyrs, and not ever lyke sheepe to haunte one trade,

and to doo nothynge woorthy memorie amonge men or thankes before god”.1


Similarly through the growing familiarity of the Englishmen with the Indies
during the reign of Elizabeth runs the thought that England also should have an
Indian empire. The residence of English merchants and the experience of
travellers in Spanish and Portuguese cities, their home correspondence, and their

translations of Spanish works on the Indies;2 the productions of pamphleteers
and writers of travels, culminating in the work of Hakluyt in 1589; the unwelcome
visits of English adventurers to the Indies; the capture by Drake in 1587 and
1592 of the San Felipe and the Madre de Dios, the two great Portuguese carracks

on their way home from the East Indies; the minute description of the Portuguese

East Indies by Linschoten in his work published in England in 1598; the wide
experience and thoughtful observation of many English statesmen and
ambassadors—all these strengthened “imperialist” sentiment in England. Men of
visionary temperament, like Sidney, Raleigh, Drake, Captain John Smith, Sir
Thomas Smythe, and many humbler names among London merchants or restless
adventurers, felt their imaginations stirred by the thought of distant dominions of
such extent, interest, and value to the European powers that ruled them. It is not
to be believed that in a period of strong national self—consciousness and
increasing power, when ambition for distant possessions had been growing
through more than one generation, a vigorous and effective effort to establish
some such colony as Virginia could have been long delayed.

Projects indeed were early formed and colonists sent out, but their history is a
record of failure. A desire for the possession

1 Arber, p. 55.
2 Underhill, Spanish Literature in the England of the Tudors, chap. 5.

511

of a colonial empire and enthusiasm for the plantation of colonies are not
enough; a practicable plan must be found.

English exploitation of America was begun on mistaken and impracticable
lines. A large proportion of the expeditions that were sent from England to
America in the last two decades of the sixteenth century were sent out by single
individuals or small groups of individuals. The first expedition which carried men
intended as settlers, that of Sir Humphrey Gilbert in 1578, was a private venture
of his own, with the aid of a few friends, and that on which he lost his life five
years afterward was on scarcely a broader basis. The contemporary annalist,
Camden, speaking of Gilbert's failure and death, says, “learning too late himself,
and teaching others, that it is a difficulter thing to carry over Colonies into
remote Countreys upon private mens Purses, than he and others in an erroneous

Credulity had persuaded themselves, to their own Cost and Detriment”.1 Or as
some one a few years later says, “Private purces are cowlde compfortes to
adventurers, and have ever ben fownde fatall to all interprises hitherto
undertaken by the English, by reason of delaies, jeloces and unwlllingnes to

backe that project which succeeded not at the first attempt/'2 The multiplicity
and extent of costs involved in procuring and fitting out vessels, in providing
military equipment and all other supplies for mariners and colonists, and in


supporting employees and settlers; the long waiting for any returns; the slight
development of instruments of credit—these made demands beyond the means
of any individual gentleman or group of gentlemen, burdened as they already
were by the living expenses of their rank. The efforts of the Gilberts, the
Raleighs, and the Sidneys were along mistaken and hopeless lines. Their efforts
were more useful as a warning than as an example. There is no instance of a
successful settlement in America carried out by private persons till well toward
the middle of the seventeenth century. Until the day when settlers for religious or
economic reasons went out at their own cost, the only hope of meeting the
expenses incident to founding a colony was either to draw on the resources of the
whole community through the government, or to meet them by the combined
means and the organized credit and effort of the merchant class. At the close of
the sixteenth century the English government was not in a position financially or
politically to furnish the funds for colonization, so the only remaining practical
method was

1 History of Queen Elizabeth, p. 287.

2 Reasons or Motives for the Raising of a Publique Stocke,” sect. 5. Printed
in Brown, Genesis of the United States, I. 37.

 

512

the formation of a trading company, with its much more extended resources and
its corporate life. The £40,000 which Raleigh spent on the six or eight expeditions
he sent out nearly ruined him and his friends, while the East India Company
spent more than £160,000 on its first voyage to the East alone,

The true line of descent of the plan for the successful settlement of Virginia is
through the early trading companies of the Old World, not through the early
failures in the New. In fact the whole advance of English discovery, commerce,
and colonization in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries was due not to
individuals but to the efforts of corporate bodies. The development of such
companies is a familiar story. It began almost an even half—century before the
settlement of Jamestown. In 1553 a group of London merchants sent out an
expedition to the northeast to seek a new outlet for trade. As a result a line of
connection was formed with Moscow in the centre of Russia, and in 1555 a
charter was given to the merchants engaged in the trade, forming them into the
body that had a long and influential history under the familiar name of the
Muscovy Company. “Muscovy House”, their hall, was long the customary
meeting-place for adventurers interested in new trading movements. Twenty—five
years later the merchants who were engaged in the trade with Scandinavia and
the lands to the east of the Baltic Sea secured a charter guaranteeing to them
the monopoly of English commerce there, and became known as the Baltic or
Eastland Company. From a time early in the century other merchants had been
interested in trade with Venice and the eastern Mediterranean possessions of
Venice. Now they proceeded to develop a trade with the possessions of Turkey, in
1581 were chartered as the Levant or Turkey Company, and shortly afterward
absorbed the smaller company trading to the northern Mediterranean.


In the meantime a Barbary or Morocco Company had been formed. Then, as
an Elizabethan chronicler says, “The searching and unsatisfied spirits of the
English, to the great glorie of our nation, could not be contained within the
banckes of the Mediterranean or Levant seas, but that they passed far towardes
both the articke and anarticke Poles, enlarging their trade into the West and East

Indies”.1 English trade with the west coast of Africa was resented by the
Portuguese, and in 1561 Queen Elizabeth was induced to issue the following
proclamation:

Although we know no reasonable cause why our subjects may not
saile into any country or province subject to our good brother, being in

1 John Speed, Chronicle, II. 852.

513

amytie with us, paying such tributes and droytes as may belong to their
traffique, yet at the instant request of the said king, made to us by his
ambassador, we be pleased for this tyme to admonish all manner our
subjects to forbeare anie entry by navigation into any said ports of

Ethiopia in which the said king hath presently dominion and tribute.1

Many changes occurred in the next twenty-five years, and when all the
possessions of the Portuguese had come into the hands of the king of Spain and
war had broken out between them and the queen, there was no longer any
reason for such self-restraint, so that in 1588 the first Guinea or African Company
was chartered. In 1589 a petition was laid before Lord Treasurer Burleigh asking
for the queens authorization to a group of adventurers to establish a trade in the
Far East, on the ground that “the Portugales of long tyme have traded the East
Indies and the countries to them adjoyning to the great benefytte and enriching
of themselves and their countrie . . . and the tyme doth now offer greater
occazion for the attempting of trade in those countries than at any tyme

heretofore yt hath done.2 This project resulted in the Raymond and Lancaster
expedition to India in 1591 and ultimately in the establishment in 1600 of the
East India Company, the most ambitious of all the chartered companies of the
pefiod.

In the same year with this petition, however, that is to say 1589, a memorial
of even greater boldness, breadth of view, and interest was submitted to the
queen. It is headed, “A Discourse of the Commoditie of the taking of the Straight

of Mage|lan.”3 It is based on the anticipated peril to all Europe arising from the
possession of both the West and the East Indies by the king of Spain and his
shutting other nations entirely out from both their products and their trade. It
proposes that the narrowest part of the Strait of Magellan be occupied and
fortified by the English, calmly suggesting that “Clarke the pyrott” may be sent
there on promise of pardon, or rather, may go there as of him selfe and not with
the countenance of the English state”, and take some cannon and a man skilled
in fortification. If later a few good English soldiers are placed there, no doubt
“they will soon make subject to them all the golden mines of Peru and all the


coste and tract of that firm of America.” As additions to the soldiers and the
native population may be sent “condemned Englishmen and women in whom
there may be found hope of amendment”. Then the author contemplates,
probably for the first time, an independent America. “But admitt that we could

1 Dyson, Proclamations, No. 34.
2 State Papers, East Indies, I., No. 8.
3 State Papers, Dom., Eliz., ccxxix, 97.

514

not enjoye the same longe, but that the Englishe there would aspire to
government of themselves, yet were it better that it should be soe then that the
Spaniardes should with the treasure of that countrie torment all the countries of
Europe with warres.” This and much more equally audacious and impracticable
brought no response from the thrifty and cautious powers then in charge of the
English government. And indeed such a project is to be looked upon rather as an
indication of the expansive spirit of England than as a proposal anywhere within
the realm of success.

Thus the century and the reign of Elizabeth closed without the possession by
England of a foothold on the western continent. Yet the way was obvious. Six
chartered commercial companies had divided most of the available Old World
between them; next to be chartered was the Virginia Company. In fact the three
next succeeding companies, the Guiana, the Newfoundland, and the Bermuda
Companies, established in 1609, 1610, and 1612 respectively, all had their
sphere of operation in America. The connection of the older companies with the
Virginia Company was very close. More than one hundred members of the
Virginia Company were already members of the East India Company. Sir Thomas
Smythe was at the same time governor of both the Muscovy and the East India
Companies, a member of the Levant Company, and treasurer of the Virginia
Company. John Eldred, a director, and Sir William Romney, a governor of the
East India Company, were members of the first council of Virginia. Richard
Staper, who is described on his tombstone in St. Helen's, Bishopsgate, as “the
cheefest actor in the discoverie of the trades of Turkey and East India”, was
much interested in the Virginia project, but died in June, 1608, just too soon to
have his name inscribed with the others on the second charter. The same
connection existed in the case of Sir Edwin Sandys, Sir Thomas Roe, and many
others. There was also a distinct lapping over in time. The second charter of the
Virginia Company was signed on the twenty-third and the second charter of the
East India Company on the thirty—first of May, 1609. The vessels for the third
voyage to India and those for the first voyage to Virginia were both loading at the
wharves of London at the same time; and the two ships of one of the expeditions
of the Muscovy Company had returned to Gravesend but three months before the
first Virginian fleet left it.

Close however as was the connection of the Virginia Company with preceding
trading companies, in many ways the closest analogy with its action and its
nearest congener among the movements of the time is to be found in the


plantation of Ireland then in progress.

515

An English colony had been established in Ireland in the twelfth century, and
additional settlers had come from England and Wales during the thirteenth and
the earliest years of the fourteenth century, but after that time immigration had

with small exceptions come to an end.1 This “first colonization” had however
been largely absorbed into the native population or had returned to England, and
the end of the fifteenth century had seen the English occupation and domination
in Ireland reduced to its lowest limits. Within the sixteenth and the early
seventeenth century, however, a great reaction took place, first in the
government, which became more vigorous and extended its power more widely in
the island; then in the population, into which with great labor an English and
Scottish element was injected. The colonization of Ireland with Britons may
indeed be looked on as largely a part of the political policy of the government.
The maintenance of an armed body in Ireland was an expensive necessity; if this
could be provided by the military services exacted from a body of English
settlers, money would be saved and the end more effectively reached. Again, the
evident failure to induce the native population or the old English element to
abandon Catholicism made it highly desirable for political reasons to introduce a
Protestant element from the outside. Since the only conception of orderly
government which English statesmen of the time could form was the system
already in existence in England, with its county and parish administration, its
justices of the peace, grand and petty juries, and town corporations; and since
these could only be counted on to act in accordance with the desires of the
administration if they were made up of Englishmen and Protestants, this
requirement made a still further need for settlers. Therefore the government was
more than ready to respond to the enterprise, the adventurous spirit, and the
acquisitiveness of the times; and as a matter of fact an extensive colonization by
English and Scots took place nearly if not quite contemporary with the earliest
settlement of America.

There was much that was alike in the two movements. The slmultaneity of
dates is striking. It is true that in Ireland the process began sooner, but these
first efforts were hardly more successful than the tentative sixteenth-century
settlements in America. In 1566 a “plantation” was begun in Leix and Offaly in
the centre of Ireland in the lands of the O’Mores and O’Conors, far earlier than
any definite project of English settlement in America was mooted, unless it were
Stukely’s plan for the settlement of Florida in 1563 and the

1 Bonn, Die Eng/ische K0/onisation in Ir/and, I. 83-89; English Historical
Review, October, 1906, p. 774.

516

suggestions for colonization included in Gilbert's pamphlets of 1565. But this
colonization in Ireland went forward very haltingly, and it was not till the very
close of the century that the few English settlers had permanently taken the place


of the natives.1 There was also a series of attempts at settlements in the
southwestern counties in 1569 and in the northeast in 1567, 1570, and 1573, but
the native Irish were too strong and the intruding elements too weak to gain

success as settlers? The most direct parallel to the efforts at American
settlement by Gilbert and Raleigh between 1578 and 1588 is to be found in the
plantation of Munster, which was begun in 1584. Extensive grants were at that
time made to Raleigh, Spenser, and other courtiers, and detailed conditions were
published by which these and other broad lands confiscated from the natives
were to be occupied by English adventurers and their tenants. But there were
many difficulties, the colonization proceeded slowly; in 1592 only two hundred
and forty-five English families could be found actually settled there; in 1598 even
these were temporarily swept away in the storm of Tyrone’s rebellion, and in
1602 Raleigh disposed of his grant in disgust. Munster was provided with a
certain number of new settlers, but they were almost lost among the surviving
native population.

The English colonization of Ireland that really succeeded, like the successful
colonization of Virginia, occurred in the early years of the seventeenth century. In
the fall of 1605 Sir Arthur Chichester, Lord Deputy, was formulating the first
plans for an extensive settlement of the lately forfeited lands in Ulster; and at the
same time Gates, Somers, and others were drawing up the petition which led to
the grant of the first charter of the Virginia Company; Weymouth had just
returned from New England; and the populace of London was laughing at the
jests on the Virginia voyagers, on Captain Seagull and the Scotchmen in
Eastward Hoe. The year 1606 saw the first settlement of County Down and the

continued occupation of Antrim by Scotchmen,3 and the departure from London
on December 30 of the first colonists of Virginia. In the years immediately
following, while successive expeditions were taking out the small and unfortunate
groups of early victims to the diseases, dissensions, and massacres of Virginia,
steps were being taken for the plantation of Ulster on a large scale. In May,
1611, the first settlers of Ulster proper began to arrive and take up their lands.

Emigration now went on to both countries alike. Ulster having

1 Bagwell, Ireland under the Tudors, I. 385, etc.; Bonn, Ko/onisation, 280-
287.

2 Bagwell, II., chaps. xxv.—xxxi.

3 George Hill, The Macdonnels of Antrim, 229, etc.; The Montgomery
Manuscripts, 54, etc.

517

been at least partially populated, new plantations were carried out in Wexford,
Longford, Leitrim, and Westmeath, and several parts of the old Munster
settlement were recolonized, while to Virginia were added New England,
Maryland, the Bermuda Islands, and other American settlements.

A bond between Virginia and Ireland is also to be found in the men who had a
common interest in both. The Carews, Grenvilles, Courtenays, and Chichesters


who planned a great colonizing expedition from Somerset and Devon into Ireland
in 1569 were the same men who were interested in the earliest attempts to
colonize America. Sir Humphrey Gilbert had been a captain in Ireland in 1566
before he presented to the queen his first address advocating colonization in
America; he returned to Ireland in 1567 in an unsuccessful attempt, along with
Sir Henry Sidney, to make a settlement on Lough Foyle; some years later he
went again to Ireland in connection with a similar scheme for a settlement in
Munster, and remained in military service in that province as colonel in the final
campaign of the Desmond rising. All this occurred before he made his first
voyage to America in 1578, and he was still again in Ireland between his return

and his departure on his last and fatal voyage of 1583.1

Raleigh's career had begun in Ireland, and when he abandoned his rights in
Virginia in 1589 it was to return with new interest to the effort for the
development of his estates in Cork and Waterford. Two years afterward, when
this like the rest of the Munster plantations failed, it was again to an American
project, the exploration of Guiana, that he turned. Sir John Popham took a deep
interest both in the plantation of Munster and in that of Virginia. Sir Francis
Bacon was similarly interested in both countries, submitting plans for the
settlement of Ireland, and as solicitor-general helping to draw up the charter of
1609 for Virginia. He was also a member of the royal council for Virginia. His
valuation of the settlement of Ireland was the higher of the two. In his
Considerations touching the Plantation in Ireland, presented to King James on
New Year's day, 1609, he treats the colonization of Virginia as a somewhat
visionary scheme, that of Ireland as a serious reality, the former being “an
enterprise in my opinion differing as much from this as Amadis de Gaul differs
from Caesar's Commentaries”. At the same time he goes on to recommend the
establishment of two councils for the Irish plantation, one to sit in London, the
other in Ireland, similar to the two councils for Virginia; and long afterward he
speaks of the plantations of Ireland and of Virginia as two of the greatest glories

of King James’s reign.2

1 Dictionary of National Biography, article on Gilbert.
2 Spedding, Lord Bacon's Letters and Life, IV. 123; VII. 175.

518

Other similarities existed. In the colonization of Ireland as of America,
organized and chartered companies are not unknown. In 1611 the East India
Company purchased certain lands near Dundaniel on the southern coast of
County Cork, where they erected iron—works, built dwellings for 300 workmen,
cut down woods, established a ship-yard, and within the next two years spent
£7,000 and built two vessels of 500 and 400 tons.1 In 1609, after prolonged
negotiation between the Privy Council and the officers of the city of London, an
agreement was entered into by which the whole county of Derry in Ireland was
handed over to the city, to be colonized under its control and to its profit. In
order to carry out this work the “Honorable Society of the Governor and
Assistants of London of the New Plantation in Ulster within the Realm of Ireland”
was formed by the court of mayor and aldermen of the city, the Wardrobe in the


Guildhall was set apart for its meeting—place, and a charter of incorporation

granted it by the crown, May 29, 1613.2 The society proceeded immediately to
divide the land among the twelve city companies for sale and settlement,
reserving to itself only the possession of the cities of Londonderry and Coleraine,

their contiguous lands, and the woods, ferries, and fisheries.3 But this was
scarcely a genuine trading company; it existed, indeed still exists, only as an
intermediary between the government and the settlers. The distant commerce
that lay at the basis of the other companies which carried out schemes of
colonization had no place in the relations between England and Ireland, and such
companies could therefore hold here hardly any appreciable place.

On the other hand, both in Ireland and in Virginia we hear much of groups or
combinations of men or “consortships", formed to carry out independent
settlements. It was an associated group of twenty—seven volunteers from the
southwestern counties of England, under the headship of Sir Peter Carew, who in
1569 petitioned the queen for a grant of the southwestern counties of Ireland.
During the colonization of Munster in 1586, we hear of “nineteen men who desire
in one consort with the writer, Henry Ughtred, to plant the counties of Connollo
and Kerry”; of the gentlemen of one association of Cheshire, Lancashire,

Somerset, and Dorset; and of another of Hampshire and Devon.4 In connection
with the plantation of Ulster “consorts of undertakers” are authorized, and the
name of

1 Cal. St. Papers, Ire/and, 1611-1614, pp. 170, 369, 381.

2 A Concise View of the Origin . . . of the Governor and Assistants
commonly called the Irish Society (London, 1822); Report of Select
Committee of the House of Commons on the Irish Society, May 4, 1891.

3 Concise View, p. 38.
4 Cal. St. Papers, Ireland, 1586-1588, pp. 51, 242, 243.

519

an individual, when it appears, is often used to represent such a group.1 The
corresponding process in Virginia is described as follows in the Records of the
Virginia Company:

The Collony beinge thus weake and the Treasury utterly exhaust, Itt

pleased divers Lords, Knights, gentlemen and Cittizens (greived to see
this great Action fall to nothinge) to take the matter a new in hand and
at their pryvate charges (joyninge themselvs into societies) to sett upp

divers particularr Plantacions.2

From this time forward a prominent part in the work of settlement in Virginia was
taken by “Captain Samuel Argall and his associates”, “Hamor and his associates”,
“Martin and his associates”, “the Society of Smythe’s Hundred”, “the Society of
Martin's Hundred”, “Captain John Bargrave and his associates”, William Tracy and
his associates”, “the company of John Smith of Nibley”, and a number of other

groups of adventurers.3 Indeed, the agreement made with the Virginia Company


under which the Pilgrims from Leyden sought the New World was a typical
instance of these arrangements. In the fall of 1617 two representatives of this
body came to London and entered into communication with the company. After
long negotiations, the final grant under which the momentous voyage of the
Mayflower was made was that to “John Pierce and his associates, their heirs and

assignes”, completed February 12, 1620.4

Some lesser analogies between the settlement of Ireland and of Virginia are
noticeable. The statute quia emptores was suspended for the settlers in Ulster,
and new manors and subtenancies could be created, as was true for Virginia and

the other American colonies;5 there were much the same privileges of export and

import for a certain period of years free of duty;6 the local division called a
“precinct”, not apparently in use in England, but rather widely spread in the
southern colonies of America, was used in a similar technical sense in the north
of Ireland. There is the same complaint of the low character of many of the
colonists. A Presbyterian minister who came to Ulster at the beginning of the
settlement says:

From Scotland came many, and from England not a few; yet all of
them, generally the scum of both nations, who for debt, and breaking,

1 Ibid., 1611-1614, pp. 315, 317; Commission of July, 1609; George Hill,
Summary Sketch of the Great Ulster Plantation, p. 18, etc.

2 Records of the Virginia Company (1906), I. 350.

3 Ibid., 347, 404, etc.; Kingsbury, Introduction to Records, p. 95; Brown,
First Republic in America, 245, 249, 256, etc.

4 Brown, 252, 262, 271, 341, 387, etc.

5 Articles concerning English and Scotch Undertakers, sect. 11; Lord
Belmore, Two Ulster Manors, p. 66.

6 Articles, etc., sects. 14, 15; Articles between the King and the City of
London, sect. 15.

520

and fleeing from justice, or seeking shelter came hither, hoping to be
without fear of man's justice in a land where there was nothing, or but

little as yet, of the fear of God.-1

So Sir Thomas Dale describes those whom he took over with him in 1611 as
“sutch disordered persons, so prophane, so riotous, so full of mutinie and
treasonable intendments, as I am well to witness in a parcell of 300 which I
brought with me, of which well may I say not many give testimonie beside their

names that they are Christians, besides of sutch diseased and crased bodies”.2
Fortunately for both settlements we have reason to know that they contained
also far better elements. There is the same tendency in both colonizations to
introduce that compulsion in order to secure colonists to which men so readily

turned in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.3


Eventually the colonization of Ireland and of the American colonies became
rival movements. This opposition had been felt by some from an early period. In
1605 Sir Arthur Chichester, Lord Deputy of Ireland, wrote to the Earl of Salisbury
of the absurd folly or wilful ignorance of those who run over the world in search

of colonies in Virginia and Guiana whilst Ireland is lying waste and desolate.4
Later, in speaking of the proposed colonization of the north of Ireland, he says,
“My heart is so well affected unto it that I had rather labour with my hands in the

plantation of Ulster than dance or play in that of Virginia/'5 At first the greater
proximity of Ireland to Scotland and England was a point overwhelmingly in its
favor; and in the second and third decades of the century, while hundreds were
going to America, Irish immigration might count thousands. But there came a
time when this proximity was looked upon as a disadvantage, and those
emigrants who wanted to leave England at all wished to get entirely away from
the mother-country. Puritans and Churchmen successively emigrated, but
emigrated by preference to New England or Virginia, where the hostility of the
dominant party in England had less effect than it might have in Ireland. Colonists
for Ireland were never abundant. The plantations which were carried out just
after that of Ulster, in the period from 1615 to 1630, and which it was intended
to establish on the mountain slopes of the southeast and in the forests and bogs

along the Shannon, had increasing difficulty in finding settlers.6 When Wentworth

1 Rev. Andrew Stewart, in Hill, Summary Sketch, p. 18.

2 Sir Thomas Dale to Lord Salisbury, August 27, 1611, in Brown, Genesis
of the United States, I. 508.

3 Brown, First Republic in America, 248, 296, 346, 375, etc.
4 Cal. St. Papers, Ire/and, 1603-1606, p. 326.

5 Ibid., 1608-1610, p. 520.

6 Bonn, K0/onisation in Ir/and, I.

523

1621, 3,570; so that in the fifteen years in which Virginia was the only American
colony there were altogether but few more than 5,000 emigrants from England
thither. The devices that were proposed to secure colonists, some of which
indeed were adopted, suggest the same paucity in the supply. In 1611 Sir
Thomas Dale, writing home to Lord Salisbury and appealing for a supply of 2,000
men, says that he has “conceived that if it will please his Majestie to banish
hither all offenders condemned betwixt this and then to die, out of common
Gaoles, and likewise so continue that grant for 3 yeres unto the Colonie, (and
thus cloth the Spaniard people his Indies,) it would be a readie way to furnish us
with men/'1 The company, as a matter of fact, followed this policy to a limited
extent through the whole period of its existence, but at this time convict
emigration played but a small part compared with the extent to which it was later

carried.2 Yet the company repeatedly asked the mayor of London for vagrant
boys and girls of the city to be sent to the colony, and in 1621 had a bill
introduced into Parliament which would have required each parish in England to

send at its own expense a certain number of its paupers to Virginia.3


The most destructive forces that were keeping down population in England at
this time were three: warfare, death penalties inflicted by the law, and pestilence.
It is true that England was in 1607 at peace, and destined to remain so for the
next seventeen years, but peace was recent and had been preceded by a long
warlike period. The generation that could be counted on for purposes of
emigration was that which had been growing up in the past, and this could not be
replaced immediately. It is true also, as frequent experience has shown, that
national warfare does not necessarily deplete population. But the warfare of
Elizabeth's time was particularly destructive to life. The small body of English
troops which according to the treaty of 1585 England bound herself to keep up in
the Netherlands was like a leak in one of the Dutch dikes. Badly selected, badly
equipped, badly fed, the soldiers died in Holland and Zealand almost faster than

they could be recruited in England.4 Those who were in France in 1591 and the
succeeding years were the victims of an only slightly less fatality; those in Ireland
perhaps of a greater. The naval expeditions were even more fatal than land
campaigns. The sailors and soldiers on board the vessels returning from the

1 Brown, Genesis of the United States, I. 506.
2 J. D. Butler in AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, II. 12-33.

3 Records of the Virginia Company (1906), I. 270, 431, 479, 489, 583,
etc.

4 Leycester Correspondence, Camden Society, 167, 285, 338, 374, 384,
389, etc.; Motley, United Netherlands, I., chap. vi.

>”‘3“”“”3§‘l\\\3   

524

Armada fight “sickened one day and died the next” of ship-fever, until “many of
the ships had hardly men enough to weigh their anchors.” On the Portugal
expedition of 1589 about 20,000 men embarked, less than 9,000 returned. Of

1,100 gentlemen volunteers on the expedition 700 died.1 The subsequent
expeditions of 1595, 1596, 1597, 1599, and 1601 were only somewhat less
destructive to life. In 1598 Elizabeth ceased to pay the English troops in the
service of the Netherlands, but they still remained there in the service of the
States and were constantly recruited in England. Indeed the peace between
England and Spain signed in 1604 made no change in their position except that
the king made a barren and ineffective promise that he would try to persuade the
Englishmen in the Netherlands service to return and would discourage others

from going there.2 English troops were kept in the cautionary towns in Holland
and Zealand by the government till 1616, and English recruits were as a matter
of fact obtained by the Dutch government. To these must be added those
obtained for the archduke’s service, in accordance with the permission given by
the treaty. In 1610, the third year of the colonization of Virginia, there were

4,000 English troops in the Netherlands to be sent to the war in Cleves.3 Thus
notwithstanding the generally peaceful policy of James, there was still a steady
drain of English population for military purposes going on. as well as the
necessity for recuperation from the larger losses of Elizabeth's time.

The losses by legal execution (although impossible, from the records now


accessible, of statistical statement) can be roughly estimated, or at least can be
discovered to have been considerable. In the years from 1608 to 1618, which
cover the first decade of the settlement of Virginia, the court of jail—delivery of
the county of Middlesex, which does not include the city and liberties of London,
sent to execution 704 persons, an average of seventy a year. The number for
that county for the whole of James’s reign, so far as recorded, was 1,003, an

average of about forty—five a year.4 In the county of Devon in the year 1598, a
chance year, at the Lent assizes seventeen persons were hanged, at the autumn
assizes eighteen, at the four quarter-sessions thirty—nine, making altogether
seventy—four persons executed in the year. In the year 1596, forty persons were

executed in the county of Somerset.5 To these are to be added 229

1 State Papers, Dom., E|iz., cxxiii, No. 75; Cal. St. Papers, Dom., 1581-
1590, p. 534; Lodge, Illustrations of British History, II. 355, etc.

2 Winwood, Memorials, II. 27.

3 Gardiner, History of England, II. 100, 183; I. 219; Motley, United
Nether/ands, IV. 228.

4 Jeaffreson, Middlesex County Records, II. xvii—xx.
5 Hamilton, Devonshire Quarter—Sessions, 30-31.

525

Catholic recusants executed or allowed to die in prison under Elizabeth, and

twenty—four under James;1 and executions connected with special occurrences
such as the rebellion of Essex and the Gunpowder Plot. When it is realized that, in
each of the fifty—two shires of England and Wales, four times a year the justices
of the peace and twice the justices of assize; and in each of the numerous
chartered towns the corresponding judicial authorities were all busily applying a
severe criminal code, it will be recognized that a check to overpopulation was
being applied closely analogous to war and pestilence.

Yet there can be no doubt that the plague was the most destructive of all
causes of the depletion of population at that time. At intervals approximating ten
years this enemy, ill—understood, unprepared for, weakly opposed, invaded
England and raised the death—rate for one or more years to many times its usual
height. In 1593, in 1603, in the period from 1606 to 1610, and in 1625, London
suffered losses that can be measured with considerable exactness; and during
these and other years we have many glimpses of the ravages of the plague in
other cities and in the rural parts of England. In the year 1593 there were 17,844
deaths in London and its immediate suburbs, of which 10,662 were attributed to
the plague. Deaths from all other causes together were therefore but 7,182, and
this was a larger number than usual. According to Stow, “There died in London
and the liberties thereof, from the 23rd day of December 1602 to the 22nd day of

December 1603, of all diseases 38,244, whereof of the plague 30,578.”2 The
usual death—rate, according to these figures, was more than quadrupled; and
there is other testimony to indicate that this is rather within than beyond the
facts, another estimate, including some outlying districts, giving 42,945 deaths,

whereof of the plague about 33,3473 During the years from 1606 to 1610, the


initial years of the settlement of Virginia, the plague was constantly active,
though not nearly so destructive as in 1593 and 1603. The deaths specifically
from the plague were as follows: 1606, 2,124; 1607, 2,352; 1608, 2,262; 1609,

4,240; and 1610, 1,803.4

The last serious visitation of the plague in London in this period was in 1625,
in which year there were 54,265 deaths, of which 35,417 were attributed to the

plague.5 In the middle of the summer the deaths from plague numbered more
than 4,000 a week. In certain parishes where a maze of narrow streets, lanes,
and alleys,

1 Dodd—Tierney, History of the Church of England, III. 159-170; IV. 179-
180

2 Anna/es, p. 857.

3 Creighton, Epidemics in Britain, I. 478.
4 Ibid., 494.

5 London's Remembrancer.

526

lined with tenements, was filled with a crowded mass of the poorest of humanity,
the deaths ran up to astonishing numbers; as in the case of St. Giles,
Cripplegate, from which there were buried 3,988 persons during the year, 2,338
of them having died of the plague. The population of London and its suburbs in
1607 was probably about 225,000, the mortality in ordinary years being between
7,000 and 9,000, a proportion of about one—thirtieth, which was raised in more

than one plague year to one—fifth or one—sixth.1

The ravages of the plague in London were probably greater in degree than
they were elsewhere, but not different in kind. Sometimes in entirely separate
years, sometimes just preceding or succeeding the great London epidemics, we
hear of the same desolating attacks on cities, towns, and villages scattered
through all England. To estimate the effect of disease on population we must also
add to the plague, technically so—called, other prevalent and fatal diseases,
spotted fever, smallpox, flux, influenza, measles, and jail—fever or the “pining-
sickness”, all of which were exercising their full powers of destruction at this

time.2

In view of all these conditions it is small wonder that early colonization could
not command a very large body of emigrants from England. Indeed such material
as it had to work with was provided rather by the displacement and disturbance
of population in England than by its actual growth in numbers. This displacement
was one of the most marked characteristics of the time. Economic and political
causes had so far altered the equilibrium of large elements in the population that
they were easily removable. Religious causes were to have the same effect in
later times, indeed had already by the date of the settlement of Virginia begun
their work. It was to this mobility of population that not only the possibility of
colonization but the rapid growth of London was due. In an occasional favorable


year the baptisms, which were practically the same in number as the births,
exceeded the number of deaths, as in 1580 when the baptisms were 3,568, the
deaths 2,873 but any slight access of the plague or other disease reversed the
conditions, as in 1579 when there were 3,370 baptisms and 3,406 deaths; while
a bad plague year made the deaths preponderate overwhelmingly over the births,
as in 1578 when there were 3,150 christenings and 7,830 deaths, or in 1625

when in the city and suburbs 6,983 persons were christened, but 54,265 died.3
During a long period the deaths in London must have much exceeded the

1 Creighton, Epidemics in Britain, I. 471-474.
2 Ibid., chaps. vi.—x.
3 Ibid.

527

births, yet the population of the city during the same period was increasing.
Obviously this was from the constant flow of outsiders into it: foreign immigrants,
English adventurers, restless or evicted, occupationless, and often criminal
vagabonds. It was this disproportionate and abnormal growth of London and
perhaps of some other large cities and towns, the “infinite increasing greatness of
this city”, that gave contemporaries the impression that England was teeming
and suffering with a superabundance of population.

Bacon in 1606 saw the conditions more fairly and expressed them in a speech
in Parliament on the proposed union between England and Scotland:

I must have leave to doubt, Mr. Speaker, that this realm of England
is not yet peopled to the full. For certain it is, that the territories of
France, Italy, Flanders, and some parts of Germany, do in equal space
of ground bear and contain a far greater quantity of people, if they
were mustered by the poll. Neither can I see that this kingdom is so
much inferior unto those foreign parts in fruitfulness, as it is in
population; which makes me conceive we have not our full charge.
Besides, I do see manifestly amongst us the badges and tokens rather
of scarceness, than of press of people; as drowned grounds, commons,
wastes, and the like; which is a plain demonstration, that howsoever
there may be an overswelling throng and press of people here about
London, which is most in our eye, yet the body of the kingdom is but

thin sown with people.1

The more closely conditions in England in the years just preceding and
contemporary with the foundation of Virginia are studied, the more natural does
it seem that such a settlement should have been made, that it should have taken
some such form as it did and suffered the difficulties it actually experienced. The
whole movement was a natural, almost an inevitable one. But this naturalness
does not diminish its significance. The grant of the charters to the Virginia
Company, the settlement at Jamestown, the propaganda carried on in England in
its interest, the activity of the company, the public discussion of the project, the
attitude of the king toward it, make the whole movement one of the most


important of its time. The subject of colonization was now for the first time, and
for all subsequent time, made one of popular interest. In the years between 1606
and 1620 many pamphlets were issued and numerous sermons preached on the
subject; appeals for support and statements of plans were made to the general
government, to town authorities, to the London companies, to churches, and to
individuals; the members of the company were numbered by hundreds, the
number of investors large and small rose to thousands; general collections were
taken up and lotteries were carried on for its expenses;

1 Spedding, Letters and Life of Francis Bacon, III. 312.

528

it was the subject of discussion in the Privy Council, in Parliament, in the court of
aldermen of London, and in the councils of various trading bodies. There must
have been few persons in England who took any interest whatever in public
questions who failed to become somewhat familiar with the subject of
colonization and all later similar movements were carried on in the light of this
familiarity.

The influence of the Virginia project on the political movement of the day was
by no means insignificant. It worked itself into the rising conflict between King
and Parliament, giving occasion for defining the differences of political views
between the royal and the popular party; and the Virginia Company, while falling
a victim to the hostility of the former, strengthened and gave unity to the latter.

Lastly, it influenced the literature of the time; not only the literature of
voyages and travels, of practical proposals and patriotic or religious appeals, but
the higher forms of imaginative writing. Bacon's essay “On Plantations” under its
classic terms and general observations scarcely conceals his specific views and
criticisms of the Virginia project as it was being carried on. In Drayton’s “Ode to
the Virginian Voyage” the familiar expressions of the devotees of colonization are
put into the service of no mean poetry:

And the ambitious vine
Crownes with his purple masse

The cedar reaching hie
To kisse the skie,

The cypresse, pine,

And usefull sassafras.

Thy voyages attend,
Industrious Hackluit,
Whose reading shall inflame
Men to seeke fame,
And much commend
To after—times thy wit.


Three excellent poets joined to immortalize the Virginian captain and the
reckless adventurer in Eastward Hoe; and the changes are rung on “the Virginian
continent”, “Virginian priests”, “Virginian princes”, and “the noblest Virginians” in
Chapman's mask played before the king by the gentlemen of the Inns of Court in
1613. The sights and sounds of the sea, the shipwreck, the boasting and
roystering, the grace, the charm, and the high imagination of the Tempest, and
much more that belongs to the literature of that time and of all time, are not
without a close connection with the earliest voyages to Jamestown.

EDWARD P. CHEYNEY.

wDj4r3__smore Documentation presents Classics of American Colonial History


Spacer


Captain John WARD

John Ward’s wife, Grace, also an immigrant, died and John married Elizabeth (—)
Boates, the widow of George Boates. As John Warde, he represented Wardes Plantation
in Virginia’s first General Assembly (1619). They first refused to recognize him as a
member because he had settled on Company land without the approval of the treasurer of
the Virginia Company. The other burgesses reconsidered the matter in Ward’s absence.
They acknowledged that Ward had made contributions to the Colony and agreed to seat
him if he would go through the proper channels of approval before the next Assembly.

Name: Captain John WARDE

ABT. 1570 in England 1

ABT. 1598 in (Wythe), England

BEF. 1636 in Wards Plantation, Henrico County, VA

16 FEB 1622/23 Captain John Ward was on the list of the living & the dead at Virginia
1619 At Elizabeth City across the Hampton River.

1619 Captain Ward fished off the New England coast to aid Virginia's food supply.

1619 Captain Ward was amont those granted patents in Virginia; he was among 11
people who had undertaken to transport to Virginia great multitudes of people with store
of cattle.

1619 He was associated with Captain John Bargrave, a trader & colonizer in Virginia.
JUL 1619 Member, 1st Legislative Assembly in America at J amestowne, Virginia. 5

17 MAY 1620 His indenture was renewed in name of Capt. Warde and his associates.
1621 JOHN WARD on the ship Elizabeth, Muster, Elizabeth City

1622 Indian Massacre took place in the Colony, ending the Ward plantation story as it did
others.

1622 Twelve persons killed in Indian Massacre at Lt. Gibbs Dividend, referring to Ward's
plantation.

1633 Planter, Virginia; Captain of vessel that supplied fish & goods to settlers at
Jamestown.

21 MAR 1632/33 John Ward, Planter of Varinas, lease 25 ac adj. his plantation.

BEF. 1636 He married 2ndly Mrs. Elizabeth Boates, who would later marry James Place.
BEF. 1636 He transported his first wife, GRACE, and 3 persons Cornelius DeHull,
Vincent Dehall, Richard Tombs, Jon. Morgan, Tho. Robinson, Richard Greete.

1638 Rice Hooe patented Capt. Ward's plantation in Charles City Co. (Prince George
County).

Emigration: 22 APR 1619 Captain John Ward arrived in Virginia on the ship named
Sampson with 50 emigrants to establish a private plantation.

Reference Number: 52019

Note:

Charles E. Hatch, Jr. in his book, The First Seventeen Years Virginia 1607-1624 (pp 73- 

74) writes that CAPTAIN JOHN WARD arrived in the Colony of Virginia on April 22,
1619 aboard the ship Sampson with about 50 emigrants to establish a private plantation.
Samuel Argall later placed the date as 1618. He selected 1,200 acres west of Martin's
Brandon, adjoining a creek on the south side of the James River which still bears his
name. He was in some sort of association with CAPTAIN JOHN BARGRAVE who was
involved in Virginia trade and colonization. Several members of the Bargrave family
were with Captain Ward. CAPTAIN BARGRAVE in 1622 claimed the distinction of
having "undertaken to be the first planter of a private colony in Virginia." [The plantation
was located between Captain Spilmans Divendent established before 1622 and Martin's
Brandon, established in 1616. Captain Thomas Spilman came to Virginia in 1616 or


1617. Two people were slain in 1622 at his plantation and he relocated in Elizabeth City
and by 1625 was established with his wife and child born in Virginia and 4 servants.]

Both CAPTAIN WARD and CAPTAIN BARGRAVE were among those granted patents
in the year 1619. They were included in the eleven people "Who had undertaken to
transport to Virginia great multitudes of people, with store of cattell."

Soon after arriving in the Colony, CAPTAIN WARD found himself on the New England
coast fishing in order to aid Virginia's food supply. When he returned in July he made his
contribution to the general store.

Captain Ward's plantation was among those that sent representatives to the first
Assembly of Jamestown in July and August 1619. His Lieutenant, JOHN GIBBS,
attended and CAPTAIN WARD served on the Assembly committee that examined the
first and third books of the "Great Charter." Initially the Burgesses challenbd his
representation on the grounds that he had seated in Virginia without authority or
commission. They did recognize his support of the Colony and that he had adventured his
person. He was allowed to take his seat with the cavea that he agree to a lawful
commission. Perhaps he fulfilled his obligation when his old indenture was passed again
under the seal on May 17, 1620 in the name of "CAPT JOHN WARDE and his
associates."

In the $113? 1620 Captain Ward was again trading on the Potomas. "The people there,
are said, to have dealt falsely with him, so he took 800 bushels of come per force." Such
acts probably had a bearing on the massacre of 1622, which may have ended the Ward
Plantation story as it did the story of other settlements in early Virginia. Most likely the
twelve people killed at Lieutenant Gibbs‘ "Dividend" referred to the Ward Plantation.
Mention of the plantation ceased after that date although CAPTAIN WARD received a
new grant or reaffirmation of his old one in June 1623.

20 January 1625: Muster at Elizabeth City, VA

MUSTER OF JOHN WARD:

JOHN WARD in the Elizabeth 1621

ADAM RIMWELL aged 24 in the Bona Nova 1619
CHRISTOPHER WYNWTLL aged 26 in the Bona Nova 1619
OLIVER JENKIN aged 40

JOANE JENKIN & a littell Child

HENRIE POTTER aged 50

ANN POTTER in the London Marchant

ROBART GOODMAN, aged 24 in the Bona Nova 1619
Provision: 20 barrells of corn; 500 ct. Fish

Armes: 8 peeces; 2 Armors; 8 pounds powder; 20 pounds lead
Two houses; Two stores

1633, March 21: Henrico County Patent Book 1, Part 1, page 146
JOHN WARD of VARINAS, planter, leased twenty five acres of land east upon his own

land towards the land of THOMAS PACKER [PARKER] at the plantation of VARINA
for 25 years (1658].

Note that on 1634, May 30: Virginia Patent Book No. 1, pp 146, 148, SEATH WARD,
Planter of Varina in the upper part, obtains a 21 years lease for 60 acres in the upper part
of the Corporation of Henrico abutting West upon land of DANIELL SHERLEY, East


towards a tree knowne as Powhatan's Tree, Sly upon 3 Mile Swamp and Northly into the
maine woods.

1636, June 1: Henrico Patent Book 1, Part 1, p 405

JAMES PLACE, 550 acres, Henrico County. Upon a small creek a cleare feild called
Pimasioes feild otherwise porridges feild, bounded upon the main river SW, Southerly &
NW towards the falls of the great river and SE, Easterly towards land of ROBERT
HOLLUM, NE into the woods. Due in right of his now wife, ELIZABETH [Elizabeth
Boates Ward] to whom it was due, viz: 250 acres in right of her first husband, GEORGE
BOATES, to whom it was due for transport of said ELIZABETH and 4 servants; 300
acres in right of her late husband, JOHN WARD, to whom it was due viz: 100 acres for
his personal adventure as being an Ancient Planter in the time of SIR THOMAS DALE
& 200 acres for transport of his first wife, GRACE WARD, and 3 persons: CORNELIUS
DEHULL, VINCENT DEHALL, RICHARD TOMBS, JOHN MORGAN, THOMAS
ROBINSON, RICHARD GREETE.

NATHANIEL POWELL served as Deputy Governor of Virginia in I619. "The only
matter of public interest that took place during Powell's brief administration was the
coming of CAPTAIN JOHN WARD, with fifty immigrants, including REV. THOMAS
BARGRAVE, nephew of DR. BARGRAVE, Dean of Canterbury. They made a
settlement above Martin's Brandon on what is still known as Ward's Creek. [Source:
Virginia Biography, Volume II, Colonial Presidents and Governors, page 42]

LIEUTENANT GIBBES was a Burgess from CAPTAIN WARD's planation in 1619.
(Virginia Biography, Vol 4, p 442)

Lyon Gardiner Tyler in his book, The Cradle of the Republic, writes that Captain John
Ward's patent called for 1,200 acres on the river side. The land east of Wards Creek
appears to have been included in a grant to RICE HOOE in May 1638.

The relationship between SETH WARD and JOHN WARD has not been established.
SETH WARD was the ancestor of the Ward family of Henrico, Virginia and later of
Chesterfield, Amelia, Nottoway, and other locals in Virginia, and North Carolina.

Researcher Mary Ward states that a record found in The Compendium of American
Genealogy traces Seth Ward of Henrico County, VA to this Captain John Ward;
however, no record of John Ward has been found that names Seth Ward as his son. Note:
Seth Ward was in Henrico County, Virginia no later than February ll, 1632 when he was
granted a lease for 21 years in the upper parts of Henrico County.

Source: WFT/

Brenda H. Reed‘s Kith & Kin of VA, NC, TN, SC & Beyond
Entries: 47249 Updated: Thu Jan 9 17:45:37 2003 Contact: Brenda H. Reed Home Page:
The Weberite Heresy & Murder of John George Smithpeter of Saxe Gotha, SC

Captain John WARD

John Ward’s wife, Gracefalso an immigrant, died and John married Elizabeth (—)
Boates, the widow of George Boates, As John_,Warde, he represented: Ward»es‘“P»lantation
in Virginia’s first General Asse;;r’1bly\Q6l"9). They first refusedrto reco~grri'ze him as a
member because l.'IC_,*hEld settled; on Company land without the approval of the treasurer of
the Virginia Company. The other burgesses reconsidered the matter in Ward’s absence.


Spacer


THE LAWRENCE F. BREWSTER
LECTURE IN HISTORY

Theory and Practice: Roanoke and
Jamestown

Presented by David Beers Quinn
November 1985
EAST CAROLINA UNIVERSITY
GREENVILLE, NORTH CAROLINA, USA

INTRODUCTION

This is the second essay in the Lawrence F. Brewster Lectures in
History series to be published. With this publication we hope the
series, which bears the name of our esteemed emeritus professor of
the Department of History, has now securely established itself both
in the profession and the broader educational community. From its
inception the lecture series has had four fundamental goals: to
provide students, faculty, and members of the larger community
with an opportunity to hear historians of distinction share their
knowledge and mastery of some aspect of the discipline; to stimulate
an exchange of ideas and to promote a continuing dialogue about
issues of fundamental importance to man; and to illuminate the
present state of human affairs through the reflective prism of the
past; and to support a critical requirement in modern times, the
continuing process of education.

Arthur S. Link of Princeton University inaugurated the series in 1982
as a part of East Carolina University's seventy-fifth anniversary
celebration. Professor Link lectured on "Woodrow Wilson and a


Revolutionary World." The second lecture was presented by Professor
Donald F. Lach, of the University of Chicago, and was entitled
"Fantasy and Reality in the West's Response to Asia." Professor Hans
Schmitt, of the University of Virginia, followed with "The First Year of
the Nazi Era: A Schoolboy's Perspective" in 1984; his was the first
lecture in the series to be published.

All of the lectures admirably fulfill the purpose of the series. We are
pleased to continue this tradition of distinguished lectures with
Professor David B. Quinn's "Theory and Practice: Roanoke and

Jamestown."

Fred D. Ragan, Chairman
Department of History

Over the past fifty years Professor David Beers Quinn has held-, and
continues to hold, an impressive array of academic posts. He has
served in and chaired a number of professional and intellectual
societies, and by himself or in collaboration with his wife Alison has
produced a prodigious number of books and articles. But Professor
Quinn's standing in his field is based on more than his voluminous
resume; it is the quality and coherence of his work that sets him
apart. Individually, every book, every lecture glows with that rare
combination of meticulous research and a disciplined imagination.
Professor Quinn has spent a lifetime in the libraries and archives of
Europe and America, and has come as close as anyone can to
reading every extant document relevant to his field. When gaps
occur in the documentary record, as they invariably do, he is not
afraid to bridge them with carefully constructed arguments
suggesting what might have happened. Collectively, his writings thus
far constitute a true life's work. Layer by layer, David Quinn has
painted a vivid portrait of Elizabethan colonization in all its breadth
and richness, and has demonstrated more clearly, perhaps, than any
of his contemporaries the colossal effort that went into those early
expeditions.

It is this focus on the broad scope of English exploration and
settlement that particularly distinguishes Professor Quinn's
contribution to the early history of North Carolina. Among previous
generations of historians it was all too common to dismiss Roanoke
as an interesting sidelight—a dramatic tale of human tragedy that was


Notes
1. Robert S. Weddle, The Spanish Sea: Discovery in the Gulf of

’fieXico, 1500-16&5 (College

Station, Tex., 1985), p. 413.

2. See, for example, the author's Set Fair for Roanoke (Chapel Hill,
N.C., 1985).

; Edmund S. Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom (New
York: 1975), p. 71.

First Published: November 1985
First Online Edition: 7 October 2002
Last Revised: 9 October 2002

Kenneth Wilburn, Web Editor for the Brewster Lectures
Jacob Michael Betz, Assistant Web Editor for the Brewster Lectures

Return to the Lawrence F. Brewster Lectures in History Series Home
Egg-

fascinating but irrelevant to the mainstream of English colonization.
David Quinn, however, has lifted Roanoke out of that subordinate
role and shown its true significance. He has demonstrated
convincingly that the voyages sponsored by Walter Raleigh during
the 1580s were part of a single process that began in Ireland in the
1570s and continued around the world for three centuries thereafter.
Through numerous links of ideology, personnel, and practice, he has
demonstrated clearly that Roanoke was not an isolated event; rather
it was an integral and important step in England's journey to the
New World.

Daniel P. Thorp, Assistant Professor
Department of History

Theory and Practice: Roanoke and
Jamestown

David Beers Quinn

I am privileged tonight to give the Lawrence F. Brewster lecture in
the presence of its founder. I cannot believe that he or any of you
have not been affected by the widespread efforts which have been
made to celebrate, in one form or another, the four hundredth
anniversary of the first English colonization of any part of North
America. In this state the work of America's Four Hundredth
Anniversary Committee has been outstanding and I am proud to see
in the audience one of its begetters, Dr. H.G. Jones, and its secretary
throughout, Dr. John D. Neville. The number of informative and
scholarly works which have been produced by the Committee and by
the Division of Archives and History at Raleigh in close co—operation
have provided a substantial historical base on which the memory of
the celebrations of the years 1984 to 1987 can be consolidated. I,
and my wife Alison, are honored to have had some small part to play
in this task.

There has been, however, in a few times and at a few places a rather
selfish attitude toward these celebrations of which as historian I
cannot wholly approve, namely that these voyages and colonies and
the property in them resides today solely in North Carolina, that they
are peculiarly the concern of North Carolinians, and do not belong to


and fit into the history or White intervention into native North
America as a whole, and, in particular that they have nothing, or
nothing much, to do with Virginia, North Carolina's closest neighbor
in what we might, somewhat cynically perhaps, term the English
colonization stakes. I think I can do nothing better than to quote
from a very recent book by Robert s. Weddle, where he notes "the
proclivity, especially among writers of state and local histories, for
provincialism. History is no respecter of political boundaries, and
historians attempting to confine themselves to such limits assume a

built—in source of distortion."‘l I very much agree.

When I proposed in my writingsz" that the major part of the Lost
Colony of 1587 met their end after nearly twenty years of peaceful
living in what is now Virginia, and not in North Carolina, quite a
number of North Carolinians took the view, and still do, I am sure,
"We've been robbed. " That is about the most unhistorical reaction
that is possible. In the first place the whole of North America
between Georgia and Maine was " Virginia" between 1584 and at
least 1616. There was no North Carolina in any form until long after
that—even the first definition of 1663 was not a fina|ly—determined
one. It is a little ironical that the location that I proposed for the Lost
Colony—admittedly a conjectural one but, I believe, a probable one,
on the Southern Branch of the Elizabeth River-was part of a no-
man's—|and, perhaps Virginia, perhaps Carolina, between 1663 and
1728. It formally became Virginia only with the laying down of the
Dividing Line in 1728 and even now is not many miles north of the
modern boundary. Moreover, the first colonists at Jamestown
considered that the whole Roanoke area was part of Virginia and
they did what they could to look for the Lost Colonists in what to
them was a southern part of the Virginia they had been granted by
the English crown.

What can be said is that the Virginia colony at Jamestown in 1607
was in many respects a daughter colony of those attempted on
Roanoke Island in the 1580s. Though many of the men involved had
changed, not all had done so; though economic forces had altered
and the political environment was different, yet the attempt to insert
English settlers into a Native American environment had a direct
continuity with the Roanoke ventures. Moreover, had the Lost
Colonists survived until the new settlers arrived, as they very nearly
did, being massacred very shortly before the arrival of Newport in

Raleigh's alternative strategy .The City of Raleigh would be an
autonomous English community, not a dependent garrison. In 1609
the Virginia Company was faced with the likelihood that Virginia
could not and would not pay its way under the terms so far planned
and attempted. There was little if any profit, only financial loss, in
attempting to continue with a settlement of one or two hundred
people. But the remedy applied now was far different. It was to float
colonization as a national enterprise, to send a large number of men
and women to Virginia and attempt to gain profits by diversification,
but with the ultimate objective of establishing a major English
community in America. It was to take a long time, through many
vicissitudes, before such a plan could take effect—it only began to do
so in 1619, and even then the colony failed to take shape in the form
that had been devised for it. E.S. Morgan uses as his chapter

heading on the first phases in Virginia—"The Jamestown Fiasco."3‘ If
we are cynical we might think too of "The Roanoke Fiasco." But the
launching in 1587 of an experiment of removing a cross—section of
English village society to a part of North America where there was
land to spare and only friendly Indians nearby was a farsighted one
that might well have succeeded. Indeed we can say that it did
succeed in that the majority of those whom White left behind in 1587
managed to move to their intended location and did settle next to,
and mix with, the Indians for nearly twenty years. The fact that they
were destroyed, together with their hosts, on the eve of the
Jamestown settlement was a tragedy, not only for themselves but for
the new settlers. They knew by 1606 how to exist in North America
without arousing Indian hostility, until the last days of Powhatan's
unexpected attack. Had they survived, they could have taught the
Jamestown settlers much and created the continuity in settlement
which then and even now divides the two enterprises in the minds of
students of the earliest experiments in English colonization. Yet each
of these two ventures, very different in their outcome, has its own
importance in the long process by which Englishmen learned to live
in and profit from North America, even if it was at the cost of the
Native American society which they virtually eliminated in the
process, and on which we, nowadays, cannot look back on without
some appreciable regret. Early modern England as an imperial
colonizing power cut its teeth in these early colonial experiments in
North America, not without loss and hardship to all concerned, but in
the endzto the material advantage of both later colonizers and 7'
colonists, if not to the Native Americans.


Jamestown, no hard- ships need have been suffered. On the other
hand it is clear that Jamestown settlers dissipated their first supplies
too rapidly (and this was partly the cause of, partly the result of, the
epidemic which killed so many) .There were, however, complaints
from the leaders, notably Captain John Smith, that the supplies
which arrived in 1608 were too small and many of them were used
up by Newport's seamen during his stay in the colony. There is a
strong suggestion that the London promoters were stingy in their
supply arrangements and expected the colonists to raise much more
by their own efforts and from Indian trade than proved practical in
the early stages. Subsequently, in late 1608 and early 1609, Smith
helped to secure more or less adequate corn supplies and to cut
down deaths while also enlarging the area of land cultivated by the
settlers.

What was vitally different was the question of financial resources.
Raleigh and Grenville had to work on capital gathered in by
themselves or their friends and could not rely on having sufficient
resources to maintain a colony, since this took much longer to take
root than had been assumed. In 1606-9 the situation was much
altered. The merchants supporting the London Company, however
cautious they were about expending too much for too small a return,
could if necessary find the money to keep the colony going. Even
under much more favorable circumstances, it is doubtful if private
enterprise in the 1580s could have firmly established an American
colony, hence the theoretical emphasis on a privateering base which
could well provide continuing capital and goods. White's alternative
of a se|f—supporting settlement was not known in England to have
succeeded. In 1607-09 the London Company was, as we have seen,
too optimistic about the value of the materials which the colony
could profitably return. Smith, in November 1608, chastised the
directors of the Company (personified in the person of the Treasuree,
Sir Thomas Smith) for not waiting until a small viable colony was
firmly in place before launching out on profit—seeking ventures.
Commercial involvement was thus to have its liabilities as well as its
advantages.

In 1609 the Virginia Company was back somewhat in the position
that Raleigh found himself in at the end of 1586—there was no
obvious means by which a colony manned by servants of an English
proprietor or company could make a success of settlement unless
some unexpected benefit accrued. The White venture of 1587 was

April 1607 , the continuity would have been complete. Colonists with
twenty years‘ experience could have given invaluable advice on how
to live successfully in America and have led to the avoidance, or at
least the mitigation, of many of the trials and tragedies which beset
the Jamestown settlers. The accidents of history which fell upon the
colonists of the years 1585 to 1587, also dogged the steps of the
Jamestown settlers of 1607-1609. It does therefore make sense to
compare the two ventures in order to see something of the
limitations under which the earliest English colonies labored. I cannot
expect to deal comprehensively with the whole history of the
Jamestown colony, nor would you wish me to do so, but if we take
the first two years, the years of the first Virginia charter, we can, I
think, make some assessment of what happened. This may mean
that we can see both enterprises in something of the broader setting
of the settlement problems to which, perhaps, students here might
wish to turn, now that the Four Hundredth Anniversary Celebrations
are running towards their climax in 1987. North Carolinians might
then alter some of their perceptions of their own history, see it not
merely as a pioneer venture of local importance but as a staging-
post toward much wider ventures, leading in the end to the
emergence of the later colony and finally to the state of North
Carolina itself.

IfI was a modern business executive looking back on projects
comparable in any respects with the Roanoke and Jamestown
ventures I would be inclined to analyze the experience I had gained
under several main, and probably a number of subsidiary, headings.
The first, of course, would be assumptions-what did I know when I
began, how far had these assumptions proved correct or incorrect,
how had external conditions changed since I made these
assumptions and embarked on the project? I would then, naturally
proceed to performance, where I might ask if communications,
leadership, supplies and production had satisfied my initial
assumptions or had altered estimates made at the beginning through
the intrusion of unexpected factors. Finally, I would look at results-
did the project fulfill any of my objectives or none of them? If I was
not on the right lines would I start over again in a different way, how
far could I benefit by previous failings and anticipate better, or
different, results next time?

They are indeed the kind of questions we might ask when comparing
the Roanoke ventures of 1584 to 1587 with those at Jamestown in a


comparable period 160/ to 1609. but IT 1 put all the information we
have on each of these subjects into a computer and asked for
answers I could only expect the reply "Data insufficient" or
something of that order for all of them. Nonetheless, there are
comparisons to be made even if the historian has too little in the way
of firm information and too few probable conjectures he may make
to enable him to give precise answers or even be sure that he is on
the right lines in asking what he does and answering what he can.
This is true of these cases even though we have rather more
information about both sets of activity than we have for many other
historical situations. But it seems perhaps worth making the attempt
to see how far this analysis can be taken.

It will not be possible to keep precisely to the businesslike sequence
I have defined. The time factor cannot always be fitted exactly into
the scheme and the amount of data we have varies very much under
the sequence of headings so we may have to do some guessing as
well as documented exposition as we go along.

But we cannot doubt that in the summer of 1578 the English crown,
Queen Elizabeth and her ministers, Sir Francis Walsingham, her
principal secretary of state, with at least the acquiescence, if not the
enthusiastic support of her older minister, Lord Burghley, made a
major assumption which in one way or another was to influence or
even govern most English enterprise in North America for some forty
years. This was the assumption that the lands in North America
between 34 degrees and 45 degrees of north latitude, roughly South
Carolina to Maine, all the way from the eastern shoreline to the
Pacific, were English. Drake indeed, in 1579 was to declare Nova
Albion, in Upper California, to be English. This preemption, even if
only a paper one, was brought about by a number of factors. The
English knew that the Spanish were active in the southeast and that
the French had some claim to the territory between about 45
degrees and 55 degrees north centering on the St. Lawrence valley
(in theory they sometimes named the whole of eastern North
America as New France), while the English were busy in the area
between 60 and 66 degrees north hopefully developing a gold mine
on Baffin Island and controlling access to a Northwest Passage to the
Pacific (even if later in the same year, the gold was found to be
dross). English summer cod fishing off Newfoundland was
progressing to approach, if not to equal, the scale of the French,
Spanish and Portuguese fisheries in that area. Sir Humphrey Gilbert,

which were to undertake the actual task or settling and exploiting
these areas in the name of the Crown. but with their own resources.
The economic situation after the Treaty of London was very different
from what it had been before. The great London merchants had
already obtained their first highly profitable cargoes from the East
Indies, and they were profiting also from the expansion of the Levant
trade. They were in the vanguard of early English capitalist
enterprise. They were thus willing to venture something appreciable
in North America inside the framework of government and
administration set by the Royal Council, but with a strong emphasis
on quick profits. This commercial pressure was to cause grave
problems in Virginia and had by no means been solved by the time
the first phase came to an end in 1609. Whether Hakluyt approved
the initial policy of the Crown and of the London Company is not
known: he may well have seen them as the partial fulfillment of his
plea to Queen Elizabeth in 1584 to associate herself formally with the
earlier Virginia enterprise.

If we stand back from Hakluyt we can see both considerable
elements of continuity and of difference between the Roanoke and
Jamestown ventures. Between 1584 and 1590 the English ships had
to pick their way carefully through the Spanish—dominated Caribbean
in the long sea route to Roanoke Island, and it is clear that no
dependable system of communication was established. The lack of
reliability in sailing this route played a large part in the breakdown of
the first and the ruin of the second (Grenville's) colony, while the
events of 1588-90 again show the English could not establish a firm
line of communications with any colony on the North American
mainland. On the other hand, Christopher Newport demonstrated in
1606-8 that he could convey ships through the Caribbean safely and
on schedule. The first three voyages were conducted without loss,
and of the first six ships only one was delayed somewhat by
weather, while the return voyages were made with rapidity and
success. The length of the outward passage by way of the Caribbean
was, it is true, too long and expensive for a commercial venture, and
Samuel Argall was to be sent in 1609 to pioneer a direct crossing
which he did successfully.

Supplies were a vital matter. In 1585 the failure to hold the fleet
together and the damage to the Tiger in her grounding at Wocoon
meant that Lane and his men were not as well supplied as they
might have been, but had the relief come as efficiently as it had at


Netherlands, Ireland—all presented major problems from which she
could not escape. All she could, or would, do was to give a name to
the area claimed by the English and specified in the charters to
Gilbert and Raleigh. That name was, of course, Virginia, and it
applied, as has been said, to the whole coast between 34 and 45
degrees and what lay behind. The name was important: it provided a
focus for English activity just as John Smith's naming of what until
then had been known as North Virginia or Norumbega as New
England in 1616 focussed would—be colonists‘ attention to it.
Between 1584 and 1603, then, Virginia was the primary concern of
its potential lord and master, Sir Walter Raleigh, knighted by the
queen for his willingness to take on the enterprise. Raleigh,

however , could not get formal support from Parliament either. His
was a private venture: only in 1589 did he involve more than a few
of the major merchants in London, who held the keys to capital
investment, to associate themselves in any way with it, and it was
too late. Raleigh, Grenville and their friends at Court, in the City and
in the country had to try to keep the enterprise going, which they did
from 1584 onwards largely by successful capture of Spanish ships.
But, after 1586, there was no substantial capital available for colonial
enterprises. The venture made in 1587 was something different. And
though it is probable that Raleigh did get one of his ships to enter
Chesapeake Bay in 1603, when the war was nearly over, and bring
back some Indians to London, it is ironical that by the time the
Indians were brought back Raleigh's rights, control of all English
enterprises along the whole length of Virginia, had passed, once the
accusation of treason was made against him, into the hands of King
James I.

The chances of royal participation under James were much greater
than under Elizabeth. Much as he wished to cultivate Spain, he was
also imperially minded. France, as we have seen, had in 1603 put in
a claim for all North American lands down to 40 degrees north: Spain
had refused to admit in the Treaty of London in 1604 that England
had any claim to any part of North America and was still very much
in the running. Thus the king was led into a degree of participation
when he granted the Virginia Company charter in April 1606. A royal
council was created to make rules for the whole of Virginia and
supervise colonization in general. But the actual work was to be done
by comm.eJ:ci,al corporations, one at Plymouth for North Virginia, one
at London for South Virginia (in effect the Chesapeake Bay area),

to whom the prospecting colonizing grant was given (that same
grant that was passed on to his half brother Walter Raleigh in 1584
and was to be the basis for the Roanoke Voyages and the Jamestown
venture much later, among others) , did nothing effective. He sent
one small vessel to New England to prospect (we do not know
exactly where she went or what she did) and tracked down a single
English trader with the Abenaki on the Penobscot River, adding to
this onlythe formal annexation of Newfoundland in 1583 before he,
himself, was lost in the Atlantic on his way home. His plans,
elaborate paper fantasies for colonizing and ruling vast areas in
eastern North America, died with him.

Walter Raleigh, who took over from him and was granted a
comparable patent, was by 1584 a rising star at the Queen's Court
and a shrewder man. He was willing to try out his grandiose
inheritance in America to see whether it could be exploited and he
was anxious to do so having taken what he considered to be
reasonable precautions against total failure. His intelligence and
foresight are not in doubt though he was swayed by what he knew
and did not know. The fact was that most of the assumptions
Englishmen made between 1578 and 1584 added up to very little
indeed: they were based on almost total ignorance of what this vast
stretch of America was like. This was marginally improved by the
experience of 1584-87 but was not fundamentally changed by the
time of the new enterprise of 1607.

Richard Hakluyt, the Younger (to distinguish him from his lawyer
cousin of the same name), took up his pen in the summer of 1584 to
map out for the queen a program for an English initiative in North
American colonization. His treatise was called " A particuler discourse
concerninge the great necessitie and manifolde comodyties that are
like to growe to this Realme of England by the Westerne discoveries
lately attempted," a mouthful of a title now mercifully contracted to
"Discourse of Western Planting." In it he was making use of some
ten years’ research on the prospects of North America for
Englishmen. This was an excellent prospectus but, as in today's
business world, the contents of such a document are not necessarily
confirmed by the hard facts of experience. This treatise codified the
assumptions made on the part of the sponsors of the Roanoke
voyages and also to a large extent those of the Virginia Company as
established in 1606, even though its circulation in manuscript was
confined to very few persons indeed. Hakluyt is the main personal


link between the ventures, being named in the charter or April, 1606,
and the probable author or inspirer of "The Instructions by Way of
Advice" which Christopher Newport brought to the James River in

April 1607.

We need not be concerned about Hakluyt's rather airy claims to
English "rights" to North American sovereignty going back to a
probably mythical Welsh Prince Madoc in the twelfth century, but
with the more realistic possibility that Spain or perhaps France might
establish an effective hold over this vast, if scarcely known, territory
across the Atlantic. These were real, if not urgent, in 1584. In 1606
they were more positive: France in 1603 had made claims extending
down approximately to the Hudson. Spain had refused to surrender
any theoretical rights to American territories when the Treaty of
London brought war to an end in 1604 after nearly twenty years, and
might well proceed to expand her Florida colony northward, as
indeed she could already have done in the period between 1584 and
1604 had not war excluded experiments of this sort. There could
very well have been a clash between sponsors of the Roanoke
settlements and Spanish competitors in the interim had it not been
for the war. Assumptions, then, tempting England to assert herself in
an area where colonization had not been attempted, were not
entirely unrealistic, provided, of course, that it was incumbent on her
to attempt overseas colonization and exploration in the western
Atlantic at all.

What was unrealistic and was to remain so long after 1609, was to
expect to implant any substantial colonies of Englishmen into a North
American indigenous society without subverting that society or
destroying it. The long-term outcome that the arrival of Europeans in
any numbers spread disease among the Native Americans, clearing
the way for colonies, took some time to become apparent. What was
to happen to begin with was that Native Americans were just as
anxious to exploit European intruders as the colonists were to exploit
the Indians, and this remained true both in the Roanoke colony of
1585-6 and in the Virginia colony of 1607-9. Only when the colonists
came in overwhelming strength, or brought disease, did this
unanticipated competition alter, even if we may consider the Lost
Colonists intended a middle way, which might or might not have
succeeded.

There was a prevailing fallacy in 1584 about the climate of eastern

it may well have been supported by him and me plan was adopted
by Raleigh in 1585. Thomas Harriot and John White, I need scarcely
tell you, carried out the full survey of the area between Cape
Lookout and the mouth of the James River, penetrating inland to the
Chowan and Roanoke Rivers, and successfully mapped, as well as
pictured the Indians. Though we have only Harriot's short popular
survey, A briefe and true report, written in 1587 and published in
1588, this was, with its republication in 1590 with the engravings of
the White drawings and map, a standard source of reference about
North America thereafter. It is clear that this source was studied
carefully before the 1606 expedition set sail and that Captain John
Smith had been charged with organizing a comparable survey. It
took some time for him to collect sufficient data from his associates,
but in 1608, in only sixteen weeks‘ travelling, he showed that he
could outdo the White-Harriot team in the area he covered, if not in
the quality of his descriptive matter. He was able before the end of
1608 to send home a map and descriptions of Indian life and
indigenous products which to some extent paralleled those of White
and Harriot. We have in the so—ca|led Kraus map (now in the
University of Texas Library, Austin) a preliminary sketch of the river
system of the Chesapeake and of the distribution of the Indian
settlements, and in the so— called Zuniga map (intercepted by the
Spanish) a compilation of data both on the James River and also on
the Roanoke area from parties sent to look for traces of the Lost
Colonists. The Virginia Company was unwilling to publish his map,
which may well have led to Smith's lasting breach with them after
his return in 1609, but he was able to put into print at Oxford, out of
the way of Company interference, both his revised map and
description in 1612. This was clearly an attempt to do for Virginia
what Harriot and White did for Roanoke and the two bodies of
information are indispensable today, linking the two developments
together and providing data without which we should be largely in
the dark about the positive achievements of the Roanoke and
Jamestown settlers. The case for continuity cannot be better made
than in this instance, even if there was, unfortunately, no John White
to record in drawings the appearance and lifestyle of the Virginia
Indians.

In 1584 Hakluyt and Raleigh made every effort to obtain some
degree of support from Queen Elizabeth. But she was in no position
to take on any responsibilities in North America. Spain, the


with Newport) told him that the ore would run out at £1,100 sterling
to the ton, and that "there is more in the pot." The south side of the
river was, he said, even more promising than the north. But these
hopes crashed. Within twenty—four hours Cope had to swallow his
words—"This other day we sent you news of gold, and this day we
cannot return you so much as copper. Our new discovery is more like
to prove the land of Canaan than the land of Ophir. " Four trials, by
the most experienced men in London, showed this—"in the end all
turned to vapour." He blamed Captain John Martin for this fiasco,
who had, he said, raised the whole matter to the state it had reached
in order to mislead his father.

One might think that this would have ended the futile project. But by
no means. Newport evidently thought there was something in it.
When he returned to Jamestown, finding incidentally that disease
and Indian attacks had reduced the colonists to a mere handful (38
of 105 had survived from June to January), his chief purpose in the
fourteen weeks he stayed was to combine with Martin to find more
"gold." Captain John Smith did not believe a word of it and scorned
their activity-to "dig gold, wash gold, load gold" was, he said, their
main objective. When a second ship (Nelson's) arrived after
Newport's had gone Martin established the same hold on the
shipmaster, attempting to fill her "with his fantastical gold," although
Smith, now Cape merchant, insisted the main cargo be cedar. But
Martin sailed back on the ship to gain credit, Smith said, for "his
supposed Art of finding the golden mine." We hear nothing at all
about how the futile 1608 cargoes were received in England, but
silence at least indicates they contained no gold.

All this activity diverted the colonists from adjusting to their new and
hostile environment and made the establishment of any stable and
viable society the more difficult. If Lane's colony had not returned to
England in the summer of 1586, it is probable it would have
consumed its remaining energies in a comparable search for
minerals.

The realization that, in fact, the English knew so little of North
America that a specific survey of the area chosen for settlement
should ‘be made beforeany large scale colonization was attempted,
did emerge from an unknown planner in 1582. He set our details of
how such a topographical and resources survey could be carried out.
We do not find a proposal for such a survey in Hakluyt's writings, but

North America. Because the English were interested primarily in the
area between 34 degrees and 38 degrees north latitude both in
1584-7 and in 1607-9 it was thought that the climate must parallel
that of the Old World zone between Morocco and southwest France.
In ignorance of the nature of a continental climate, the assumption
was that products common to this part of the Old World would grow
and flourish in the New. Nor was this assumption dead by 1607: it
was to persist, in some degree, even after settlement had
commenced. But it was to vitiate many plans for agricultural
production in the early colonies.

There was, too, a major cartographical assumption which was to
keep cropping up for the next seventy years at least. This was that
the North American mainland was narrow-waisted. Verrazzano in
1524'had started the canard on his maps (and those of his brother),
being deluded by the Carolina Outer Banks (they have a lot to
answer for!) that the Pacific was just across the way, so that a
narrow isthmus appeared on many maps of North America—even on
John White's map of 1586. Or there was a variant of this, which was
that the St. Lawrence River ran on until it reached a mountain range,
just across which was easy access to the Pacific. We find this with
Lane, we find it with Newport. They had only to find the divide and
then access to the closed sea from which all spices came, and much
else, would be easy. This was the assumption which relied on using
North America, not just for its merits or defects but mainly as a
means of access to the forbidden ocean, the Pacific, which Spain and
Portugal had divided amongst themselves.

Ralph Lane's hopes of a divide were to dominate his thinking—"a
passage to the South Sea" he said in 1586, would assure the success
of the Roanoke colonies. Christopher Newport's search of the
navigable waters of the James River in 1607, and his expectations of
what might lie beyond the Piedmont, which he penetrated a short
way, continued the same line of thought, as did Captain John Smith's
journey up the Potomac in 1608, until he was confronted with the
rapids above modern Washington. The Farrar map of Virginia as late
as 1650 continued to perpetuate the myth.

A large part of Hakluyt's "Discourse" was taken up in one way or
another, by the question of relations with the Indians. Hakluyt and
many of his successors (naively we now know) believed that most
North American Indians already knew about the treatment the


Spanish, in the more sanguinary episodes of their conquest, had
meted out to native peoples. Seeing England was at the time on such
bad terms with Spain it is not surprising that "atrocities" were
stressed. It was assumed therefore that the native peoples would be
more responsive to humane treatment by the English and would, if
necessary, ally with them against any Spanish intervention. It did
not appear from this reading that the Indians were considered to
have any exclusive rights to their own settlements and hunting
grounds. For the sake of an alliance with the English they would
surely cooperate and surrender the large amount of land it was
assumed they were not using in any way. When Arthur Barlowe in
September 1584 brought news of the first reconnaissance of the
Outer Banks and Roanoke Island this seemed to be confirmed-the
Indians were both few and very friendly. This was to lead to a long
period of basic misunderstanding. Ceremonial gift—exchanges and
friendly association with visitors were normal Indian customs, as
much to test potential enemies as to create new friends. They were
not an earnest of continued close cooperation. This was to be Lane's
experience in 1585—6. Friendship, indifference and hostility
succeeded each other inexplicably in his dealings with them. The
same was true in a much exaggerated degree on the James in 1607-
9, only here the relations were, in the last resort, master—minded by
the policy and whims of the despotic ruler Powhatan, a position in
the Roanoke area that Wingina appears to have aspired to but never
attained.

In Hakluyt's view, however, Indians were not merely to act as
friendly introducers of Englishmen to American resources and be
their allies against all comers. They were to be vital elements in
commerce with the settlers. English cloth and its disposal were a
primary economic preoccupation of Elizabethan and Jacobean
Englishmen. But the Indians whom Lane met and whom the
Jamestown settlers encountered had little use for it. We have very
little evidence in practice that either in the Roanoke or Jamestown
episodes a market for cloth occupied the settlers to any appreciable
degree, but the urge that they should try to exploit it continued to be
made. Furs, especially dressed deerskins, dyes and a few supposed
medicinal products came with Barlowe in 1584 but the Storekeeper
on Roanoke Island in 1585-86 found himself unable to develop this
commerce. The reason was that the Indians were neither (in most
cases) accumulators of goods, nor willing to work to accumulate

the search for minerals and valuable stones and pearls as something
worthwhile. Raleigh was more optimistic in that he sent at least one
metallurgist to Roanoke Island and clearly gave instructions to have
any mineral deposits tested. Harriot did indeed report the presence
of alum (incorrectly) and of iron (with some credibility), but it was
native copper which attracted the majority of settlers. News of
plentiful supplies of copper among tribes up the Roanoke River led
Lane, late in the day, with the river in spate from melting snow, to
attempt to reach the mineral—bearing area which sounded as if it
might contain gold as well as copper. But his attempts came to
nothing. But, just as he felt that "a passage to the South Sea" was
one of the few ways ofjustifying future colonization, so "a good
mine" would be the other. The plentiful pearls in Indian hands
(mainly from freshwater mussels, though this was not fully realized)
led to attempts to collect them, but the Indians obtained them from
roasted shellfish and so they were, for European purposes, spoiled.
Many were collected in 1585-86, though few survived the departure
of the first colony. They crop up frequently again in Jamestown, but
with little impact.

Though it is not stressed in most accounts of the Jamestown colony,
the search for minerals virtually dominated the first year's attempts
to exploit the resources of the James River valley. True, the
"Instructions" provided that men be provided with pickaxes "to try if
they can find any mineral" and a colonist, recalling the first
expedition beyond the Fall Line, wrote that there were rocks and
mountains that "promiseth infinate treasures." But in the camp at
Jamestown there was a man who saw gold everywhere, Captain John
Martin. He came from a go|dsmith's family and indeed his father was
a master of the mint in London. It seems to have been he who led
Newport to bring to England in August 1607 a cask of inorganic
matter which it was alleged to contain gold. One of the principal
backers of the colony, Sir Walter Cope, received this and reports of
the first tests on it in a ludicrously optimistic manner. "There is but a
barrel full of the earth, but there seems a kingdom full of the ore,"
he told Lord Salisbury .He talked about it in terms of future
shiploads. He gathered that "in all their fortifications, after two turfs
of earth, this sperm [mineral particles] or ore appeareth on every
part as a solid body, a treasure endlessly proportioned by

God" (regarded as usual as a good Englishmen): "I could wish your
Lordship was at the trial." His first mineral expert (who had come


would be available. Thus Newport was able to bring back clapboard
as the result of felling some great oaks in May and June 1607, semi-
finished timber being a possibly profitable cargo. Archer said of
"c|apboard and wainscot, if ships will fetch it, we may take as much
as England can vent" and, sure enough, clapboard and wainscot
were sent back with Newport early in 1608 as well, though Smith, as
keeper of the store, sent back in June the more valuable red and
white cedar, sweet—smelling wood for fine joinery work. But he had,
again, clapboard and wainscot piled for the expected 1609 supply to
take back.

But if Jamestown could indeed produce timber which had some
saleable value, there was no great profit to be made from it as
transport costs remained relatively high. More valuable might be
pitch and tar, and soap ashes, as their bulk was much less. The eight
Poles and Germans sent out late in 1608 were to attempt to
manufacture glass (again of course wood— consuming) and were able
to send specimens back with Newport, but that was all. Rather more
in way of pitch and tar, and probably soap ash as well, continued to
be produced, except that the exports were not, to say the least, too
reliable. Smith considered that this project was unrealistic. Suitable
pines had to be searched for pitch and tar as there were not too
many to be found near at hand, so production was bound to be on a
small and unprofitable scale. It would, he said in November 1608, be
far better to go on buying these things from the Baltic rather than
waste resources by attempting to attain an impossible self-
sufficiency in them from Virginia. A little later masts were to be
brought from the James River, and some iron was to be smelted
from bog iron, which Harriot had also reported from the Roanoke
region but it, too, was to lead nowhere.

It is possible to see, therefore, that while in 1584 all things in the
way of growing crops and exploiting natural resources seemed
possible, yet the experiments in both the Roanoke colonies and at
Jamestown, each on very much the same lines, but with more
commercial pressures in the case of Jamestown, came to nothing.
North America was not to prove at this point the storehouse for
either exotic products or timber that had been anticipated.

Then of course there were minerals and jewels. Hakluyt was cautious
about recommending North America as a source for gold and silver,
since the Baffin Island fiasco was too recent, but he did commend

them for exchange with the settlers. To produce the thousands of
dressed deerskins that Harriot suggested in 1587-88 might be
availa le, Indian women in the Roanoke area would need to have
been «employed almost continually. There is no evidence whatever
that they had any conception of turning to mass production. This is
only a single instance of what was to leave colonists in what to many
of them seemed like an economic desert. A few exchanges, mainly of
corn for metal objects and beads, was about the limit of effective
trade in the case of both the Roanoke and Jamestown colonies. Nor
did the Indians show any desire to work for the colonists in dragging
out sassafras roots or those of the spiny smilaxes, desired for their
medicinal value. Lane, it is true, did get Wingina's men to show him
how to plant corn in 1586 and to assist in some degree and it may
appear that the Jamestown colonists, though never assisted by
Indian labor, did get information on growing corn in "hills".or ridges
from their Indian neighbors. There was not much more than that,
except for the exchange of corn for metals, conducted both in
Roanoke and on the James sometimes amicably, sometimes under
pressure which might or might not produce hostility. On the James
River we may remember that most tribal units did collect tribute for
Powhatan and were not wholly unfamiliar with non—subsistence
exchanges, though they were wary enough of involving themselves
in the same kind of thing with the English, in order to avoid
Powhatan's displeasure since he thought all exchanges should go
through his hands. But Indian corn and other vegetable products
such as beans, sunflowers and tobacco, as well as fish, did provide
vital subsistence without which the Roanoke settlement would have
done more badly and the Jamestown colonists might, several times,
have come to grief unless corn, especially, could be had. None of this
was or could be known in 1584: something was known of it in 1607,
since the colonists were told from the outset to purchase corn from
the Indians, though nothing could yet be known of the complexities
of living inside the confines of the Powhatan Confederacy.

One aspect of colonization that Hakluyt stressed was the need to
bring the Indians from paganism to acceptance of the variety of
Protestantism established in England in 1559. The Church of England
had sought from the beginning to claim that it was not a sect but
part of the universal Christian Church. To English churchmen-like
Hakluyt—it was the Roman Catholics who had made themselves
dubious members of that scattered world-wide community . It


seemed important to him, both as a clergyman and as an
Englishman, that the Indians of North America should become good
Anglicans as rapidly as possible. It should, he considered, not be too
difficult since the Spaniards claimed to have converted millions of
Mexicans and other Indians to their debased Roman Catholic faith.
Harriot, indeed, with his knowledge of spoken Algonquian, though he
was not necessarily in full command of its complexities, attempted to
teach something from the Bible to the Indians of the areas around
Roanoke Island which he traversed. He found the Indians willing to
respond to "the God in the Book," even if they regarded the book as
in some manner containing the God—for had the English not come in
great vessels from another life, some thought, or from a powerful
distant land, and were not their gods beings to be reckoned with and
incorporated in their own animistic hierarchy? And was not Manteo,
after two visits to England, willing to be baptized on Roanoke Island
in 1587 and to act, in theory at least, as the standard bearer for
English Christianity on Roanoke Island and its surroundings? We do
not hear anything further of English religious influence in this area.
But when the new Virginia was being canvassed in 1606, Hakluyt
himself, at the age of fifty-four rather old for such a commitment,
offered to go as chaplain to the first colony to start a mission. But he
retracted before the expedition sailed, and the Reverend Robert Hunt
took his place, who, though he ministered to the colonists as well as
he could, conducted no missionary work whatever among the
Indians. Nor did his successor, the Reverend William Mease, who was
in Virginia from 1609 to 1620, undertake any either, though some
other ministers and laymen were to attempt unsuccessfully to break
the hold of the indigenous priests on their people before Mease
returned to England.

Hakluyt paid a great deal of attention to the necessity to grow in
North America Mediterranean and subtropical products. This was
partly based on a desire to make England less dependent on foreign
trade. More specifically, trade with Spain and Portugal was becoming
difficult and dangerous in 1584 while the belief that North America
could grow sugar, olives, vines, oranges, lemons and such like was
very clear in his mind, if qualified by the lack of information he had
about climate. We find Grenville's expedition in 1585 collecting in the
Caribbean roots of sugar cane, pineapples, plantains (bananas), and
mammee apples, most of which they expected to grow on Roanoke
Island. But many of their specimens were damaged by seawater

when the Tiger struck at Wococon in July .A few plants may have
survived but none of them flourished, or ever would. Though we
have not got precise instructions in this respect for the 1606 colony,
there seems little doubt that the Jamestown settlers labored under
rather similar illusions. Gabriel Archer, after having spent a mere six
weeks on the James River, mostly at Jamestown, could write: "The
thing we crave is some skillful men to husband, set and plant and
dress vines, sugar canes, olives, grapes, hemp, flax, licorice, prunes,
currants, raisins and all such things as the North Tropic of the world
affords, also saffron, woad, hops and the like." Though there is a
wide range in the Old World for these commodities and though some
could be grown in Virginia and indeed in England, it is remarkable
how he almost reiterates the very words of Hak|uyt's discourse in
1584, which specified nearly all these commodities and listed experts
who should be brought in to cultivate them efficiently in the Roanoke
colony. Archer was giving a totally wrong impression of the
potentialities of the James River valley, even if he also suggested
that "Tobacco after a year or two [worth] £5,000 a year" could be
produced even if the native tobacco was to prove unsaleable in
England as too harsh, and never became a potential winner until
replaced by a more palatable variety: the culture of French vines too
was later to be attempted, as was that of silkworms, if with no
success for much labor. Indeed, the horticultural potential of both
Roanoke and Virginia was to be wholly misread by such statements.
However, we hear nothing from Captain John Smith of such fanciful
projections, though, like Thomas Harriot, he was able to give an
account of what the Indians actually grew for food and what were
the useful plants which could be of value to settlers for their own use
or for possible export.

One thing that was known about North America, or at least correctly
surmised, was that it contained. plenty of timber. Shortage of oak
and other hardwoods was causing some apprehension in England as
iron—working and ship—building developed and native resources
declined. The Baltic was the natural source of timber products,
including pitch, tar, and potash, as well as materials for ropes and
sails like hemp and flax. Harriot was to stress the abundance of
hardwoods in the Roanoke area, but all we know is that some cedar
(white cedar and cypress) was sent home from there. More emphasis
was placed on timber and its products in the Jamestown settlement.
It was obvious that if land had to be cleared for crops that timber


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Members of the First Representative Assembly Imp?//WWW-nP5-g0V/C010/Jthanout/R3PA55€m»hUn1

 
      

I ............ , . ..
H131 GRIC 1£R£}§:ZF5

 

Members of J amestown's First
Representative Assembly

The first legislative assembly in English North America took
place July 30 through August 4, 1619 in the choir of the
Jamestown Church. This first House of Burgesses consisted of
Company appointed Governor Sir George Yeardley, a six man
Company appointed governor's counsil and two
representatives from each of the eleven surrounding
settlements or plantations. These representatives were chosen
by election from among the settlers of each plantation.

 

Members of the council were:

Mr. Samuel Macock

Mr. John Rolfe

Mr. John Pory

Captain Nathaniel Powell
Captain Francis West
Reverend William Wickham

John Pory was designated secretary and speaker; John Twine, clerke of the General assembly; and
Thomas Pierse, Sergeant of Arms.

Plantations and their representatives were:

For James City
Captain William Powell
Ensign William Spense

For Charles City
Samuel Sharpe
Samuel Jordan

For the City of Henricus

Thomas Dowse
John Plentine

l0f3


Members of the First Representative Assembly h“P3//WWW-“P330V/C010/Jthanout/R€PA5Semhtml

For Kiccowtan
Captaine William Tucker
William Capp

For Martin—Brandon, Captine John Martins Plantation
Mr. Thomas Davis
Mr. Robert Stacy

For Smythes Hundred

Captain Thomas Graves
Mr. Walter Shelley

For Martins Hundred (also known as Wolstenholme)
Mr. John Boys
John Jackson

For Argals Guifte
Mr. (Thomas) Pawlett
Mr. (Edward) Gourgainy

For Flowerdieu Hundred
Ensign (Edmund) Rossingham
Mr. (John) Jefferson

For Captain Lawnes Plantation
Captain Christophor Lawne
Ensign Washer

For captain Wardes Plantation
Captain (John) Warde
Lieutenant (John) Gibbes

Like the early struggles of the colony itself this first assembly suffered. It was hot and humid and many
of the Burgesses were ill from the extreme temperatures. Indeed one Burgess had already succumbed to
the heat as it was reported that on August 1st one Mr. Shelley of Smyths Hundred had died. The
Governor decided that this first assembly would end after six days, on August 4th.

Although it was not the intent, the effects of this first representive assembly would frame the
foundations of our present government - where citizens can elect representatives to speak for them: a
government "of the people, by the people and for the people."

For additional information on this First House of Burgesses see our Historic Brief entitled "The
Si Qnificance of the First Lezislative Assemblv. "

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Charles E. Hatch, Jr., America's Oldest Legislative Assembly and its Jamestown Statehouses —
Appendix II Proceedings of the Virginia Assmebly, 1619, National Park Service Interpretive Series
History No. 2, Washington: Revised 1956.

2of3


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THE LAWRENCE F. BREWSTER
LECTURE IN HISTORY

Theory and Practice: Roanoke and
Jamestown

Presented by David Beers Quinn
November 1985
EAST CAROLINA UNIVERSITY
GREENVILLE, NORTH CAROLINA, USA

INTRODUCTION

This is the second essay in the Lawrence F. Brewster Lectures in
History series to be published. With this publication we hope the
series, which bears the name of our esteemed emeritus professor of
the Department of History, has now securely established itself both
in the profession and the broader educational community. From its
inception the lecture series has had four fundamental goals: to
provide students, faculty, and members of the larger community
with an opportunity to hear historians of distinction share their
knowledge and mastery of some aspect of the discipline; to stimulate
an exchange of ideas and to promote a continuing dialogue about
issues of fundamental importance to man; and to illuminate the
present state of human affairs through the reflective prism of the
past; and to support a critical requirement in modern times, the
continuing process of education.

Arthur S. Link of Princeton University inaugurated the series in 1982
as a part of East Carolina University's seventy-fifth anniversary
celebration. Professor Link lectured on "Woodrow Wilson and a


Revolutionary World." The second lecture was presented by Professor
Donald F. Lach, of the University of Chicago, and was entitled
"Fantasy and Reality in the West's Response to Asia." Professor Hans
Schmitt, of the University of Virginia, followed with "The First Year of
the Nazi Era: A Schoolboy's Perspective" in 1984; his was the first
lecture in the series to be published.

All of the lectures admirably fulfill the purpose of the series. We are
pleased to continue this tradition of distinguished lectures with
Professor David B. Quinn's "Theory and Practice: Roanoke and

Jamestown."

Fred D. Ragan, Chairman
Department of History

Over the past fifty years Professor David Beers Quinn has held-, and
continues to hold, an impressive array of academic posts. He has
served in and chaired a number of professional and intellectual
societies, and by himself or in collaboration with his wife Alison has
produced a prodigious number of books and articles. But Professor
Quinn's standing in his field is based on more than his voluminous
resume; it is the quality and coherence of his work that sets him
apart. Individually, every book, every lecture glows with that rare
combination of meticulous research and a disciplined imagination.
Professor Quinn has spent a lifetime in the libraries and archives of
Europe and America, and has come as close as anyone can to
reading every extant document relevant to his field. When gaps
occur in the documentary record, as they invariably do, he is not
afraid to bridge them with carefully constructed arguments
suggesting what might have happened. Collectively, his writings thus
far constitute a true life's work. Layer by layer, David Quinn has
painted a vivid portrait of Elizabethan colonization in all its breadth
and richness, and has demonstrated more clearly, perhaps, than any
of his contemporaries the colossal effort that went into those early

expeditions.

It is this focus on the broad scope of English exploration and
settlement that particularly distinguishes Professor Quinn's
contribution to the early history of North Carolina. Among previous
generations of historians it was all too common to dismiss Roanoke
as an interesting side|ight—a dramatic tale of human tragedy that was


Notes

;_. Robert S. Weddle, The Spanish Sea: Discovery in the Gulf of
Mexico, 1500—16&5 (College
Station, Tex., 1985), p. 413.

2. See, for example, the author's Set Fair for Roanoke (Chapel Hill,

N.C., 1985).

; Edmund S. Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom (New
York: 1975), p. 71.

First Published: November 1985
First Online Edition: 7 October 2002
Last Revised: 9 October 2002

Kenneth Wilburn, Web Editor for the Brewster Lectures
Jacob Michael Betz, Assistant Web Editor for the Brewster Lectures

Return to the Lawrence F. Brewster Lectures in History Series Home
Bale-

fascinating but irrelevant to the mainstream of English colonization.
David Quinn, however, has lifted Roanoke out of that subordinate
role and shown its true significance. He has demonstrated
convincingly that the voyages sponsored by Walter Raleigh during
the 15805 were part of a single process that began in Ireland in the
1570s and continued around the world for three centuries thereafter.
Through numerous links of ideology, personnel, and practice, he has
demonstrated clearly that Roanoke was not an isolated event; rather
it was an integral and important step in England's journey to the
New World.

Daniel P. Thorp, Assistant Professor
Department of History

Theory and Practice: Roanoke and
Jamestown

David Beers Quinn

I am privileged tonight to give the Lawrence F. Brewster lecture in
the presence of its founder. I cannot believe that he or any of you
have not been affected by the widespread efforts which have been
made to celebrate, in one form or another, the four hundredth
anniversary of the first English colonization of any part of North
America. In this state the work of America's Four Hundredth
Anniversary Committee has been outstanding and I am proud to see
in the audience one of its begetters, Dr. H.G. Jones, and its secretary
throughout, Dr. John D. Neville. The number of informative and
scholarly works which have been produced by the Committee and by
the Division of Archives and History at Raleigh in close co—operation
have provided a substantial historical base on which the memory of
the celebrations of the years 1984 to 1987 can be consolidated. I,
and my wife Alison, are honored to have had some small part to play
in this task.

There has been, however, in a few times and at a few places a rather
selfish attitude toward these celebrations of which as historian I
cannot wholly approve, namely that these voyages and colonies and
the property in them resides today solely in North Carolina, that they
are peculiarly the concern of North Carolinians, and do not belong to


and fit into the history of White intervention into native North
America as a whole, and, in particular that they have nothing, or
nothing much, to do with Virginia, North Carolina's closest neighbor
in what we might, somewhat cynically perhaps, term the English
colonization stakes. I think I can do nothing better than to quote
from a very recent book by Robert s. Weddle, where he notes "the
proclivity, especially among writers of state and local histories, for
provincialism. History is no respecter of political boundaries, and
historians attempting to confine themselves to such limits assume a

built—in source of distortion."l' I very much agree.

When I proposed in my writings‘2' that the major part of the Lost
Colony of 1587 met their end after nearly twenty years of peaceful
living in what is now Virginia, and not in North Carolina, quite a
number of North Carolinians took the view, and still do, I am sure,
"We've been robbed. " That is about the most unhistorical reaction
that is possible. In the first place the whole of North America
between Georgia and Maine was " Virginia" between 1584 and at
least 1616. There was no North Carolina in any form until long after
that—even the first definition of 1663 was not a finally—determined
one. It is a little ironical that the location that I proposed for the Lost
Colony—admittedly a conjectural one but, I believe, a probable one,
on the Southern Branch of the Elizabeth River—was part of a no-
man’s—land, perhaps Virginia, perhaps Carolina, between 1663 and
1728. It formally became Virginia only with the laying down of the
Dividing Line in 1728 and even now is not many miles north of the
modern boundary. Moreover, the first colonists at Jamestown
considered that the whole Roanoke area was part of Virginia and
they did what they could to look for the Lost Colonists in what to
them was a southern part of the Virginia they had been granted by
the English crown.

What can be said is that the Virginia colony at Jamestown in 1607
was in many respects a daughter colony of those attempted on
Roanoke Island in the 1580s. Though many of the men involved had
changed, not all had done so; though economic forces had altered
and the political environment was different, yet the attempt to insert
English settlers into a Native American environment had a direct
continuity with the Roanoke ventures. Moreover, had the Lost
Colonists survived until the new settlers arrived, as they very nearly
did, being massacred very shortly before the arrival of Newport in

Raleigh's alternative strategy .The City of Raleigh would be an
autonomous English community, not a dependent garrison. In 1609
the Virginia Company was faced with the likelihood that Virginia
could not and would not pay its way under the terms so far planned
and attempted. There was little if any profit, only financial loss, in
attempting to continue with a settlement of one or two hundred
people. But the remedy applied now was far different. It was to float
colonization as a national enterprise, to send a large number of men
and women to Virginia and attempt to gain profits by diversification,
but with the ultimate objective of establishing a major English
community in America. It was to take a long time, through many
vicissitudes, before such a plan could take effect—it only began to do
so in 1619, and even then the colony failed to take shape in the form
that had been devised for it. E.S. Morgan uses as his chapter

heading on the first phases in Virginia—"The Jamestown Fiasco."§ If
we are cynical we might think too of "The Roanoke Fiasco." But the
launching in 1587 of an experiment of removing a cross-section of
English village society to a part of North America where there was
land to spare and only friendly Indians nearby was a farsighted one
that might well have succeeded. Indeed we can say that it did
succeed in that the majority of those whom White left behind in 1587
managed to move to their intended location and did settle next to,
and mix with, the Indians for nearly twenty years. The fact that they
were destroyed, together with their hosts, on the eve of the
Jamestown settlement was a tragedy, not only for themselves but for
the new settlers. They knew by 1606 how to exist in North America
without arousing Indian hostility, until the last days of Powhatan's
unexpected attack. Had they survived, they could have taught the
Jamestown settlers much and created the continuity in settlement
which then and even now divides the two enterprises in the minds of
students of the earliest experiments in English colonization. Yet each
of these two ventures, very different in their outcome, has its own
importance in the long process by which Englishmen learned to live
in and profit from North America, even if it was at the cost of the
Native American society which they virtually eliminated in the
process, and on which we, nowadays, cannot look back on without
some appreciable regret. Early modern England as an imperial
colonizing power cut its teeth in these early colonial experiments in
North America, not without loss and hardship to all concerned, but in

zthewend to the material advantage of both later colonizers and

colonists, if not to the Native Americans.


Jamestown, no hard— ships need have been suffered. On the other
hand it is clear that Jamestown settlers dissipated their first supplies
too rapidly (and this was partly the cause of, partly the result of, the
epidemic which killed so many) .There were, however, complaints
from the leaders, notably Captain John Smith, that the supplies
which arrived in 1608 were too small and many of them were used
up by Newport's seamen during his stay in the colony. There is a
strong suggestion that the London promoters were stingy in their
supply arrangements and expected the colonists to raise much more
by their own efforts and from Indian trade than proved practical in
the early stages. Subsequently, in late 1608 and early 1609, Smith
helped to secure more or less adequate corn supplies and to cut
down deaths while also enlarging the area of land cultivated by the
settlers.

What was vitally different was the question of financial resources.
Raleigh and Grenville had to work on capital gathered in by
themselves or their friends and could not rely on having sufficient
resources to maintain a colony, since this took much longer to take
root than had been assumed. In 1606-9 the situation was much
altered. The merchants supporting the London Company, however
cautious they were about expending too much for too small a return,
could if necessary find the money to keep the colony going. Even
under much more favorable circumstances, it is doubtful if private
enterprise in the 1580s could have firmly established an American
colony, hence the theoretical emphasis on a privateering base which
could well provide continuing capital and goods. White's alternative
of a se|f—supporting settlement was not known in England to have
succeeded. In 1607-09 the London Company was, as we have seen,
too optimistic about the value of the materials which the colony
could profitably return. Smith, in November 1608, chastised the
directors of the Company (personified in the person of the Treasuree,
Sir Thomas Smith) for not waiting until a small viable colony was
firmly in place before launching out on profit—seeking ventures.
Commercial involvement was thus to have its liabilities as well as its
advantages.

In 1609 the Virginia Company was back somewhat in the position
that Raleigh found himself in at the end of 1586—there was no

obvious means by which a colony manned by servants of an English_i

prop'rietor"or company could make a success of settlement unless 0?
some unexpected benefit accrued. The White venture of 1587 was

April 1607 , the continuity would have been complete. Colonists with
twenty years‘ experience could have given invaluable advice on how
to live successfully in America and have led to the avoidance, or at
least the mitigation, of many of the trials and tragedies which beset
the Jamestown settlers. The accidents of history which fell upon the
colonists of the years 1585 to 1587, also clogged the steps of the
Jamestown settlers of 1607-1609. It does therefore make sense to
compare the two ventures in order to see something of the
limitations under which the earliest English colonies labored. I cannot
expect to deal comprehensively with the whole history of the
Jamestown colony, nor would you wish me to do so, but if we take
the first two years, the years of the first Virginia charter, we can, I
think, make some assessment of what happened. This may mean
that we can see both enterprises in something of the broader setting
of the settlement problems to which, perhaps, students here might
wish to turn, now that the Four Hundredth Anniversary Celebrations
are running towards their climax in 1987. North Carolinians might
then alter some of their perceptions of their own history, see it not
merely as a pioneer venture of local importance but as a staging-
post toward much wider ventures, leading in the end to the
emergence of the later colony and finally to the state of North
Carolina itself.

IfI was a modern business executive looking back on projects
comparable in any respects with the Roanoke and Jamestown
ventures I would be inclined to analyze the experience I had gained
under several main, and probably a number of subsidiary, headings.
The first, of course, would be assumptions-what did I know when I
began, how far had these assumptions proved correct or incorrect,
how had external conditions changed since I made these
assumptions and embarked on the project? I would then, naturally
proceed to performance, where I might ask if communications,
leadership, supplies and production had satisfied my initial
assumptions or had altered estimates made at the beginning through
the intrusion of unexpected factors. Finally, I would look at results-
did the project fulfill any of my objectives or none of them? If I was
not on the right lines would I start over again in a different way, how
far could I benefit by previous failings and anticipate better, or
different, results next time?

They are indeed the kind of questions we might ask when comparing
the Roanoke ventures of 1584 to 1587 with those at Jamestown in a


comparable period 160/ to 1609. but IT I put all the ll'iTOl'maE|Or1 we
have on each of these subjects into a computer and asked for
answers I could only expect the reply "Data insufficient" or
something of that order for all of them. Nonetheless, there are
comparisons to be made even if the historian has too little in the way
of firm information and too few probable conjectures he may make
to enable him to give precise answers or even be sure that he is on
the right lines in asking what he does and answering what he can.
This is true of these cases even though we have rather more
information about both sets of activity than we have for many other
historical situations. But it seems perhaps worth making the attempt
to see how far this analysis can be taken.

It will not be possible to keep precisely to the businesslike sequence
I have defined. The time factor cannot always be fitted exactly into
the scheme and the amount of data we have varies very much under
the sequence of headings so we may have to do some guessing as
well as documented exposition as we go along.

But we cannot doubt that in the summer of 1578 the English crown,
Queen Elizabeth and her ministers, Sir Francis Walsingham, her
principal secretary of state, with at least the acquiescence, if not the
enthusiastic support of her older minister, Lord Burghley, made a
major assumption which in one way or another was to influence or
even govern most English enterprise in North America for some forty
years. This was the assumption that the lands in North America
between 34 degrees and 45 degrees of north latitude, roughly South
Carolina to Maine, all the way from the eastern shoreline to the
Pacific, were English. Drake indeed, in 1579 was to declare Nova
Albion, in Upper California, to be English. This preemption, even if
only a paper one, was brought about by a number of factors. The
English knew that the Spanish were active in the southeast and that
the French had some claim to the territory between about 45
degrees and 55 degrees north centering on the St. Lawrence valley
(in theory they sometimes named the whole of eastern North
America as New France), while the English were busy in the area
between 60 and 66 degrees north hopefully developing a gold mine
on Baffin Island and controlling access to a Northwest Passage to the
Pacific (even if later in the same year, the gold was found to be
dross). English summer cod fishing off Newfoundland was
progressing to approach, if not to equal, the scale of the French,
Spanish and Portuguese fisheries in that area. Sir Humphrey Gilbert,

which were to undertake the actual task or settling and exploiting
these areas in the name of the Crown. but with their own resources.
The economic situation after the Treaty of London was very different
from what it had been before. The great London merchants had
already obtained their first highly profitable cargoes from the East
Indies, and they were profiting also from the expansion of the Levant
trade. They were in the vanguard of early English capitalist
enterprise. They were thus willing to venture something appreciable
in North America inside the framework of government and
administration set by the Royal Council, but with a strong emphasis
on quick profits. This commercial pressure was to cause grave
problems in Virginia and had by no means been solved by the time
the first phase came to an end in 1609. Whether Hakluyt approved
the initial policy of the Crown and of the London Company is not
known: he may well have seen them as the partial fulfillment of his
plea to Queen Elizabeth in 1584 to associate herself formally with the
earlier Virginia enterprise.

If we stand back from Hakluyt we can see both considerable
elements of continuity and of difference between the Roanoke and .
Jamestown ventures. Between 1584 and 1590 the English ships had
to pick their way carefully through the Spanish—dominated Caribbean
in the long sea route to Roanoke Island, and it is clear that no
dependable system of communication was established. The lack of
reliability in sailing this route played a large part in the breakdown of
the first and the ruin of the second (Grenville's) colony, while the
events of 1588-90 again show the English could not establish a firm
line of communications with any colony on the North American
mainland. On the other hand, Christopher Newport demonstrated in
1606-8 that he could convey ships through the Caribbean safely and
on schedule. The first three voyages were conducted without loss,
and of the first six ships only one was delayed somewhat by
weather, while the return voyages were made with rapidity and
success. The length of the outward passage by way of the Caribbean
was, it is true, too long and expensive for a commercial venture, and
Samuel Argall was to be sent in 1609 to pioneer a direct crossing
which he did successfully.

Supplies were a vital matter. In 1585 the failure to hold the fleet
together and the damage to the Tiger in her grounding at Wocoon
ffieant that Lane and his"n7l’en were not as well supplied as they
might have been, but had the relief come as efficiently as it had at


Netherlands, Ire|and—all presented major problems from which she
could not escape. All she could, or would, do was to give a name to
the area claimed by the English and specified in the charters to
Gilbert and Raleigh. That name was, of course, Virginia, and it
applied, as has been said, to the whole coast between 34 and 45
degrees and what lay behind. The name was important: it provided a
focus for English activity just as John Smith's naming of what until
then had been known as North Virginia or Norumbega as New
England in 1616 focussed wou|d—be colonists’ attention to it.
Between 1584 and 1603, then, Virginia was the primary concern of
its potential lord and master, Sir Walter Raleigh, knighted by the
queen for his willingness to take on the enterprise. Raleigh,

however , could not get formal support from Parliament either. His
was a private venture: only in 1589 did he involve more than a few
of the major merchants in London, who held the keys to capital
investment, to associate themselves in any way with it, and it was
too late. Raleigh, Grenville and their friends at Court, in the City and
in the country had to try to keep the enterprise going, which they did
from 1584 onwards largely by successful capture of Spanish ships.
But, after 1586, there was no substantial capital available for colonial
enterprises. The venture made in 1587 was something different. And
though it is probable that Raleigh did get one of his ships to enter
Chesapeake Bay in 1603, when the war was nearly over, and bring
back some Indians to London, it is ironical that by the time the
Indians were brought back Raleigh's rights, control of all English
enterprises along the whole length of Virginia, had passed, once the
accusation of treason was made against him, into the hands of King
James I.

The chances of royal participation under James were much greater
than under Elizabeth. Much as he wished to cultivate Spain, he was
also imperially minded. France, as we have seen, had in 1603 put in
a claim for all North American lands down to 40 degrees north: Spain
had refused to admit in the Treaty of London in 1604 that England
had any claim to any part of North America and was still very much
in the running. Thus the king was led into a degree of participation
when he granted the Virginia Company charter in April 1606. A royal
council was created to make rules for the whole of Virginia and
supervise colonization in general. But the actual work was to be done

by commercisal corporations, one at Plymouth for North Virginia, one,,

at Londonfor South Virginia (in effect the Chesapeake Bay area),

to whom the prospecting colonizing grant was given (that same
grant that was passed on to- his half brother Walter Raleigh in 1584
and was to be the basis for the Roanoke Voyages and the Jamestown
venture much later, among others) , did nothing effective. He sent
one small vessel to New England to prospect (we do not know
exactly where she went or what she did) and tracked down a single
English trader with the Abenaki on the Penobscot River, adding to
this only the formal annexation of Newfoundland in 1583 before he,
himself, was lost in the Atlantic on his way home. His plans,
elaborate paper fantasies for colonizing and ruling vast areas in
eastern North America, died with him.

Walter Raleigh, who took over from him and was granted a
comparable patent, was by 1584 a rising star at the Queen's Court
and a shrewder man. He was willing to try out his grandiose
inheritance in America to see whether it could be exploited and he
was anxious to do so having taken what he considered to be
reasonable precautions against total failure. His intelligence and
foresight are not in doubt though he was swayed by what he knew
and did not know. The fact was that most of the assumptions
Englishmen made between 1578 and 1584 added up to very little
indeed: they were based on almost total ignorance of what this vast
stretch of America was like. This was marginally improved by the
experience of 1584-87 but was not fundamentally changed by the
time of the new enterprise of 1607.

Richard Hakluyt, the Younger (to distinguish him from his lawyer
cousin of the same name), took up his pen in the summer of 1584 to
map out for the queen a program for an English initiative in North
American colonization. His treatise was called " A particuler discourse
concerninge the great necessitie and manifolde comodyties that are
like to growe to this Realme of England by the Westerne discoveries
lately attempted," a mouthful of a title now mercifully contracted to
"Discourse of Western Planting." In it he was making use of some
ten years‘ research on the prospects of North America for
Englishmen. This was an excellent prospectus but, as in today's
business world, the contents of such a document are not necessarily
confirmed by the hard facts of experience. This treatise codified the
assumptions made on the part of the sponsors of the Roanoke
voyages and also to a large extent those of the Virginia Company as
established in 1606, even though its circulation in manuscript was
confined to very few persons indeed. Hakluyt is the main personal


link between the ventures, being named in the charter of April, 1606,
and the probable author or inspirer of "The Instructions by Way of
Advice" which Christopher Newport brought to the James River in

April 1607.

We need not be concerned about Hakluyt's rather airy claims to
English "rights" to North American sovereignty going back to a
probably mythical Welsh Prince Madoc in the twelfth century, but
with the more realistic possibility that Spain or perhaps France might
establish an effective hold over this vast, if scarcely known, territory
across the Atlantic. These were real, if not urgent, in 1584. In 1606
they were more positive: France in 1603 had made claims extending
down approximately to the Hudson. Spain had refused to surrender
any theoretical rights to American territories when the Treaty of
London brought war to an end in 1604 after nearly twenty years, and
might well proceed to expand her Florida colony northward, as
indeed she could already have done in the period between 1584 and
1604 had not war excluded experiments of this sort. There could
very well have been a clash between sponsors of the Roanoke
settlements and Spanish competitors in the interim had it not been
for the war. Assumptions, then, tempting England to assert herself in
an area where colonization had not been attempted, were not
entirely unrealistic, provided, of course, that it was incumbent on her
to attempt overseas colonization and exploration in the western
Atlantic at all.

What was unrealistic and was to remain so long after 1609, was to
expect to implant any substantial colonies of Englishmen into a North
American indigenous society without subverting that society or
destroying it. The long-term outcome that the arrival of Europeans in
any numbers spread disease among the Native Americans, clearing
the way for colonies, took some time to become apparent. What was
to happen to begin with was that Native Americans were just as
anxious to exploit European intruders as the colonists were to exploit
the Indians, and this remained true both in the Roanoke colony of
1585-6 and in the Virginia colony of 1607-9. Only when the colonists
came in overwhelming strength, or brought disease, did this
unanticipated competition alter, even if we may consider the Lost
Colonists intended a middle way, which might or might not have
succeeded.

There was a prevailing fallacy in 1584 about the climate of eastern

it may Well have been supported by nlm and the plan was adopted
by Raleigh in 1585. Thomas Harriot and John White, I need scarcely
tell you, carried out the full survey of the area between Cape
Lookout and the mouth of the James River, penetrating inland to the
Chowan and Roanoke Rivers, and successfully mapped, as well as
pictured the Indians. Though we have only Harriot's short popular
survey, A briefe and true report, written in 1587 and published in
1588, this was, with its republication in 1590 with the engravings of
the White drawings and map, a standard source of reference about
North America thereafter. It is clear that this source was studied
carefully before the 1606 expedition set sail and that Captain John
Smith had been charged with organizing a comparable survey. It
took some time for him to collect sufficient data from his associates,
but in 1608, in only sixteen weeks’ travelling, he showed that he
could outdo the White—Harriot team in the area he covered, if not in
the quality of his descriptive matter. He was able before the end of
1608 to send home a map and descriptions of Indian life and
indigenous products which to some extent paralleled those of White
and Harriot. We have in the so-called Kraus map (now in the
University of Texas Library, Austin) a preliminary sketch of the river
system of the Chesapeake and of the distribution of the Indian
settlements, and in the so— called Zuniga map (intercepted by the
Spanish) a compilation of data both on the James River and also on
the Roanoke area from parties sent to look for traces of the Lost
Colonists. The Virginia Company was unwilling to publish his map,
which may well have led to Smith's lasting breach with them after
his return in 1609, but he was able to put into print at Oxford, out of
the way of Company interference, both his revised map and
description in 1612. This was clearly an attempt to do for Virginia
what Harriot and White did for Roanoke and the two bodies of
information are indispensable today, linking the two developments
together and providing data without which we should be largely in
the dark about the positive achievements of the Roanoke and
Jamestown settlers. The case for continuity cannot be better made
than in this instance, even if there was, unfortunately, no John White
to record in drawings the appearance and lifestyle of the Virginia
Indians.

In 1584 Hakluyt and Raleigh made every effort to obtain some
degree of support from Queen Elizabeth. But she was in no position
to take on any responsibilities in North America. Spain, the


with Newport) told him that the ore would run out at £1,100 sterling
to the ton, and that "there is more in the pot." The south side of the
river was, he said, even more promising than the north. But these
hopes crashed. Within twenty—four hours Cope had to swallow his
words—"This other day we sent you news of gold, and this day we
cannot return you so much as copper. Our new discovery is more like
to prove the land of Canaan than the land of Ophir. " Four trials, by
the most experienced men in London, showed this—"in the end all
turned to vapour." He blamed Captain John Martin for this fiasco,
who had, he said, raised the whole matter to the state it had reached
in order to mislead his father.

One might think that this would have ended the futile project. But by
no means. Newport evidently thought there was something in it.
When he returned to Jamestown, finding incidentally that disease
and Indian attacks had reduced the colonists to a mere handful (38
of 105 had survived from June to January), his chief purpose in the
fourteen weeks he stayed was to combine with Martin to find more
"gold." Captain John Smith did not believe a word of it and scorned
their activity-to "dig gold, wash gold, load gold" was, he said, their
main objective. When a second ship (Nelson's) arrived after
Newport's had gone Martin established the same hold on the
shipmaster, attempting to fill her "with his fantastical gold," although
Smith, now Cape merchant, insisted the main cargo be cedar. But
Martin sailed back on the ship to gain credit, Smith said, for "his
supposed Art of finding the golden mine." We hear nothing at all
about how the futile 1608 cargoes were received in England, but
silence at least indicates they contained no gold.

All this activity diverted the colonists from adjusting to their new and
hostile environment and made the establishment of any stable and
viable society the more difficult. If Lane's colony had not returned to
England in the summer of 1586, it is probable it would have
consumed its remaining energies in a comparable search for
minerals.

The realization that, in fact, the English knew so little of North
America that a specific survey of the area chosen for settlement
should ‘be made beforeany large scale colonization was attempted,
did emerge from an unknown planner in 1582. He set our details of
how such a topographical and resources survey could be carried out.
We do not find a proposal for such a survey in Hakluyt's writings, but

North America. Because the English were interested primarily in the
area between 34 degrees and 38 degrees north latitude both in
1584-7 and in 1607-9 it was thought that the climate must parallel
that of the Old World zone between Morocco and southwest France.
In ignorance of the nature of a continental climate, the assumption
was that products common to this part of the Old World would grow
and flourish in the New. Nor was this assumption dead by 1607: it
was to persist, in some degree, even after settlement had
commenced. But it was to vitiate many plans for agricultural
production in the early colonies.

There was, too, a major cartographical assumption which was to
keep cropping up for the next seventy years at least. This was that
the North American mainland was narrow—waisted. Verrazzano in
1524 had started the canard on his maps (and those of his brother),
being deluded by the Carolina Outer Banks (they have a lot to
answer for!) that the Pacific was just across the way, so that a
narrow isthmus appeared on many maps of North America—even on
John White's map of 1586. Or there was a variant of this, which was
that the St. Lawrence River ran on until it reached a mountain range,
just across which was easy access to the Pacific. We find this with
Lane, we find it with Newport. They had only to find the divide and
then access to the closed sea from which all spices came, and much
else, would be easy. This was the assumption which relied on using
North America, not just for its merits or defects but mainly as a
means of access to the forbidden ocean, the Pacific, which Spain and
Portugal had divided amongst themselves.

Ralph Lane's hopes of a divide were to dominate his thinking—"a
passage to the South Sea" he said in 1586, would assure the success
of the Roanoke colonies. Christopher Newport's search of the
navigable waters of the James River in 1607, and his expectations of
what might lie beyond the Piedmont, which he penetrated a short
way, continued the same line of thought, as did Captain John Smith's
journey up the Potomac in 1608, until he was confronted with the
rapids above modern Washington. The Farrar map of Virginia as late
as 1650 continued to perpetuate the myth.

A large part of Hakluyt's "Discourse" was taken up in one way or
another, by the question of relations with the Indians. Hakluyt and
many of his successors (naively we now know) believed that most
North American Indians already knew about the treatment the


Spanish, in the more sanguinary episodes of their conquest, had
meted out to native peoples. Seeing England was at the time on such
bad terms with Spain it is not surprising that "atrocities" were
stressed. It was assumed therefore that the native peoples would be
more responsive to humane treatment by the English and would, if
necessary, ally with them against any Spanish intervention. It did
not appear from this reading that the Indians were considered to
have any exclusive rights to their own settlements and hunting
grounds. For the sake of an alliance with the English they would
surely cooperate and surrender the large amount of land it was
assumed they were not using in any way. When Arthur Barlowe in
September 1584 brought news of the first reconnaissance of the
Outer Banks and Roanoke Island this seemed to be confirmed—the
Indians were both few and very friendly. This was to lead to a long
period of basic misunderstanding. Ceremonial gift-exchanges and
friendly association with visitors were normal Indian customs, as
much to test potential enemies as to create new friends. They were
not an earnest of continued close cooperation. This was to be Lane's
experience in 1585-6. Friendship, indifference and hostility
succeeded each other inexplicably in his dealings with them. The
same was true in a much exaggerated degree on the James in 1607-
9, only here the relations were, in the last resort, master—minded by
the policy and whims of the despotic ruler Powhatan, a position in
the Roanoke area that Wingina appears to have aspired to but never
attained.

In Hak|uyt's view, however, Indians were not merely to act as
friendly introducers of Englishmen to American resources and be
their allies against all comers. They were to be vital elements in
commerce with the settlers. English cloth and its disposal were a
primary economic preoccupation of Elizabethan and Jacobean
Englishmen. But the Indians whom Lane met and whom the
Jamestown settlers encountered had little use for it. We have very
little evidence in practice that either in the Roanoke or Jamestown
episodes a market for cloth occupied the settlers to any appreciable
degree, but the urge that they should try to exploit it continued to be
made. Furs, especially dressed deerskins, dyes and a few supposed
medicinal products came with Barlowe in 1584 but the storekeeper
on Roanoke Island in 1585-86 found himself unable to develop this
commerce. The reason was that the Indians were neither (in most
cases) accumulators of goods, nor willing to work to accumulate

the search for minerals and valuable stones and pearls as something
worthwhile. Raleigh was more optimistic in that he sent at least one
metallurgist to Roanoke Island and clearly gave instructions to have
any mineral deposits tested. Harriot did indeed report the presence
of alum (incorrectly) and of iron (with some credibility), but it was
native copper which attracted the majority of settlers. News of
plentiful supplies of copper among tribes up the Roanoke River led
Lane, late in the day, with the river in spate from melting snow, to
attempt to reach the mineral-bearing area which sounded as if it
might contain gold as well as copper. But his attempts came to
nothing. But, just as he felt that "a passage to the South Sea" was
one of the few ways ofjustifying future colonization, so "a good
mine" would be the other. The plentiful pearls in Indian hands
(mainly from freshwater mussels, though this was not fully realized)
led to attempts to collect them, but the Indians obtained them from
roasted shellfish and so they were, for European purposes, spoiled.
Many were collected in 1585-86, though few survived the departure
of the first colony. They crop up frequently again in Jamestown, but
with little impact.

Though it is not stressed in most accounts of the Jamestown colony,
the search for minerals virtually dominated the first year's attempts
to exploit the resources of the James River valley. True, the
"Instructions" provided that men be provided with pickaxes "to try if
they can find any mineral" and a colonist, recalling the first
expedition beyond the Fall Line, wrote that there were rocks and
mountains that "promiseth infinate treasures." But in the camp at
Jamestown there was a man who saw gold everywhere, Captain John
Martin. He came from a go|dsmith's family and indeed his father was
a master of the mint in London. It seems to have been he who led
Newport to bring to England in August 1607 a cask of inorganic
matter which it was alleged to contain gold. One of the principal
backers of the colony, Sir Walter Cope, received this and reports of
the first tests on it in a ludicrously optimistic manner. "There is but a
barrel full of the earth, but there seems a kingdom full of the ore,"
he told Lord Salisbury .He talked about it in terms of future
shiploads. He gathered that "in all their fortifications, after two turfs
of earth, this sperm [mineral particles] or ore appeareth on every
part as a solid body, a treasure endlessly proportioned by

God" (regarded as usual as a good Englishmen): "I could wish your
Lordship was at the trial." His first mineral expert (who had come


would be available. Thus Newport was able to bring back clapboard
as the result of felling some great oaks in May and June 1607, semi-
finished timber being a possibly profitable cargo. Archer said of
"clapboard and wainscot, if ships will fetch it, we may take as much
as England can vent" and, sure enough, clapboard and wainscot
were sent back with Newport early in 1608 as well, though Smith, as
keeper of the store, sent back in June the more valuable red and
white cedar, sweet—smelling wood for fine joinery work. But he had,
again, clapboard and wainscot piled for the expected 1609 supply to
take back.

But if Jamestown could indeed produce timber which had some
saleable value, there was no great profit to be made from it as
transport costs remained relatively high. More valuable might be
pitch and tar, and soap ashes, as their bulk was much less. The eight
Poles and Germans sent out late in 1608 were to attempt to
manufacture glass (again of course wood— consuming) and were able
to send specimens back with Newport, but that was all. Rather more
in way of pitch and tar, and probably soap ash as well, continued to
be produced, except that the exports were not, to say the least, too
reliable. Smith considered that this project was unrealistic. Suitable
pines had to be searched for pitch and tar as there were not too
many to be found near at hand, so production was bound to be on a
small and unprofitable scale. It would, he said in November 1608, be
far better to go on buying these things from the Baltic rather than
waste resources by attempting to attain an impossible self-
sufficiency in them from Virginia. A little later masts were to be
brought from the James River, and some iron was to be smelted
from bog iron, which Harriot had also reported from the Roanoke
region but it, too, was to lead nowhere.

It is possible to see, therefore, that while in 1584 all things in the
way of growing crops and exploiting natural resources seemed
possible, yet the experiments in both the Roanoke colonies and at
Jamestown, each on very much the same lines, but with more
commercial pressures in the case of Jamestown, came to nothing.
North America was not to prove at this point the storehouse for
either exotic products or timber that had been anticipated.

Then of course there were minerals and jewels. Hakluyt was cautious
about recommending North America as a source for gold and silver,
since the Baffin Island fiasco was too recent, but he did commend

them for exchange with the settlers. To produce the thousands of
dressed deerskins that Harriot suggested in 1587~88 might be
available, Indian women in the Roanoke area would need to have
been employed almost continually. There is no evidence whatever
that they had any conception of turning to mass production. This is
only a single instance of what was to leave colonists in what to many
of them seemed like an economic desert. A few exchanges, mainly of
corn for metal objects and beads, was about the limit of effective
trade in the case of both the Roanoke and Jamestown colonies. Nor
did the Indians show any desire to work for the colonists in dragging
out sassafras roots or those of the spiny smilaxes, desired for their
medicinal value. Lane, it is true, did get Wingina's men to show him
how to plant corn in 1586 and to assist in some degree and it may
appear that the Jamestown colonists, though never assisted by
Indian labor, did get information on growing corn in "hills" or ridges
from their Indian neighbors. There was not much more than that,
except for the exchange of corn for metals, conducted both in
Roanoke and on the James sometimes amicably, sometimes under
pressure which might or might not produce hostility. On the James
River we may remember that most tribal units did collect tribute for
Powhatan and were not wholly unfamiliar with non—subsistence
exchanges, though -they were wary enough of involving themselves
in the same kind of thing with the English, in order to avoid
Powhatan's displeasure since he thought all exchanges should go
through his hands. But Indian corn and other vegetable products
such as beans, sunflowers and tobacco, as well as fish, did provide
vital subsistence without which the Roanoke settlement would have
done more badly and the Jamestown colonists might, several times,
have come to grief unless corn, especially, could be had. None of this
was or could be known in 1584: something was known of it in 1607,
since the colonists were told from the outset to purchase corn from
the Indians, though nothing could yet be known of the complexities
of living inside the confines of the Powhatan Confederacy.

One aspect of colonization that Hakluyt stressed was the need to
bring the Indians from paganism to acceptance of the variety of
Protestantism established in England in 1559. The Church of England
had sought from the beginning to claim that it was not a sect but
part of the universal Christian Church. To English churchmen—like
Hakluyt—it was the Roman Catholics who had made themselves
dubious members of that scattered world-wide community . It


seemed important to him, both as a clergyman and as an
Englishman, that the Indians of North America should becometgood
Anglicans as rapidly as possible. It should, he considered, not be too
difficult since the Spaniards claimed to have converted millions of
Mexicans and other Indians to their debased Roman Catholic faith.
Harriot, indeed, with his knowledge of spoken Algonquian, though he
was not necessarily in full command of its complexities, attempted to
teach something from the Bible to the Indians of the areas around
Roanoke Island which he traversed. He found the Indians willing to
respond to "the God in the Book," even if they regarded the book as
in some manner containing the God—for had the English not come in
great vessels from another life, some thought, or from a powerful
distant land, and were not their gods beings to be reckoned with and
incorporated in their own animistic hierarchy? And was not Manteo,
after two visits to England, willing to be baptized on Roanoke Island
in 1587 and to act, in theory at least, as the standard bearer for
English Christianity on Roanoke Island and its surroundings? We do
not hear anything further of English religious influence in this area.
But when the new Virginia was being canvassed in 1606, Hakluyt
himself, at the age of fifty—four rather old for such a commitment,
offered to go as chaplain to the first colony to start a mission. But he
retracted before the expedition sailed, and the Reverend Robert Hunt
took his place, who, though he ministered to the colonists as well as
he could, conducted no missionary work whatever among the
Indians. Nor did his successor, the Reverend William Mease, who was
in Virginia from 1609 to 1620, undertake any either, though some
other ministers and laymen were to attempt unsuccessfully to break
the hold of the indigenous priests on their people before Mease
returned to England.

Hakluyt paid a great deal of attention to the necessity to grow in
North America Mediterranean and subtropical products. This was
partly based on a desire to make England less dependent on foreign
trade. More specifically, trade with Spain and Portugal was becoming
difficult and dangerous in 1584 while the belief that North America
could grow sugar, olives, vines, oranges, lemons and such like was
very clear in his mind, if qualified by the lack of information he had
about climate. We find Grenville's expedition in 1585 collecting in the
Caribbean roots of sugar cane, pineapples, plantains (bananas), and
mammee apples, most of which they expected to grow on Roanoke
Island. But many of their specimens were damaged by seawater

when the Tiger struck at Wococon in July .A few plants may have
survived but none of them flourished, or ever would. Though we
have not got precise instructions in this respect for the 1606 colony,
there seems little doubt that the Jamestown settlers labored under
rather similar illusions. Gabriel Archer, after having spent a mere six
weeks on the James River, mostly at Jamestown, could write: "The
thing we crave is some skillful men to husband, set and plant and
dress vines, sugar canes, olives, grapes, hemp, flax, licorice, prunes,
currants, raisins and all such things as the North Tropic of the world
affords, also saffron, woad, hops and the like." Though there is a
wide range in the Old World for these commodities and though some
could be grown in Virginia and indeed in England, it is remarkable
how he almost reiterates the very words of Hakluyt's discourse in
1584, which specified nearly all these commodities and listed experts
who should be brought in to cultivate them efficiently in the Roanoke
colony. Archer was giving a totally wrong impression of the
potentialities of the James River valley, even if he also suggested
that "Tobacco after a year or two [worth] £5,000 a year" could be
produced even if the native tobacco was to prove unsaleable in
England as too harsh, and never became a potential winner until
replaced by a more palatable variety: the culture of French vines too
was later to be attempted, as was that of silkworms, if with no
success for much labor. Indeed, the horticultural potential of both
Roanoke and Virginia was to be wholly misread by such statements.
However, we hear nothing from Captain John Smith of such fanciful
projections, though, like Thomas Harriot, he was able to give an
account of what the Indians actually grew for food and what were
the useful plants which could be of value to settlers for their own use
or for possible export.

One thing that was known about North America, or at least correctly
surmised, was that it contained. plenty of timber. Shortage of oak
and other hardwoods was causing some apprehension in England as
iron—working and ship—building developed and native resources
declined. The Baltic was the natural source of timber products,
including pitch, tar, and potash, as well as materials for ropes and
sails like hemp and flax. Harriot was to stress the abundance of
hardwoods in the Roanoke area, but all we know is that some cedar
(white cedar and cypress) was sent home from there. More emphasis
was placed on timber and its products in the Jamestown settlement.
It was obvious that if land had to be cleared for crops that timber


Spacer


Pocahontas (Matoaka)
(c. 1596-1617)
Legendary Algonquian (Powhatan) “princess” and an important peacemaker in early-
seventeenth—century Virginia
Pocahontas (the name purportedly means “the Playful One”) was an active, carefree ten— to
twelve-year-old girl when Captain John Smith and 103 other colonists established the first
permanent English settlement at Jamestown in May 1607. As a favored daughter of Powhatan
(Wahunsunacock), the most powerful chief of some thirty Chesapeake Bay Algonquian tribes
along Virginia’s tidal rivers, Pocahontas was destined by royal birth to play some important part
in the history of her people. The arrival of the English in her father’s domain, however, provided
her with a unique opportunity to play a dramatic, central role in American history as an
indispensable intermediary who preserved a tenuous peace between two different cultures, two
distant continents, and two determined camps of armed warriors.
Pocahontas, regarded by both the Powhatans and the English as a harmless young female, was
uniquely equipped by gender, high status, and tender age to serve as a peacemaker between her
own people and the white strangers from a foreign land. She was a frequent visitor to the
Jamestown settlement, and a mutual fascination and affection quickly developed between
Pocahontas and the English. The Colonist William Strachey observed that she was a “well
featured but wanton young girle,” best known for turning cartwheels in the nude, but Captain
Smith described her first and most memorably, in 1608, as “the only Nonpareil” of Virginia,
who, with her wit, wisdom, and warm personality, “much exceedeth any of the rest” of the local
Indians.
Romantic images of the beguiling Powhatan maiden and the brave English captain have endured
through the ages, making Pocahontas the best-known American Indian the world over. Her life
story has proved irresistible to countless novelists, playwrights, and historians. The Pocahontas
of legend originated in a very brief and much disputed passage in Smith’s Generall Historie of
Virginia, New-England, and the Summer Isles, which was published in 1624 but recounted an
alleged event from seventeen years earlier. Smith’s account described how he had been taken as
a ‘captive in December 1607 to Powhatan’s capital of Werowocomoco, along the lower York
River, and how, when he was about to be executed, Pocahontas suddenly threw herself across
his body and “hazarded the beating out of her owne braines” to save his life.
Even if Smith’s memory of what seemed to happen was accurate, he did not necessarily ras
the intent or implications of this incident. As the captured leader of the colonists Smithgwag
g:lcr)1reeval1Iifabledto Eowhatan alive than dead, and it is virtually certain that his life was never in
exeézutr. in ee “ Pocahontas interposed herself between the captain and his apparent
ioners and prevailed upon her father” to free him, she was probably performin a
symbolic and highly orchestrated ceremony—a public acknowledgment that Powhata th g h
his biological daughter, was adopting Smith as his “son” and makin him an h n, rolbg
subordinate—chieftain, or “werowance.” It is inconceivable that Powhftan would l(1mOrar}l—_ ut
Smith unless he thought that he controlled this underling and the weak s b ‘ave re eased
“tribe” that owed its allegiance and very survival to him. , u Sen/lent Enghsh
Too much attention has been ai “ ' ” ' - ,
more vital, and verifiable, contlfibfititgntshteo l::e/plilrfg t(l)1fef):12l::,, afifcl “£3: SrC1.HeS1.POCah0maS S .eVen
After Smith returned to Ja t P P Vmg Wes on both Sides‘
_ _ _ mes own, ocahontas played a key role as a mutuall ml t d
intermediary, conveying food, gifts, and important messages back and f th B y S 6
113610, lslhe negotiated the release of Powhatan prisoners held by the colofirists ar€1:ct:l“oe1°(:1n1s,6ll)i:l(£lng
T1818 men from her father’ —' ' - - . e
“trecheries [and] preserve” the cbllsokril/lg her Own life, according to Smlth’ to reveal
Pocahontas’s best efforts, howe .
War (1610-14), as the coastal Aigglqifilg r::;§§§:§nfo lllllerléliltbif the First A“g1°'P°Wha‘a“
the English. Because of the war and her reputed marriage to an oblsciriowrifggraggnfiflnlgtery by
- . . ocou
1P:‘:):13i‘:1:1T11:/a5it13:1Al<:SD:t 131:: groluhntarly V1:‘1tS- to Jamestown after 1610. m’
that Pocahontas spent moreytinigwtitll alrlifillem hosltlhty between the ‘Powhatans: and the English
came upon Pocahontas as she was visiti grew C Oser to’ the C'O10n-ms. Captain Samuel Argan
ng along the Potomac River in spring 1613, and with the


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THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
AND - . ,._\:.s
THE COMMONWEALTH OF VIRGINIA J‘ "

eyfiz/4/

It is important for us to call to memory the great achievements of our
forefathers in heving out of the wilderness a new nation. The founding
of the first permanent English settlement in I607 at Jamestown.
Virginia: the establishment there of the first representative form of
government in the New World; the flowering of Colonial culture at"
Williamshnrg and the winning of American independence at Yorktown
are important milestones in our nation's history.

   
  
    
     

Dwight D. Eisenhower


 

“ You have maidéhh this Island, which is

  but the suburét» of the Old World, a  L

 ‘tbrjdgehand _qall;f:ry‘ to the New; to joint  V

  hczlfljkto that wo1;_Id that should ‘never

h ' grow old," the Kingdom of Heaven."
%     JOHN DONNE, 1622

 


ZVAB-Schnellsuche Page 1 of 1

  

Q7} J/M 51%, WW I If /(J07-15;),


Spacer



Contents

3

6

The First Frontier Burton Kummerow,
Coordinator of Interpretation, St. Marys City
The Legacy of Toleration ]. Frederick Fausz,

Assistant Professor of History, St. Mary's College of Maryland
”The Year of the Bay” Gary V. Hodge,

Chairman, Maryland 350th Anniversary Committee,
Tri-County Council for Southern Maryland

Getting There by Way of Maryland History
Marianne Alexander,
Professor of History, Goucher College
Constance Stapleton,

History Through Houses
Country contributing editor and former Architectural Digest correspondent

Feasts Fit for a Colony Carolyn Mulford,
freelance writer/editor based in Silver Spring, Maryland

Editor and Publisher
Project Coordinator
Contributing Editor
Art Direction

Walter Nicklin

Pat Bland
Constance Stapleton
Watermark‘Design

Published by Country -Magazine, in cooperation with the
Maryland 350th Anniversary Committee of the Tri-Country
Council for Southern Maryland.

Chairman
Coordinator

Gary V. Hodge
Stephanie Tolen DeAbreu

Country Magazine (ISSN 0271-759X) is published
monthly by Country Sun, Inc., Suite 205, 277 S.
Washington St., Alexandria, Va. 22314. ©1984
by Country Sun, Inc. All rights reserved.
Editorial and business offices: (703) 548-6177;
P.O. Box 246, Alexandria, Va D313.


THE FIRST
FRONTIER

BURTON KUMMEROW

ore than three centuries ago, Daniel Clocker the Elder sat in

his clapboard covered house and smoked a pipeful of the

”stinking sotweed.” English America was only two generations

old, and the western frontier was hardly a day's walk from the

shores of the Chesapeake Bay. Like the Daniel Boones and Kit

Carsons who followed him, Daniel Clocker could look back on
his career in the American wilderness with satisfaction. He had labored to bring
civilization to the New World and had helped tame a vast, wild, and remote land.

Along with more than 100,000 other young English men and women, he had

taken a risk to improve his lot in life that few modern Americans would even
consider. In 1636, 18-year-old Dan Clocker had boarded a square-rigged
wooden ship in London and sailed toward the setting sun. He survived weeks
of bad food and disease in the squalid hold of that ship. But his ocean passage
was only the first chapter of an uphill battle against difficult odds. After his
arrival on the Chesapeake Tobacco Coast, he survived the "seasoning” —
exposure to new diseases like malaria that killed one settler in three. Clocker
worked four years to pay for his voyage, wooed a young widow who bore him
six children, and died in 1676 a successful tobacco planter with 300 acres of
land. He beat the odds at every turn and created a life in frontier Maryland he
could never have achieved in England. It was a classic American success story
filled with grit and determination.

Cover: A group of Maryland's “first
adventurers” row to shore from the
reconstructed Dove, re-enacting a landing
like the first one at St. Clement's Island in
1634. Photograph by Gary V. Hodge.

The detail, on the facing page, from
Willem Ianszoon Bleau’s 1631 version
of Captain Iohn Smith's map of the
New World shows (approximately in

g the center, near the point between the

‘ "Chesapeack Bay" and the ”Patawomeck
flu”) where Maryland's first settlers
would land on the Chesapeake Frontier.
The photo at left shows a recent re-
enactment of musketeer tactics for
defense of the colony established at St.

Mary '5 City.

 
 
 

T1-i—County Council

COUNTRY Magazine/Maryland's 350th M-3


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Num. Hits Headin
Bar as or .—— rof ' —— 6 7-1617 R1 7

__<?
flaws»

/r B ave or —— as er of hi ——1 21/22 SR 0 7' .2.
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,//' )Bar V6 -—1 1 1 3 1

1

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1 DB -—1 2 —
1 PB ohn—— 162 R 4 .

1 John ——1 24 SR 7 . — 2.
1 B —' 0 ——124SR 157 .1.

1 0hn—- —— 1620-1 21 SRO 6

1 —— wsui involvin ——1 1 —

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MULTIMEDIA 11 di

S. R. Number SR 01535

Reel Number 165

Re ito ii R or

Title S e P r .D e ‘C. ames 1. Le an Pa rs
Dates 1 December 1615 — 1 Janu 1615/16

Name ar av J —— 161 R01535 . 1

Name e ——m ter of hi ‘Ed in —— ndon —~ 1615 SR 1535 1.
Shi Name dwin (shi )—— [1615], SR 01535, . 1.
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S. R. Number R 02
Reel Number 575
Re sito Ma ne 1] e ambri l 6‘ F rrar 21 B x XII N0.124 .
Title Sir or e Y ar 6 .Le i w an s
Dates [1619]
Name Ar a —-1 19 SR 067 2 1.
Name lev L —- 1 R 06702 . 2.
Name Dale Lad —-1 1 SR 067 2 .1.
Name
Name

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ame 1 R06 02 2.

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d —— 16 02 . 1.
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6 die 6: rs.--1 02 . 1 2
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' h a t. «rel ted Mr eY ardl —— 161 SR

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ame ear (-3 r ' -— ~— V ‘ —— 1 2 1-2

hi Name ona‘NOVa (shi ) —— 1619, SR 06702, . 1.

hi Name all (shi —— 1619, SR 06702, . 1.
ulti-Media tt 2/ari .Vsl .ed / in .ht
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MULTIMEDIA or er 1 ' 1” ' ' a E .

S. R. Number 15

Reel Number 165

Re ‘to Pu ‘c R rd 1 ‘ SP 14

Title P rs.D m '0. I e l.Le is an P rs

Dates 1618

Name nd 1 Th rh arl of -— 1 R 1541 . 1

Name Bar ave or e —— master f shi :Edwin —— nclon —— 1618 SR 01541
1 Name re am ——m of ' : in —— nd 11 —— 1618 SR 01541 .1.

  
 

Name ' —~ ——1
1 Name V Jo --mr ant--161 R01 .1

Doubleday. Edw. —— government official —— (Middlesex Co, Eng) —— 1618, SR
541 . 1

Forsett. Eclw. M government official —— (Middlesex Co, Eng) —— 1618 SR. 01541, p.
1.

Name —— V en ffici —— Mi le x En ——l SR 541 .1.
Name mith W. —- ove ent 1cial—- ' esex En --11 SR01541

Wi reR—— en ffii —— i esex n ~— 1618 SR01541
1.

Name Zou e w d —— ve nt ’al—— 154
hi Name win (shi )—- 1618, SR 01541, . 1.
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MULTIMEDIA It 6 0th m "ai orm ti
S. R. Number 1
Re ‘to Pu 1icR or Offi Cl C24/47 Pa 1.
Title urt . t o ' dD sii 3
Dates 1620-1621
A Name Bar Ve J hn—- 1618-1621 R0 1 . -2.
Name Ch berla ne Abrah ~— ——1 SR 6 1 .4.
Name a1 ——1 20/1 2 SR 8 1 .3
Name arris R0 ——1 18-1 1 R 86 1 .4
Name —— ”
Name ohn A1 erm' - —— 61 61 621 086 1 .4
Name Lem r —— 1620/162 SR 086 . 3.
Name am (:1 ——l 1 162 SR 08691 .4.
Name artin John ——1 20 1 21 R08 .1 4.
Name Smi Th ' ——1 7 1 SR 6 1 1 3 4.
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reene Th mas —— testimon —— 1620/1 21 SR 086 1 .2.
' —-et' n —-19 R 61 4.
hns obe —— ——l 1 2 R .l- .

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on b —-162 162 0 1 . .
—- tirnon —~ 62 621 R0 91 .2.
ir ——1 s i involvin ——1 20-1621 SR 08691 .1—5.
—~ ' on —— 2
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nd rw Ro rt——te 'm n —— 162 162 SR 8 1 .2.
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—- 162 16 SR 086 1
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son (shi )—- 1618, 1620/21, SR 08691, . 1, 2, 3.
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annsell H —-

——t stim n ——1 21 R0 691 .4.

arJ ——s'n

 

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S. R. Number SR 10873

Reel Number Not Filmed

Repository Public Record Office Class C/41/3.

Title Chancery. Register of Affidavits
Dates 1621-1621/22
V Name Bargrave, George —- master of ship —- 1621/22. SR 10873, p. 2.

Name Bargrave, John -- lawsuit involving —- 1621-1621/22, SR 10873, p. 1-2.

Name Fotherly, Henry -- laborer —- testimony by -- 1621, SR 10873, D. 1.

Name Smyth, Thomas, Sir -— government official —— (Virginia Company) -— lawsuit

involving -- 1621-1621/22, SR 10873. . 1-2.
Name Argall. Samuel —- Governor -— (Va.) -- testimony by -- 1621/22, SR. 10873, D. 1-2.
Name Ferrar, -- government official -- (Virginia Company) -- 1621, SR 10873. 13. 1.
Dale, Thomas, Sir -- government official —- (Virginia Company) -- 1621/22, SR

Name 10873, p._1.

Name De la Warre. . Lord -— government official -- (Virginia Company) —- 1621/22,
Name Gates, Thomas, Sir -— government official -— (Virginia Company) -- 1621/22. SR.

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MULTIMEDIA ia 'nf 21 ion V il le
S. R. Number 10377

Reel Number 949

Re ‘to 1' ice 1 : 2 amel 4 5.
Title Chance i .S ri sl. Jam sl
Dates 1621/22

Name ar rav r —- r 1” hi ——1 1 -1 1 R1 377 .1.

Name ar ve hn --l w i inv lvin --1 21 2 R1

Name Martin John —— lawsuit involvin —— 621/22 SR 10377 . 1.
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1.
0] 7
165
'cR rd Off" Cl
State Pa
1624
B rave ohn ——l 24 SR0l57
6 Sir —— 4 R 57 l
earl of —- 1624 R0157
ir -— cl ——

s SP1 l73.

rs. Domestic. Jame" l. Lett r and Pa

wick

officer —— l 24 SR 0157
officer -— l 4 SR 0l5
officer —— l 2 SR 0l57
erkins Wil ' officer —— l S 0157
orrer ' -— cu fficer —— l 2 157
Di ‘ —— 6 4 SR 01
tt 2/ ' 01 in
nfs://aries.vsla.edu/VTLS/CR/0l579/index.V b

Benn war —— cu to
B urne Ru

Br e

n —— Custo
e -- cu t
—— cust

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Num.HitsH
' ¥*Bar V John —— 1622
8 ve John w 1 24 R
$13211" av —— 1624 R 1 . .
i* at ' John —— —— 620-1621 SRO 1 .1— .
¥Bar ‘ John —— law uitinvolvin —— 161 -161 /20 SR 10837
J hn ——l ' ' ' —— —
-- 'tinVolVin —— 161 SR 10836 .1
J hn ulawsuitinv lvin ——1 1 R11 4 .1.
John ——1 w i ' ' R 10839 . 1.

 
    

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Bargrave (14) - 14 hits

M Manchester Papers Public Record Office Class
------  1616-1647 |

‘Z Privy Council Register Public Record Office Class
" 1621-1623

Petition of John Bargrave, Esquire, to

The Earl of Leicester's

[1619-1625]

Misc. papers of Sir Julius Caesar concerning.

British Museum Class Add.

1622- 1627

Entry Book of letters, commissions,

Public Record Office Class

1606-1662

State Papers. Domestic. James 1. Letters and.

Public Record Office Class

1 December 1615 - 1 January 1615/16

State Papers. Domestic. James 1. Letters and.

Public Record Office Class

1618

State Papers. Domestic. James 1. Letters and.

Public Record Office Class

1621-1621/22

it .
3*’ 1624 I
Will of James Short Principal Probate Registry
952...
1774
Sir George Yeardley. Letter to {Sir Edward Magdalene College,
[1619]
$11 Letter. Sir Edwin Sandys to John Ferrar Magdalene College,
................ .. 22 April 1622
M2 Court of Chancery. Interrogations and Public Record Office Class
H3 Chancery Proceedings. Series 1. James 1 Public Record Office
 """"" " 1621/22
M Chancery. Register of Affidavits Public Record Office Class

 

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MULTIMEDIA lma e r rm ‘ inf rm i n v '1 ie
S. R. Number S 07
Reel Number 617

The l f ' ' Li H lkh m Norfol . N n .Thi MS is ke t
wi rin X f"Laws Divine".

Title Petition of J 11‘ 0 Path e t
Dates [1619-1625]

Name Dale Th mas Sir —— 1619 SR 07109 2
Name I—— 161 SR 71 .2.

Name V hn -— titio —— 16

Name hn on Aide R 1 . .
Name Smith Tho s ' n fficiai —— 1620
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Edwin(e)
o 1616 The Edwin, from London, arrived at Virginia. See Ship & Passenger Information

0 1617 The Edwin, from London, arrived at Virginia. See Ship & Passenger Information

0 1618 The Edwin, from London, arrived at Virginia. See Ship & Passenger Information

0 May, 1619 The Edwin, from London, arrived at Virginia. See Ship & Passenger
Information

0 Before 1624/5 The Edwin, from London, arrived at Virginia. See Ship & Passenger
Information

As colonies multiplied and their diverse interests demanded consideration, control became
generalized and details were left to be worked out more by merchants, planters, and local
officials. Virginia then fell into its place among the rest. At the time of which we are speaking
agents, as we shall see, were occasionally sent from Virginia to England. The acts of its
assembly were sent to the privy council for its allowance.1 A few instances appear of civil suits
in Virginia being heard in England, and of colonial cases coming at this period before the court
of the lord high admiral in England;2 but suits of the latter class concerned other colonies even
more than Virginia.3

Some of the earliest utterances of the crown upon the subject of government in Virginia
indicated a purpose to revive the system of 1606, retaining the patentees and leaving rights of
trade in their hands, but revoking all rights of government.4 But the leaders of the majority in the
old company were unable to reconcile themselves to anything but its restoration, with all the
powers which it possessed under the charters of 16095 and 1612. This the colonists would at the
time have preferred, for the recent administration of the province, on the whole, had been
satisfactory to them. But the government, if it had ever intended to retain the patentees, soon
abandoned such thought, and, in the famous proclamation of 1625, seemed to commit itself to
the royal province as a form of organization.

1 Randolph Mss., Va. Hist. Soc. fol. 219, March, 1631.

2 A suit between Martin and Bargrave over the possession of cattle was pending in
Chancery in 1625. Va. Mag. of Hist. VII. 132. There was also a suit over Pountis’s estate, but
it was probably not prosecuted in England. Ibid. 134.

3 Admiralty Court, Instance and Prize, Libel Files.

4 See Discourse of the Old Company, Va. Mag. of Hist. I. 304 et seq.

5 See order in council of June 24, 1624, Calendar of Colonial Papers under that date: “His
Majesty being resolved to renew a charter, with former privileges and amendment of former

imperfections.” Sir F. Nethersole in a letter to Carleton, July 3, 1624 (Colonial Papers) states the
fact more directly.


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.ig,'LL ~ t" 1.

i ‘L in i‘~.ie:»»z~» ’ L,'~*~H'~‘~““’

702

Mtmlvea Sir IV. Bar}: :—-To enjoin xiii t.he‘1ic:mbers of the
f‘‘‘‘ “’ “"“" Hottsc, in'l‘own, not to go out at Town, wttllout fipccmi
row’ Liitranorr of tho i'iot1'~'c. . _ _ V

‘lite Ito-.‘-olution iwrcot rcsprted uh Alonrlny.

Imzut, 10' Mrtii, 92° Jmrobi.
't'.~.ms,mnn5 L_ 1», Q CTomtiust‘l‘ruusgmrtationoflron Grdmmcc:

‘3"l"«‘*|=*'rv .....,»§{nl to be mad again 'I'o-marrow.
\\‘:wt of Motionmotlc. about the vrr.-nt_ Won} of P0\'t‘d¢t‘ “‘m\i"
"v““‘"- the Kin-_v,rlunt.—-'I’his lty is r. Iawlyzts Fault
This l’utv:nt. to be du_1Ivercd tn by M53 1'-“"3/"r “i""'
1'3-irihg next, perempwnly.
nawqw. I5g¢rlon'n Committeo,-To-marrow, '1' wo Clock. 3|!
the tomter Phtcu.
s;.;.....,~, Sir II’. Earl: reportetia the ]3iii‘nguins_t Simouy, with
Amendments rmd 2\d<titmns_; witltfil tmcc rend.~—Re~
committed. in the (Tommittcc Chnmher.
cunt: mute. Mr. Spenker went out of his Chair.

Mr. Speaker went ittla his Chair ngttin.

Sir I-.'dw. .S'mm'.v reponetlt tho Qnlmtc, nkiiw C_3|'fl“‘1
Committee, touching coiourctl Cloths; v.r:. ntmgted
moths, and dyed and dressed Cloths. _

Upon Question, the Opinion of this House Is, that

, mhur itlemiumts. besides the MrsrcltutttAdvcnturcm, may
tmdtswith (Eyed and rtrrssctl, and oh coloured, Cloths,
, into G‘rrmrm_t), and the Low Couutms.

iifrrrtir, 11‘ fifaii, 22" Jrtcobi.

Tntnlptwtitzg L.aJ. ,- N Act against the Tratnsportatioo of Iron
Ordmurcn ,4,“ (}t'd|mm:e:-Cu!'tIIlliZ[t?(.i to Sir Edw. Cot-r,
Mr. Soiicitor, Sir Grvor. Manna, Sir II. l’0o:'c,‘ Sir ail.
Ivicrfmr-ocrl, Sir L‘n'zr. Petjlml, Sir Jo. Stradfing. Sir II.
rltlrfeltrtéll. Mr. Yiio. Ii-rmcltrrrtv: Ami «H, that wiil come, to
have Voice: Wcrfrwsriny, Wfrilsou \i'eok,Star-rhmnber.

The Lady I)«r¢'_;re's-l3ilI,——'I'tro Cioek this Afternoon.

Mr. Swelling movctb, concerning I}"inlcm'en-nc.m
I.igh::s, and the Surrey ofCon1s:—-Which toketh from
the Merchants of Ipswich atom‘: little loss than 2,8061.
per dmtmn.

The Committee for Gricmnccs to sit for this on 3'?’:nr.r~
rlag in tin: ,-Wtcrmmn: And the Coouuittcs forTrndc to
sit then, in the I.-Lxeimqucr Ctmmbcr.-—-Ra~oIu"d.

A Putitiml from Dr. Bmgrmr, read.
Ms‘. !i‘m-gr-ut¢u's Cttttsc to be hm on Frrday conto-
gtwcnmght.

Mr. II’)/Ir! muvctit, in S':.urerv_y/c:'s Bill. that some of
tin: Brothers nttcml not; yet some of them had :\’otice,
anti nttctulcd. .

lt‘r.wIL'r1I', 'l'l1oI’.:rty, that gave the Warning, tn mend
the House To-marrow Muming, to inform the ilousc.

ca.‘-,.m._ Sir Erin‘. Coke. repottotlt from the Cmnmittcc for
:5ir§.ltkxwy. Grievances, concerning Sir S. Hm-r~ry,——Ing¢m‘i -$Z'I‘vu.r,
pirrwrtgnr pccmti .rrrnrx.——«‘l'hree Pnnicuhtrs: I. That
Sir S. Irzrmty, wittmu: Authority umhrr am; Sun}, made
Wnrmnt to the High Coxtsuttult-:3 of H'erg3:'r1zt/r_ayrc for
Mail for the King‘; I iousc.——-'1'|t'ts contrary to the Statute
of zlrliculi super clmrlmr; whereby Pom. ing. without
Wnrmnt under the Great Settt,Fetony: et the Com-
ntittcc tncdtitcti not xrith ti1is.-~
Quortmdr, 3 1" ishmnngcr of London, and Prtrmter in a
Ship of Yrlrrrratrlfi, which ventured for Fisllr-Fi'I‘$|’., Sit‘
.5’. Hm-rt-2, going down to 1’or:uou1Ir. took 50 of his
Lings :-— 'hould have taken no mom: Yet caused x,4oo
to he umrked. Sit-.5‘. 1I(II"t‘L:t/. ut 1.«mr!au took tho 1,400
not m1I.l'i&tIti, as well as the t,4.oo tu:tri:ed.-—Wmt :1!
longth forced to take some of his own refuse Uri: for
his Mom.-y. to his great Loss.-—
jI~I:}:‘r1'icmz~ compounding for Cnrriuges, upon the King's
Iten1ovcs(1ilidd!¢'xt.t using to join with Herr]-i.»'r! and
.E'.t.vorirx the Iletrnoves) nnw Aaiidxifrstzrcxempt, untl ail laid
tmon fiirrnrxttncl l"Ir1l7:rd. Nay. “hen I4 srt down htr
flln'ri:r‘t't-scat‘, for nhieic ms: to pay tad. u Mile, of these
04

Ly. Durcyc.

Gricvtutcu.

Ihr;,;r.xve'I
l'rtiu'm:.

t-imttcrv)-Ir’:
I-Lazute.

‘ L (1.7 

8“-—:o°—’—t 1"——-I 2° Maii.

fl. 169,4.

SirS. Ilarvey set Eight upon Error and Six upon Hert-

fard; when too upon I-lrmr, out no u n Mirldlacxz

2. A lcgirr dc Mayrc.--Jirtcofv, tho htrvegor of the
King's Fmrcfa ' Wine, had Contnmtoicotioxt with one Lich-
lami, and Iigdr, and would have parted with thefitficc for
nothing: Sir S. Harvey got it set ovcr to him. promising
to make I10 Benefit of it, but to set it over; but, when
Jacob hm) set it over, Sir .9‘. Ilarrqy squeezed from
Lcclrfrmd 5301. where ought to intro had uothing.——-

Before Sir S. Hamay Officer, the (3axnFositioo Money
duty paid; but never whence. A gonem Cotnplnintout
of many Coontirxs about this.-———-

He pretended to save the King 8,0001. per.4mmm.——
Want to he in Store 500 Qmxrterzx of Wheat, zoo Oxen,l
moon Sheep, 31*. now no Provision at alt.--’I’hnt
2o,tmoI. will not set the .Hon.4houl in that Plight he
found it.--I-fc a wry patient. Man, not moved with any
thing a lien to him.

Mr. Freaaurer, to avoid the Imputution, which may lie
upon them the chief Governors of the I-iouahuhl, iutteth
the House know, these ’1'hin_g,s not ripe for their Reforma-
tibtt.--Thut, aflero Commission but! passed the House,
he oticred to save the King 8,000 I. per Am.-um. lie tuul
Yearnficr Yonr given him, to make this good. A month
new post, Order given him, to give in an Account of his
Praceuliugs: Which he hath put oh’, upon Preteuce,
that he is questioned here. Thrtt, upon [his Offer of his,
the Lord '1 rcnsurcr hath struck at!‘ span 1. per zfwulnz ,-
hy which means they are driven to be behind with Pay-
ments to the Coun:ry.—Moveth. to know, whether the
House will eompiain to the King of this, or leave him to
the chief Otiiccrs of the Grcctvcloth.

Sir Ito. Ilarlry .~—’I'o trtmsmit him u to the Lords.

Upon Question. these Abuses of Sir . Ifamrg; to be
presented . to his Majesty, as Grievances; and to be
mduced into n pttrlinutcntary Form, with the Residue
of the Griwutccs.

Mr. Jllaltary moreth for rt Day, to reduce «it the (:;i.t~.;m._
Grievances into 9. pnrlimncntary I-‘orm.--Thnt the
Deputy ofthe Clerk ofthe Market, and which executeth.
hath in Farm thcrflmcrcinmeuts.
Resolved, This shalt! be made ready, and presented to

the House upon 1’:-iday next.

Mr. .-Ilfimi, Sir Erik‘. Coke, Sir Ea’-.a. Srmrfs‘, Sir Tim. imytotitims.
11046.0 , 3-Ir. r\’qt;c, Sir }‘rzmci.r .5‘c_ymor, Mr. Solicitor,
Sir fin, 1’Irr'Ilr}t_1m.- This Committee is to take into
their Considemtion the Claim of the Subject against
Impositions.

Orticrca’, That Sir Eda). Cake and Sir Edw. Scmdr. Ld.‘l’reasurer
which presented the Charge against the Lord T re-asurer, git»! of
shnii, with all convenient Speed, set down, in Writing, ' "5‘”“"“]
the Heads thereof; to remain here for Posterity.

Thrzgrtin in the I-‘orenoon appointed for Debate of Cloth Tmtc.
the white ‘lath to be trarutportcti by other Merchants,
besides the Merchant Adventurers. ‘

Mcrcurii, 12' Mair’. 22‘ Jacobi.

0 R D E It‘. E D, No more Bills shall be received this Bills.
Session, without Order of the House.

it-fr. W'Iu’Ia.t-er reportcth the Felt~mnkcrs Bil}, with mg.
Amendments; which twice reud.—Iwgram:trr.

. . . . . at the Bar, lestificd, in Saint:-o3;Ie's Case, that ha s.;mm~;1c's
cram: to The. Sozrmvyfe; who went. to his Brothers, and 1~::m..'
spake with them (for they sroulti not be spoken with by
him) and spake with the Lady ; and that she saw the
Order; and the younger Brothers (as Tim. Somert‘_yIa: told
him) said they would not come.

Rc.vo!m'a', This n sutiicirmt Warning; and the Com-
mittee to proceed, their not coming notwithstanding.

A Petition from tho Felt-makers. mm}.

Ordered. The Poi:-makers, imprisoned in the Firm,
shall be pmwntly enlarged by‘Ul¢:\Vtt1‘dt:lt0i'tht: Fakrlc.
for I’rosut-miun of their Bil}. till the same be determined
by both Houses. And the Committee for l’rivHcges to

.take

maizm.

Privilege.-—
Felwoalrem.


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The Thomas Jefferson Papers
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The Virginia Records volumes were part of Jefferson's personal library. These
volumes were very fragile when Jefferson first collected them, can only be handled
with the greatest care today, and are generally not made available for researchers
except in microfilm format. Their presentation here, online, makes this
unacknowledged treasure widely available to the public for the first time in an
easily accessible format.

Virginia Records

Manuscript Volumes:
1|.Zl3l&l§l§lZl§l2|fl
1,1l1_l13lMlLl&lLZl1_8l1_9|@l-.1

Records of the Virginia Company
Published Edition Volumes: I | 11 l 1,11 l IV

Correlatinq the Published Edition
(Volumes I & II) with the

Virciinia Records Manuscripts (Volumes 16 & 17)
\(i.r9.iunia.....Recordsslisme.Line
Virqinia Records Selected Bibliography

About.sD.a.te_s

About Early Modern English

Virginia Records — Manuscript Volumes

Volumes 1 through 15 and volume 21 were among the nearly 6700 volumes
Jefferson sold to Congress in 1815. Volumes 16 through 20 were acquired by the
Library of Congress in 1829 from Jefferson's grandson, Thomas Jefferson Randolph,
as part of the settlement of Jefferson's estate. Volume 1 may be an original
manuscript, while almost all of the remaining twenty volumes are contemporaneous
seventeenth— and eighteenth—century transcriptions of originals, many of which do
not survive.

The Virginia Records were digitized from microfilm and the images enhanced for
increased legibility. Original volume 3, Abridgment of the Common Law, undated, is

severely damaged and illegible in the original, and was not digitized. Volumes in
Series 8 were renumbered. (Qig.i.ti.z.l.ng....tb.e.Collection).

Manuscript Volume 1

Thomas Mathew. The Beginning, Progress and Conclusion of Bacon's Rebellion in
Virginia in the Years 1675 & 1676. 1705.

,M_§.fllJ,SC[l,F?lZ..-

Text. Jefferson's transcription as published in installments in the Richmond Virginia

  l>    


Enquirer, September 1, 5, and 8, 1804.

Thomas Mathew, a contemporary observer of Nathaniel Bacon's rebellion in
Virginia, wrote this account in 1705. Rufus King of New York, while ambassador to
the court of St. James in London, purchased this volume and sent it to Jefferson
with a December 20, 1803 letter. The volume King purchased may have been the
original manuscript or a seventeenth— or eighteenth—century transcript of the
original. Upon receiving the volume, Jefferson made his own exact transcription of
Mathew's account of Bacon's Rebellion and arranged for its publication in the
Richmond, Virginia Enquirer.

  

Detail of [Nathanie,l,.mB.ag9n, three—quarter length portrait, seated, facing right]
created/published [between 1760 and 1800]. Library of Congress Prints and
Photographs Division. Reproduction Number: LC-USZ62—91133

£1 1912
Man u.s.crip.t Vol

John Mercer. Abridgement of the Public Acts. 1737.

John Mercer (1704-1768) of Marlborough, Virginia was George Washington's
lawyer. His son, John Francis, studied law with Jefferson.

€}.TQP
Manuscrip_t Volume 3

Virginia. Opinion of Learned Counsels. 1681-1722.
Opinions of Counsel on Affairs Related to the Colony of Virginia, 1681-1721.

Opinions of Nathaniel Pigot of Middle Temple and Sir John Randolph, King's
Attorney in Virginia, 1693-1722.

Jefferson acquired this and volumes 5, 10, and 21 when he purchased the library of
Peyton Randolph (1721-1775) in 1776. Peyton's father, Sir John Randolph (1693-
1736), was an avid collector of Virginia documents and had hoped to write a history
of the colony. He left his fine library of books and manuscripts to his son Peyton.

‘GKIQD

Manuscript Volume 4

Sir John Randolph. Commonplace Book. 1680.

Sir John Randolph (1693-1736) of Henrico was Speaker of the House of Burgesses

and the King's Attorney in Virginia. His son Peyton Randolph (1721-1775) also held
those offices and was Thomas Jefferson's mentor in the House of Burgesses in the

17605 and '70s.

This commonplace book provided alphabetically arranged printed subject headings,
under which one was supposed to enter relevant thoughts or extracts from
literature or poetry. Sir John Randolph apparently did not find all of these subject
headings compelling as there are numerous blank pages.

:3 Top
.M.a.nu.s_cr.i.pt..y9lu.me 5

Virginia. Laws and Orders Concluded on by the General Assembly. March 5,
1623/24.


Early eighteenth—century transcript. Originally owned by John Randolph, it was
acquired by Jefferson when he purchased the library of Randolph's son Peyton.

*5} Top
.IYia.nuscri.p.t._Vol.u_me.6

Charters of the Virginia Company of London; Laws; Abstracts of Rolls in the Offices
of State. 1606-92.

"The Bland Manuscript."

Jefferson acquired this volume of seventeenth-century transcripts of the charters
and fundamental documents in the history of the Virginia Company and colony in
1776 when he purchased the extensive library of Richard Bland (1710-1776), a
member of the Virginia House of Burgesses and avid collector of historical
documents and books. (The Company's charters can also be found in volume 14.)

*3! Top

Manuscript Volume 7

Virginia Council and Assembly. Laws. March 2, 1642/43 — March 23 1661/62.

Early eighteenth—century transcript. Acquired by Jefferson in 1776 as part of the
library of Richard Bland.

=9 I99

Manuscript Volume 8

Virginia Assembly. Laws. 1652-60.

Thomas Jefferson made this transcript from texts compiled by Virginia lawyer John
Mercer of Marlborough (1704-1768). A seventeenth—century holograph index is
bound in at front.

1'3¥.I9p
Mamsc/fii3LVQl_um_e...9

Virginia. Laws. March 23, 1661/62 - August 14, 1702.
"Charles City Manuscript."

This manuscript volume originated in the clerk's office of Charles City, which by
1614 was one of several outlying settlements in Virginia. Jefferson wrote George
Wythe on January 12, 1796 that he had found it in "Lorton's tavern" in Virginia,
where it was being used as "waste paper." One of these waste paper uses was
practicing writing and drawing. The volume pages show fancy signatures, drawings

of birds and animals, and other fanciful scribbles overlaying the text of the original.

#5339

Manuscript Volume 10

Virginia. Laws. December 23, 1662 — October 21, 1697.
"The Peyton Randolph Manuscript."

Originally owned by Sir John Randolph, and then by his son Peyton, whose library
Jefferson purchased in 1776. The contents of this volume are nearly identical to
those of volume 9, the "Charles City Manuscript."

91,09

Ma n.u.scripl;J1.o.l.u.m.e


Virginia. Laws. October 25, 1705.
"Charles City Manuscript."
Jefferson received this manuscript volume from "Mr. Debnam," Charles City clerk.

(is Top

Ma.n.u...scri.pt.ygluma....12

Virginia General Assembly. Laws. October 25, 1705 - November 7, 1711.
"The John Page Manuscript."

Jefferson received this volume from his lifelong friend John Page of Rosewell,
Virginia, whose grandfather Mathew Page was a commissioner for the revision of
Virginia laws in 1705.

{RIDE

Manuscript Volume 13

Virginia Company of London and the Colony. Miscellaneous Papers. 1606-92.

"Instructions, Commicons letters of Advice and admonitions and Publique Speeches,
Proclamations. &c."

Jefferson acquired these seventeenth—century transcripts when he purchased
Richard Bland's library in 1776. This volume contains copies of the Company's
charters and the colony's correspondence.

$39

Manuscript Volume 14

John Pervis. A Complete Collection of all the Laws of Virginia now in force. March 23
1661/62 — November 10, 1682.

"Carefully Copied from the Assembly Records. To which is annexed an Alphabetical
Table." Printed sometime between 1683 and 1687, this volume contains manuscript
notes in the margins, possibly in a seventeenth—century hand. A manuscript
continuation has been added at the end. According to Jefferson, this volume
originally belonged to Colonel William Byrd, who gave it to John Wayles, Jefferson's
father-in—law, "whose library came to my hands" (Jefferson to George Wythe,
January 12, 1796).

€3,199

Manuscript Volume 15

Virginia General Court. Cases, with Minutes. 1622-29.

The first two parts of this volume are law cases, 1622-26 and 1626-29, and the
third contains Virginia Court Book minutes. Jefferson had an impressive collection
of Virginia law books, of which this was one. Beginning in 1807, Jefferson made this
and many other volumes available to William Waller Hening, clerk of the Chancery
Court in Richmond, for his compilation The Statutes at Large; being a collection of
all the laws of Virginia, from the first session of the legislature, in the year 1619
(Richmond, 1809-23).

€35. I99

Manuscript Volume 16

Ma..n.u§cript.M9lu.me..1Z

Virginia Company of London. Court Book. Part A. April 28, 1619 — May 8, 1622.


Virginia Company of London. Court Book. Part B. May 20, 1622 — June 7, 1624.

These volumes are the only contemporaneous surviving copy of the Court Book of
the Virginia Company of London, which established the Jamestown colony in 1607.
The Court Book for the earlier period, 1606-18, does not survive in any form.

On May 9, 1623, the Crown appointed a commission to investigate the Virginia
Company's financial affairs and sequestered its papers. Before the papers were
turned over to the Privy Council, Company deputy Nicholas Ferrar had them copied.
The Company lost its charter as a result of the investigation and by 1630 had
ceased to exist. Where the original Court Book and Ferrar's copy of it went
thereafter is unknown.

Jefferson believed that the Court Book ended up in the hands of the Earl of
Southampton, a member of the Company and an ally of Edwin Sandys, treasurer
during the period covered by the Book, and that it was then purchased from
Southampton's executor in London by one of the Byrd family. It was a part of the
third William Byrd's library when he died in 1777.

On October 4, 1823, Jefferson wrote Hugh P. Taylor that he had acquired the Court
Book as part of his purchase of Richard Bland's library. Jefferson did not include the
Court Book in the nearly 6700 volumes he sold to Congress in 1815. The Library of
Congress acquired it later in 1829 from Jefferson's grandson, Thomas Jefferson
Randolph.

In addition to the manuscript volume, a published edition of the Court Book is
available in Records of the Virainia Company.

Correlating the Published Edition (volumes I & II) with the Virginia Records
Manuscripts (volumes 16 & 17)

itlop

mr1us,cLip1t_\L|umef1,8_

Virginia Executive Council. Transactions. December 9, 1698 — May 20, 1700.

€'~*_'lT.QQ

Manuscript Volume 19

Virginia. Foreign Business and Inquisitions. 1665-76.

This volume contains depositions in regard to maritime prizes and cases of escheat,
in which land reverts to the Crown, state, or feudal lord upon the death of a tenant
without heirs or succeeding grantees. Also included are copies of correspondence
between Virginia government officers and Maryland and Georgia governors.

$19.9

Manuscript Volume 20

Virginia. Miscellaneous Records. 1606-26.

The volume includes contemporaneous copies of correspondence between the Privy
Council in London and the governor and Council in Virginia. It contains the
Company's "A Declaration of the present State of Virginia humbly presented to the
Kings most excellent Matie [Majestie] by the Company for Virginia," April 12, 1623,
and other statements presented in 1624 when the Company was under
investigation; laws passed and petitions received by the Virginia General Assembly;
and contemporaneous copies of the Company's 1606 and 1609 charters.

6 Top

Manuscript Volume 21

Virginia. Laws, Commissions, and Proclamations. October 16, 1629 - August 21,
1633.

Originally owned by Sir John Randolph and acquired by Jefferson when he


purchased the library of his son Peyton.

Records of the Virginia Company - Published Edition

Records of the Virginia Company. Edited by Susan Myra Kingsbury. Washington,
D.C.: Government Printing Office, Volumes I and II, 1906; Volumes III and IV,
1933, 1935.

Published

 

Published Edition Volume II

The Court Book. 1619-1622
The Court Book. 1622-1624

Volume I is a published edition of the manuscript vo,l,um,e,,,,16, the Court Book, Part
A, and volume II is of the manuscript y9lu.m.e....1.?, the Court Book, Part B.

correlating the Published Edition (volumes I & II) with the Virqinia Records
Manuscripts (volumes 16 & 17)

Published Edition Volume III
Miscellaneous Records: Table of Contents I Page Imaaes

Published Edition Volume IV
Miscellaneous Records: Table of Contents | Paqe Imaqes

Volumes III and IV publish documents from manuscript volume 20, Miscellaneous
Records, 1606-26, and documents from many other repositories in the United
States and Great Britain. "While the Court Book of the Virginia Company, published
as Volumes I and 11 presents minutes of the meetings of the corporation," Volumes
III and IV "vivify its decisions and decrees, explain the difficulties met and
overcome by that redoubtable group of adventurers, reveal the petty jealousies of
the administrators, and especially record the controversy between the company
and Crown that resulted in the dissolution of the corporation and the creation of the
first crown colony of Great Britain" (Kingsbury, page vii).

£3 'l"fl
About Dates

Volume year dates such as March 5, 1623/24 offer both the Old (Julian) Calendar
year date and the New (Gregorian) Calendar year date in use today. These double-
year dates occur mostly for the months of January through March. The New
Calendar was adopted by Great Britain and its colonies in 1752, when eleven days
were added to that year to bring the calendar in line with the solar year.

About Early Modern English

The text of Series 8 manuscript volumes and primary texts published in Records of
the Virginia Company are in early modern English. Varying spelling styles, the
extensive use of word abbreviations, and a sentence syntax favoring multiple
dependent clauses may make this text initially daunting to modern English readers.
However, after reading a few pages, one becomes accustomed to the grammar,
syntax, and usage of the time, and also of particular writers. Practice and
familiarity make these texts easier to read.

The preface of Records of the Virginia Company provides a list of the most
commonly used abbreviations. This page is made accessible here to view or print
for ready reference.

0 TOD

The Libran/5>fCong.ress l Legal


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CALENDAR

OF

STATE PAPERS,

COLONIAL SERIES,

1574-1660,

PRESERVED IN THE

STATE PAPER DEPARTMENT

OF

HER MAJESTY’S PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE.

 fl

EDITED BY

w. NOEL SAINSBURY, ESQ,

HONORARY MEMBER OF THE NEW E;‘\'Gl;ANl), NIZW YORK, MARYLA;\'D_.
1’E!\'NSYLVAl\']A, AND SOUTH CAROLINA HISTORICAL SOCIETIES.

UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE MASTER OF THE ROLLS, AND \\’1TII THE SANCTION OF
HER MAJES'I.‘Y’S SECRETARY OF STATE FOR. THE COLONIAL DEPARTMENT.

   

.4

 

First published by Her Majesty’s Stationery Office

London
1 860


1618.
Jan 31.

London.

May 3.

June 11.

Oct. 2

Oct. 19.
Netherham.

Oct. 25.

Lon don.

COLONIAL PAPERS. 19

VoL. I.

Chamberlain to Carleton. Lord De la Warr returning to Virginia ;
takes seven or eight score men with him. Sir Thos. Gates “ makes
account ” to follow some time next summer. [Extract from DOMES-
TIC Oorresp. Jae. I., Vol. X 0 17., No. 27, Owl. p. 518.] On the
10 March following Chamberlain writes that De la Warr has at last
set out for Virginia. [I bid. Vol. X 0' VI., N 0. 63, 10. 527.]

37. Lord Admiral Nottingham’s pass for the Edwin of London
returned from Virginia. [On 4 May John Bargrave, owner, and
Jas. Brett, master of the Edwin entered into a bond of 100$. to
indemnify Lord Zouch for delivering the ship with her cargo up to
them. See DOMESTIC Uorresp. Jctc. I., Vol. X 0 VII., No. 56, Cal.
1). 538.]

Lord Zouch to Capt. Ward.
with [Capt John] Bargrave to Virginia.
the bargain and advise him of the best course to be taken. [
DOMESTIC C’ow-esp. Jaw. I ., Vol. OII I ., No. 44, Cal. 10. 544.]

38. Project of the intended voyage to Virginia by Capt. Andrews
and J acob,B_raems, merchant, in the Silver Falcon, addressed to Lord
Zouch. Their intention is to leave certain people in the country to
plant tobacco and corn,and to exchange commodities with the English
colony; to discover and trade with the savages; to fish upon the
coast of Canada, and exchange the fish when salted for commodities
from Virginia. The rumour of Lord De la Warr’s death has discou-
raged some who promised to adventure money and deterred others
who offered to go in person. Entreat his protection, and that they
may enjoy the privilege of free trade and plantation in those
parts, promising in the event of any extraordinary benefit accruing
to them that they will give a proportion towards the charges of the
company. [On 14 Oct. Chamberlain writes that Lord De la Warr
died on his voyage to Virginia, having touched at the Terceras,
where he was feasted and well used, but the sickness and death of
him and of most of them that landed make it suspected that they
had ill measure. The city is now shipping thither a hundred
young boys and girls who lay starving in the streets, the charge
will not be above 5002. Extract from DOMESTIC Oorresp. Jae. I.,
Vol. C’III., No. 33, Cool. 19. 584.]

Sir Edward Hext, Justice of the Peace of Somersetshire, to the
Privy Council. Upon complaint that Owen Evans, Messenger of
the Chamber, had pretended a commission to press maidens to be
sent to the Bermudas and Virginia, and raised money thereby,
he issued a warrant for his apprehension. Evans’s undue proceedings
breed such terror to the poor maidens, that forty have fled from one
parish to obscure places, and their parents do not know what has
become of them. [DOMESTIC Oorresp. Jctc. I., Vol. C’III., No. 42,
Cal. 19. 586. Another letter on this subject, with examinations en-
closed, will be found I bid. N 0. 87, Cal. 19. 594.]

John Pory to Sir Dudley Carleton. Capt. Yeardley chosen Go-
vernor of Virginia in Lord De la Wan"s place (who died in Canada) ;
B 2

Intends to adventure his pinnace
Desires him to prepare
M'£'n/ate.


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Thomas Jefferson Papers: Home Page Page 1 of 2

     

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The complete Thomas Jefferson Papers from the Manuscript Division at the Library of
Congress consists of approximately 27,000 documents. This is the largest collection
of original Jefferson documents in the world. Document types in the collection as a
whole include correspondence, commonplace books, financial account books, and
manuscript volumes. The collection is organized into nine series or groupings, ranging
in date from 1606 to 1827. Correspondence, memoranda, notes, and drafts of
documents make up two-thirds of the Papers and document J efferson’s activities as a
delegate to the second Continental Congress, his drafting of the Declaration of
Independence, June—July 1776, his position as governor of Virginia, 1779-81, his
return to Congress as a representative, 1783-84, and his appointment as minister
plenipotentiary in Europe and then minister to the Court of Louis XVI, succeeding
Benjamin Franklin, 1784-89. Well documented are his two administrations as
president from 1801 through 1809, when he engineered the purchase of the Louisiana
territory and maintained American neutrality in the conflict between France and Great
Britain that led to the War of 1812. Correspondence, drawings, maps, and notes
document the building of Washington, D.C. The broad range of J efferson’s intellectual
and political interests is represented by his legal and literary commonplace books,
miscellaneous bound volumes of notes and extracts, and manuscript volumes relating
to seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Virginia history, some of which were part of
the personal library he sold to Congress in 1815. In its online presentation, the
Thomas Jefferson Papers comprises approximately 83,000 images. This project is
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Thomas Jefferson Papers: Virginia Records Time Line, 1553-1599 Page 1 of 4

VIRGINIA RECORDS TIME LINE

1553-    1630-   650- 17.09-

1599    164? 1.699 1743

Selected Early North America Reference Maps. ca. 1544 l 716
1553-1599
1553

1561

1568

The London Company of Merchant
Adventurers of England for the
Discovery of Lands Unknown is
organized. An "adventurer" is a business
investor who "ventures" capital. The
Company supports Sir Hugh Willoughby
and his ship pilot, Richard Chancellor, in
their attempt to find a northern sea route
from England to Cathay (China) and the
Spice Islands (Moluccas). The Company
provides a model for future enterprises,
such as the Virginia Company of
London, chartered in 1606.

Two Spanish ships commanded by Pedro
Menendez Aviles, on their way from
Havana to Spain, land near the future
Jamestown colony location to forage for
supplies.

{Philip [L King of
Spain, head-and«

 

x;i_gh_t], Photoprint
of a painting by
Antonio Moro.
created/published
[between 1870 and
1920](?). Library
of Congress Prints
and Photographs
Division.
Reproduction
Number: LC-
USZ62—102288

 

Pedro Menendez
tile Aviles...
Engraving by
Francisco de Paula
Marti.
created/published
[l79l]. Library of
Congress Prints
and Photographs
Division.
Reproduction
Number: LC-
USZ62- 102263

The northern provinces of the Low Countries (later the Netherlands) break away
from the Spanish rule of King Philip II. The English aid the Dutch in their battle
against Catholic Spain, and in 1578 make a treaty of alliance with the Dutch

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Thomas Jefferson Papers: Virginia Records Time Line, 1553-1599 _ Page 2 of 4

against the Spanish.
1583

June. Five ships under the command of Sir Humphrey Gilbert sail from England
for Newfoundland. Gilbert had fought in the Netherlands against the Spanish and
been thwarted by them in an earlier attempt to establish a colony farther south.
With 250 colonists, Gilbert stops first off Newfoundland Banks, and then off St.
John’s Harbor further south, where the colonists land. By 1602, Newfoundland
and Nova Scotia are regularly visited by fishing and trading expeditions.

1584

March 25. Walter Raleigh obtains the patent that Gilbert had originally received
from Queen Elizabeth. The patent allows Raleigh to claim and settle any lands in
the New World not yet occupied by other Christians.

April 24. Philip Amadas and Arthur Barlowe, commanding two ships for Walter
Raleigh, leave Devon, England, for the New World. Barlowe writes an account
of the voyage, which appears in Richard Hakluyt’s three—volume work, The
Principal Navigations Voyages Trafiiques & Discoveries Made by Sea or
Overland to the Remote & Farthest Distant Quarters of the Earth . . . ., first
published in London between 1598 and 1600. Barlowe’s voyage brings him to
the outer banks of present—day North Carolina and to the later—named Roanoke
Islands. Barlowe encounters Algonquian Indians and two of these, Manteo and
Wanchese, return with him to England.

1585

January 6. Queen Elizabeth knights Walter Raleigh and makes him governor of
the new territory discovered by Amadas and Barlowe. Raleigh names it
"Virginia" in her honor.

April 9. Another Raleigh—sponsored expedition, commanded by Sir Richard
Grenville, departs for Virginia. It consists of the Tiger, Roebuck, Lion, Elizabeth, ‘
and Dorothy. After a variety of adventures, most of the ships arrive off Wococon
and Croaton Islands off Pamlico Sound. The Indians Manteo and Wanchese '
accompany this expedition back to their home. After settling on Roanoke Island,
the colonists begin to explore inland.

May. Philip II of Spain orders the seizure of all English ships in Spanish ports in
retaliation for English support of the Dutch. This makes supplying the colony on
Roanoke Island difficult.

June 1. Relations between the Roanoke settlers and Indians deteriorate, and

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Thomas Jefferson Papers: Virginia Records Time Line, 1553-1599 Page 3 of 4

under the leadership of Ralph Lane, the English attack the Indians at their
village, Dasemunkepeuc.

1586

June 11. Sir Francis Drake meets with Ralph Lane
at Roanoke. Drake, famous for his recent
circumnavigation of the globe, had left Plymouth,
England, on September 14, 1584, on an expedition
against the Spanish. He has attacked the Spanish
at St. Augustine (in present—day Florida), looted
Santo Domingo and Cartagena, and then sailed
north to meet with the settlers at Roanoke who are "St. Augustine." London:
desperate for supplies. Unfortunately, he has none, 1%, Library Of C0I1gf€SS
and after a severe hurricane the colonists decide to Rare Book and Spedal

- - Collections Division. (Library
depart with Drake in August. of Congress Exhibitions

_ _ "D k’ Att k St.
August. Shortly after Sir Francis Drake’s departure Aurgusiifleu) ac on

from Roanoke with the colonists, Sir Richard .
Grenville and a supply ship sent by Raleigh arrive at Roanoke to find the place
deserted except for three men mistakenly left behind by Drake. Grenville has
brought more colonists, and his arrival reestablishes the colony.

 

1587

April 26. Sir Walter Raleigh sends out three ships with women as well as men,
with promises of land grants to whomever establishes a colony on the
Chesapeake Bay. The expedition is headed by the flagship Lion and commanded
by John White, an artist. The colonists make landfall at Roanoke instead of the
shores of Chesapeake Bay, and on August 27, White sails back to England. Upon
his arrival there on October 16, he learns that war has broken out between
England and Spain.

1588

England and Spain are at war and compete fiercely to dominate trade with the
New World and to establish their respective churches, Spain’s Roman
Catholicism and English Protestantism, in New World settlements. Spain
dominates trade routes across the Atlantic and establishes firm footholds on the
Atlantic and South Sea (Pacific) coasts of South America. The English, Dutch,
and French challenge this dominance.

July 31. A sea battle between the English fleet and the Spanish Armada takes

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Thomas Jefferson Papers: Virginia Records Time Line, 1553-1599 Page 4 of 4

place. The English win even though they are greatly outnumbered by Spanish

ships. Spain attempts to send two more arrnadas against England in 1596 and
1597.

1590

Late August. An expedition, made up of the Moonlight, Little John, Hopewell,
and other ships, commanded by Christopher Newport and carrying former
commander John White, arrives off Roanoke Island. The expedition finds the
island completely deserted. White discovers the letters "CRO" carved on the
trunk of a tree on the banks of the island. The full word "CROATAN" is carved
on the fort’s gate. White had agreed with the colonists that if they had to move
inland, they would indicate where they were going by carving the information on
a tree, with a cross above it if they were also in need of help at their intended
destination. The expedition is unable to find the colonists and eventually returns
home. In 1602, Raleigh sends an expedition to search for them. The colonists are
never found and their fate remains unknown.

(TOR)
9 1553-    1630- .‘1640~ 1650- 1700*
1599       

Return to Series 8: Virginia R.ec0rd.s

Time Lines

Thoiiias Jefferson Papers Home

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Thomas Jefferson Papers: Virginia Records Time Line, 1600-1609 Page 1 of 6

VIRGINIA RECORDS TIME LINE
 1600-   1630-   

15.99 1609     1699 174 3

 

Selected Early North America Reference Maps. ca. 1544!] 716

1600-1609
1603

Queen Elizabeth I dies. James I succeeds her.
1604

James I makes peace with Spain.
1605

Christopher Newport makes an exploratory voyage along the North American
coast. The English are especially anxious to find a northern route or passage to
the South Sea (Pacific Ocean) and the Spice Islands beyond as an alternative to
the Spanish-dominated southern route. The size of the North American continent
is not yet known and explorers hope to find a water route through it.

1606

King James of England charters the Virginia Company of London and appoints a
royal council to oversee its ventures and the colony. Among the charter
applicants is Richard Hakluyt, author of the three—volume Principal Navigations
Voyages Trafliques . . . . (1598-1600). Other applicants are Sir Thomas Gates
and Sir George Somers. Company adventurers (investors) include merchants
from the west and former soldiers who had fought as mercenaries on the side of
the Dutch against the Spanish. The Virginia Company hopes to find a water
passage to the South Sea (Pacific Ocean) by exploring tributary rivers and plans
to establish a colony in Virginia. Its "brother" company, the Plymouth Company,
headed by Sir John Popham, sends an expedition northward to present—day
Maine.  

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Thomas Jefferson Papers: Virginia Records Time Line, 1600-1609

1607

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Page 2 of 6

December 20. The first expedition of the Virginia Company, consisting of the
Susan Constant, Godspeed, and a small ship, Discovery, all commanded by
Christopher Newport, sails from England. Newport, an experienced privateer,
has been active in the West Indies since the 1590s. He carries sealed directions
from the Company, not to be opened until after the expedition’ s arrival in
Virginia. One—half of the 120 passengers are "gentlemen": a gentleman is not a

member of the nobility, but he is generally distinguished from those who practice ’
a trade or profession.

Among the passengers is John Smith (1580-1631), who spends part of the
voyage imprisoned for challenging Newport’s command.

 

Charter for the Virginia Company
of London 1606., Library of

Virginia, discovered and discribed by
Captayn John Smith, 1606; graven by
William Hole. (1624) Library of
Congress, Geography and Map
Division.

 

Congress, Manuscript Division.

May 14. Newport and his passengers arrive at Powhatan River, which they
rename the James River. One hundred and five men form the first settlement on
an island (today, a peninsula) in the James River, initially called "James Fort,"
then "James Towne" and "James Citie." The site offers a harbor that is deep
enough for the colonists’ ships and secluded from the View of any Spanish ships
that might be offshore. However, it is also swampy, infested with mosquitoes,
and lacks sufficient fresh water sources. After eight months there will be only
thirty-eight people left alive.

Upon arrival, Newport opens the sealed instructions from
the Virginia Company of London. They specify a thirteen-
man council, among whose members are John Smith;
Newport (who returns to England); John Ratcliffe; George

 

10/16/00


Thomas Jefferson Papers: Virginia Records Time Line, 1600-1609

Kendall, a cousin of Sir Edwin Sandys; Edward Maria
Wingfield; Anthony Gosnold; Richard Hunt, a minister;
John Marten and Sir Richard Marten, both related to

Julius Caesar, England’s Master of the Rolls. This Council

elects a president, Edward Maria Wingfield. Among the
passengers are carpenters, a blacksmith, a mason, a tailor,
a barber, and two surgeons. The instructions and two
incomplete lists of the expeditions’ passengers survive in
John Smith’s Works. Virginia Records Selected
Bibliography I Oaths of Supremacy and Allesziance
Administered to the Colonists

May. A week after landing, Captain Christopher Newport
leads a small contingent of men on an exploratory journey
up the James River for the first time, in the course of
which they meet Powhatan Indians and a tribal leader,
Opechancanough. The Powhatans are a confederation of
tribes occupying a region from present—day coastal North
Carolina to present—day Richmond. Jamestown is in the
midst of the territory of the Paspahegh, whose leader or
"weroance" is Wowinchopunck. Other nearby tribes are
the Kecoughtans at the mouth of the James River, and the
Quiyoughcohanocks, Weanocs, Appomattocs, and
Chiskiacks, further inland. All these tribes of Virginia’s
tidewater region are Algonquians.

Page 3 of 6

 

 ex

Virginia. Aetat 231
 H<>llar...ag1...yi.yum

 

  Etching
by Wenceslaus Hollar
(1607-1677)
created/published
[Antwerp 2 1645].
Twenty—three-year old
Virginia Algonquian
man, half—length
portrait, wearing
necklace and head
ornaments, and with
facial markings, facing
slightly left. Library of
Congress Prints and
Photographs Division.
Reproduction
Number: LC—USZC4—
4603

May 26. Hostilities between the colonists and Indian tribes result in the death of

approximately two hundred Indians and several colonists.

June 8. James Fort is attacked by the Paspaheghs, supported by recruits from
other tribes. Despite hostilities such as these, Powhatan tribes supply the
colonists with food at times of dire need during the next several decades of

Jamestown’s existence.

July 29. The Susan Constant and Godspeed, which departed Jamestown on June
22, arrive in London. The ships bring mineral samples, which turn out to be base

metals rather than gold.

August 17. The Virginia Company meets in London to consider Christopher
Newport’s report and this first expedition to Virginia. At this time, the Spanish
ambassador to England, Don Pedro de Zufiiga, writes Philip II of Spain about the
new colony, J amestown, and the danger of further English incursions in the New

World.

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Thomas Jefferson Papers: Virginia Records Time Line, 1600-1609 Page 4 of 6

August 28. At Jamestown, George Kendall is accused of sowing discord among
the colonists, is imprisoned and eventually executed.

September. Wingfield is deposed as president of the governing Council of
Jamestown and replaced by John Ratcliff. Food supplies dwindle.

October 8. Christopher Newport sails from England to Jamestown with two
supply ships and approximately one hundred additional colonists.

Early December. John Smith leads a party in search of Indians willing to trade or
supply the colony with food, especially corn. Indian warriors capture Smith and
his men on the Chickahominy River and take him to Werowocomoco on the
York River, where the confederation’s leader, Powhatan, receives him.
According to Smith, he and his party are eventually released because Powhatan’s
daughter Pocohontas (Matoaka) intercedes with her father to save Smith’s life.
She would have been ten or twelve at the time.

1608

January 2. John Smith arrives back at Jamestown to find most of the colony
boarding the ship Discovery and abandoning the colony to return to England.
Fortunately, before they can leave one of Newport’s supply ships, the John and
Francis, arrives. Newport brings one hundred new settlers.

January 7. A fire destroys many buildings within the the Jamestown fort, among
them the colony’s first church. Most of the colony’s provisions are destroyed,
including those recently brought in the John and Francis. The other supply ship,
Phoenix, is lost. Powhatan provides food for the colony. The Phoenix eventually
arrives on April 20. Both supply ships also bring more colonists.

February. John Smith, Christopher Newport, Thomas Savage, and others sail up
the York River to meet with Powhatan. They exchange hostages. Thomas Savage
remains behind to live with the Powhatans, while an Indian, Namontack, returns
with the English to live at Jamestown.

April 10. Newport sails for England on the John and Francis.

April 20. The lost supply ship, the Phoenix, commanded by Francis Nelson,
arrives at Jamestown with forty more settlers and supplies.

June 2. The Phoenix sails back to England with a load of cedarwood.

August. The third expedition to Jamestown sails from England. Commanded

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Thomas Jefferson Papers: Virginia Records Time Line, 1600-1609 Page 5 of 6

again by Christopher Newport, the expedition brings an additional seventy
colonists to Virginia.

September. The Council elects John Smith as president. He writes a letter to the
Company treasurer in London providing an account of the colony’s progress.
Smith defends the colony against the Company’s criticism that the Jamestown
Council has not kept London informed——"we feed You but with ifs & ands,
hopes, & some few proofes; as if we would keepe the mystery of the Businesse
to our selues"——and that he, Smith, has encouraged rather than eliminated
disputes and divisions among the colonists. Regarding the latter, Smith argues,
"vnless you would haue me run away and leaue the Country, I cannot prevent
them," and says that his greater concern is to "make many stay what would els
fly any whether." The letter reaches London early in 1609.

October. Newport arrives in Jamestown with the Company’s second expedition
of supplies and more colonists. Among the colonists are two women, one the
wife of Thomas Forest, and the other, her maid, Anne Buras. Dutch and Polish
artisans who will establish a glassworks, and artisans experienced in the
production of pitch, tar, and other naval stores have also arrived.

1609

Winter to mid—May. The Colony experiences its first extreme food crisis, called
"the starving time." Reports circulating in London include incidents of
cannibalism. The Virginia Company publicly denies the story.

July. The Mary and John, a ship unconnected to the Virginia Company, arrives
at Jamestown. It is the first ship to use Jamestown as a port.

July. The Sea Venture, and accompanying ships, another supply expedition, are
destroyed in a hurricane in the West Indies. Survivors find refuge on Bermuda
island. The Sea Venture carries new leaders for Jamestown, among whom are Sir
Thomas Gates, who had served with the Dutch against Spain, Sir George

Somers, and William Strachey. Strachey’s account of the storm and the survivors’
experiences on Bermuda has long been thought to have inspired Shakespeare’s
play The Tempest, although some scholars disagree.

May 23. The King recharters the Virginia Company of London, transferring
governance and control of the colony from the Crown to the Company itself. The
Company replaces the original colonial executive body, the Council, with the
office of governor. Later the Council will re—emerge as an upper house of the
legislature. The Company has approximately 650 members; twenty are from the
nobility and one hundred are knights.

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Thomas Jefferson Papers: Virginia Records Time Line, 1600-1609 Page 6 of 6

September. John Ratcliffe is killed by the Powhatan Indians after attempting to
bargain with them for food supplies at the Pamunkey River.

November. Anne Buras, one of the first two women to arrive in Jamestown,
marries John Layden in the first wedding at Jamestown.

(T01?)
 1600-      
 1609 1619 1529    

Return to Series 8: Vir,qin_i_a Reco.rd.s

Tim Lines

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Thomas Jefferson Papers: Virginia Records Time Line, 1610-1619 Page 1 of 6

VVIRGINIA RECORDS TIME LINE
.1553: .1699: 1610- 1620- 163Qr 1640- 1650- 1700:

1599 1699 1619 1629. 1639 .1649. 1699 1743

 

Selected Early North America Reference Maps. ca.” 1544?! 7 l 6

1610-1619
1610

Sir Thomas Gates is deputy governor until the arrival of Thomas West, Lord De
La Warr, the newly appointed governor of Jamestown.

The Virginia Company sends the Reverend Richard Buck to Jamestown to be the
colony’s first chaplain.

Dutch colonists begin operating a glassworks at Jamestown.

May 23 or 24. The Deliverance and the Patience arrive in Jamestown, carrying
John Rolfe, Ralph Hamor, Sir George Somers, and others from the Sea Venture
wreck. The survivors have built the two ships on Bermuda island from wreckage
of the original ships destroyed in a hurricane. They find approximately sixty
malnourished colonists at Jamestown.

May 24. Sir Thomas Gates, the new governor of Jamestown establishes martial
law under Laws Divine, Morall and Martiall . These laws are published in
London in 1612.

June 7. Conditions continue to deteriorate at Jamestown and Sir Thomas Gates
and the colonists sail away, abandoning the colony. But they encounter Lord De
la Warr and his supply ships at Mulberry Island on June 8 and return to
Jamestown three days later.

August 9. Jamestown colonists attack the Paspagegh Indians. They defeat the

Pasageghs decisively, at least for the moment. Friction continues between the
Paspageghs and the English who have settled on their land.

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Thomas Jefferson Papers: Virginia Records Time Line, 1610-1619 Page 2 of 6

1611

Lord De La Warr serves as governor from June 10, 1610 through late March
1611 and then departs for England. George Percy serves as deputy governor
through the end of May, when Thomas Dale arrives and replaces him.

September. Thomas Dale leads a group of colonists to establish Henricus (later
Henrico), one of the first outlying settlements in Virginia.

1612

The third charter of the Virginia Company of London reaffirms its independence
from the Crown in matters of trade and governance. A new council, drawn from
all Company members, makes policy and writes instructions for Jamestown.
Meetings of the weekly "court" or assembly made up of officers and some
members will be more frequent, and there will be a great quarterly court, made
up of council members, interested officials, and members. The governor and his
council in Jamestown are responsible to the Company.

The Crown licenses lotteries and one is established to raise funds for the Virginia
Company.

The British establish a colony on the island of Bermuda.

1613

April 13. At Jamestown, Captain Samuel Argall and others who have captured
Powhatan’s daughter Pocohontas, bring her to Jamestown. Governor Sir Thomas
Dale determines to keep her hostage until Powhatan releases captured
Englishmen.

1614

Settlements branch into the interior. There are now four: Jamestown,
Kecoughtan (Elizabeth City after 1621), Henrico, and Charles City. The term of
the first indentured servants in Jamestown expires and they are now free
laborers. Some return to England, while others remain to become tenant farmers.

John Rolfe arrives in Jamestown on the Elizabeth. He is one of the last group of
survivors to arrive from Bermuda where the Sea Venture was wrecked. John
Rolfe is the first in Jamestown to grow marketable tobacco after obtaining
superior seed from the West Indies, where the Spanish have outlawed the sale of
tobacco seed to other nations on penalty of death.

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Thomas Jefferson Papers: Virginia Records Time Line, 1610-1619 Page 3 of 6

March. John Rolfe and Robert Sparkes travel up the Pamunkey River with

Pocohontas, who has been held captive at Jamestown for almost a year.
Powhatan negotiates a truce.

April 5. John Rolfe and Pocohontas are married. Before she is married,
Pocohontas converts to Christianity and assumes the Christian name "Rebecca."

This year, Captain Samuel Argall negotiates a written treaty with the
Chickahominy Indians, who are semi—independent of the Powhatan
confederation. Jamestown is still largely dependent on Indian tribes for food
supplies.

June 28. John Rolfe sends the first shipment of Virginia tobacco to England.
Samuel Argall and Ralph Hamor depart for England.

1615

The Bermuda Company is chartered. In 1609, the Virginia Company claimed
Bermuda as part of its original charter but did nothing to establish a colony there.
In 1612, some Virginia Company members purchased rights from their own
Company and formed the Somers Island Company, which is chartered as the
Bermuda Company in 1615. London meetings of the Virginia and Bermuda
Companies often involve the same people. An EXtraordi.narv Court Held for
Virginia and the Summer Islandes

1616

May. Governor Sir Thomas Dale, John Rolfe,
Pocohontas, and ten other Powhatan Indians sail for
England on board the Treasurer, arriving in June.
George Yeardley is deputy governor while Dale is in
England. Dale has been recalled under criticism and in
an effort to redeem his leadership writes A True
Relation of the State of Virginia, Left by Sir Thomas
Dale, Knight, in May last, 1616. 
Giving License to Any Who Are in Virginia, to Return
 

 

Late summer. Under Deputy Governor George Portrait of Pofigntas,
Yeardley’s leadership, friendly relations with the fr<>m....painting by Wm.
Chickahominy Indians deteriorate. Jamestown is $h9HP3I£1=

created/published
[between 1900 and 1920],

r\l'1r\fr\n-1-r:n‘\l'\ OF 0 nainfinrr

unable to supply itself, instead devoting land and labor
to the cultivation of tobacco. The Chickahominy

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Thomas Jefferson Papers: Virginia Records Time Line, 1610-1619 Page 4 of 6

PIIULUEI “till U1 0|. kJ(«l1llLl1l5

Indians are sometimes unable to supply the colony with in the United States
food, or they grow impatient of repeated requests and capitoia Copied from
refuse supplies. Governor Yeardley and a group of men original by William

kill twenty to forty Chickahominy Indians, and as a Shfippardi dated 1616, at
result the tribe draws closer to the Powhatan Barton rootorYaNorfo1k»
Confederation England. Reproduction

Number: LC-D416-

, _ , 18753. Library of
The Company fails to win a monopoly in tobacco trade Congress’ Prints and

from the Crown. This would have made the Company Photographs Division,
and colony the sole importers of tobacco. James I , who Detroit Publishing
has a strong distaste for the habit of smoking, opposes C0mP3~11Y Ph0t0gfaPh
excessive cultivation of the crop. Tobacco exports Collooooo

grow from a total of twenty—five hundred pounds in

1616 to a total of fifty thousand pounds in 1628.

In London the Company creates a subsidiary joint—stock company called the
"Magazine" or "Society of Particular Adventurers for Traffic with the People of
Virginia in Joint Stock." This almost—completely—independent company receives
a monopoly in supplying Jamestown and outlying settlements. Its director and
courts meet separately from the Virginia Company’s, and profits are returned to
its investors alone.

November. Ending the first seven—year period, the Virginia Company attempts to
issue dividends to its investors, but profits are so small that it distributes land in
Virginia instead. The Company allows the establishment of private plantations,
called "hundreds." Land grants are made to several of the Company’s major
adventurers. Thereafter, some people buy stock in the Virginia Company for the
specific purpose of getting private land grants. After 1618, English settlement
significantly encroaches on Indian lands, especially along the Chickahominy and
James Rivers. Most of these encroachments are due to private land grants by the
Company.

1617

March 21. Pocohontas dies of illness at Gravesend, England. While in England,
her husband, John Rolfe, has written A True Relation of the State of Virginia,
which puts a good face upon conditions in Virginia. A Letter from John Rolfe to
Edwin Saiidys upon His Return to Virginia

1618

April. Powhatan dies. About a year earlier he had ceded power to Opitchapan
(or, Itopan), who was then succeeded by Opechancanough.

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Thomas Jefferson Papers: Virginia Records Time Line, 1610-1619 Page 5 of 6

October 29. Sir Walter Raleigh is executed for treason in London, in part to
satisfy the Spanish. In 1616, Raleigh had been paroled from the Tower of
London, where he had been imprisoned since 1606. After his release, Raleigh
had attacked a Spanish settlement in Orinoco, where he had been searching for
"El Dorado," the fabled Indian leader of a city of gold. The expedition a failure,
Raleigh then sailed north along the Carolina coast and Chesapeake Bay and on
up to Cape Cod and the mouth of the Kennebec River before sailing home to
face trial and execution.

December. The Company’s instructions to the Colony’s new governor, George
Yeardley, recognize tobacco as a medium of exchange.

This year, Virginia Company officials in London discover that rather than
yielding a profit, the original investment of seventy—five thousand pounds has
been almost entirely lost.

This year begins what is called the "Great Migration," which by 1623 brings the
population of the Virginia colony to forty—five hundred.

1619

April 23. Sir Edwin Sandys, a west English merchant with leanings toward
Puritanism, is elected treasurer of the Virginia Company at a quarterly court.
John Ferrar is deputy treasurer. Sandys calls for a decrease in tobacco
cultivation, the creation of industries, such as the reestablishment of the
glassworks and saltworks, which had fallen away, the production of naval stores,
an ironworks, sawmill, silkworming, and vineyards. He calls for the cultivation
of subsistence crops and of the neglected Company or "public" lands in Virginia.
Women are recruited in London to come to the colony and marry. Sandys’s
predecessor and political enemy, Sir Thomas Smith, becomes head of the
Bermuda Company. When Sandys’s laudable projects fail, he becomes
vulnerable to attacks.

April. Governor Sir George Yeardley is empowered to charge and try Governor
Samuel Argall for neglect of duty and malfeasance. Yeardley had been governor
from April 1616 to May 1617 and was then succeeded by Samuel Argall, who
had returned from England. Argall had established harsh martial law during his
tenure, which had caused adverse publicity for the Company in London.
Yeardley assures colonists that in Virginia they shall enjoy the same rule of
common law as in England. The Company has instructed him to establish a
legislature, settle disputes about private land patents, regularize the relationship
between private plantations, or hundreds, and the Company, and to re—cultivate

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Thomas Jefferson Papers: Virginia Records Time Line, 1610-1619 Page 6 of 6

the Company or public lands. Instructions to Governor Yeardley.

July 30-August 4. The first legislative assembly meets in Jamestown, in the choir
of the church. None of the Assembly’s laws are official unless ratified by one-
fourth of the Company’s Court. Guided by the Company’s instructions, the
Assembly passes measures to encourage the production of wine, hemp, flax, and,
above all, an adequate food supply. The cultivation of tobacco is restricted.
Colonists have complained about the high prices charged by the Magazine, and
the Assembly limits its profits to twenty-five percent. Other measures address
social behavior, such as idleness, drunkenness, gambling, and the wearing of
apparel beyond one’s social station. Seven private plantations, or hundreds, are
represented in this first Assembly. John Prim’. A Reporte of...the General
Assembly Convented at James City, July 30-August 4, 1619

John Rolfe, who has returned from England, becomes a member of the Council.
He marries Jane, the daughter of Captain William Pierce.

Summer. Unceasing torrid heat adds to the crop, food supply, and health
problems of the Virginia settlements. There are about a thousand people living in
the Virginia colony.

August. The first African slaves are brought to Virginia by Captain Jope in a
Dutch ship. Governor Yeardley and a merchant, Abraham Piersey, exchange
twenty of them for supplies. These Africans become indentured servants like the
white indentured servants who traded passage for servitude.  to Edyviji
Sandvs. J an 1619/20, "About the latter end. of August..."

The duty—free status of the Company and the colony ends. The Crown now
expects to derive revenue from the Colony in the form of custom duties.

Opechancanough replaces ltopatin as leader of the Powhatan confederation.

('.1."{..3.._.l..’)
1553- 1600- 1610- 1620- 1630- 1640- 1650- 1700-
15.99. .1609 1619  .1639 1649  

Return to Series 8: Vi.rgin.ia Records



Thomas Jefferson Papers Home

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A The Virginia Records volumes were part of

Thomas Jefferson Papers: Series 8 Index Page 1 of 10

‘"i‘ho1nas Jeffersor1 Papers Series Browse List:

Series 8: Virginia Records, 1606-1737

J efferson’s personal library. These volumes
were very fragile when Jefferson first
collected them, can only be handled with the
greatest care today, and are generally not . - . 
made available for researchers except in microfilm format. Their presentation here,
online, makes this unacknowledged treasure widely available to the public for the first
time in an easily accessible format.

   

Virginia .Rec.9rd.s
ManuscriptVolumes:lI;I§,|4I§I§IZI§I§2IQILiI_l,,2,Il3I l4|l- I élill
EI§.9.IQ|2,

1

Records ofthe "Virginia Company
Published Edition Volumes: 1 I E I ill I fl

Correlating the Published Edition (Volumes I & II) with the Virginia Records
Manuscripts (Volumes 16 & 17)

Virginia Records Time Line
Virginia Records Selected Bibiiographv
Ab0,ut__.E?ates

About Early Modern English

Virginia Records - Manuscript Volumes

Volumes 1 through 15 and volume 21 were among the nearly 6700 volumes Jefferson
sold to Congress in 1815. Volumes 16 through 20 were acquired by the Library of
Congress in 1829 from Jefferson’s grandson, Thomas Jefferson Randolph, as part of
the settlement of J efferson’s estate. Volume 1 may be an original manuscript, while
almost all of the remaining twenty volumes are contemporaneous seventeenth— and
eighteenth—century transcriptions of originals, many of which do not survive.

The Virginia Records were digitized from microfilm and the images enhanced for

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Thomas Jefferson Papers: Series 8 Index Page 2 of 10

increased legibility. Original volume 3, Abridgment of the Common Law, undated, is
severely damaged and illegible in the original, and was not digitized. Volumes in
Series 8 were renumbered. (_Digi.tizin2,r the Collection).

Manuscript Thomas Mathew. The Beginning, Progress and Conclusion of
Volume 1 Bacon’s Rebellion in Virginia in the Years 1675 & 1676. 1705.



 Jefferson’s transcription as published in installments in
the Richmond Virginia Enquirer, September 1, 5, and 8, 1804.

Thomas Mathew, a contemporary observer of Nathaniel Bacon’s
rebellion in Virginia, wrote this account in 1705. Rufus King of
New York, while ambassador to the court of St. James in London,
purchased this volume and sent it to Jefferson with a December 20,
1803 letter. The volume King purchased may have been the original
manuscript or a seventeenth— or eighteenth—century transcript of the
original. Upon receiving the volume, Jefferson made his own exact
transcription of Mathew’s account of Bacon’s Rebellion and
arranged for its publication in the Richmond, Virginia Enquirer.

    
  

reated/published
[between 1760 and

' 1800]. Library of
Congress Prints and Photographs Division.
Reproduction Number: LC—USZ62-91 133

(I0?)

 John Mercer. Abridgement of the Public Acts. 1737.
 2

John Mercer (1704-1768) of Marlborough, Virginia was George
Washington’s lawyer. His son, John Francis, studied law with
Jefferson.

(102)

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Manuscript
V0.§i§II1€.. 4

Manuscrim

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Page 3 of 10

Virginia. Opinion of Learned Counsels. 1681-1722.

Opinions of Counsel on Affairs Related to the Colony of
Virginia, 1681-1721.

Opinions of Nathaniel Pigot of Middle Temple and Sir John
Randolph, King’s Attorney in Virginia, 1693-1722.

Jefferson acquired this and volumes 5, 10, and 21 when he
purchased the library of Peyton Randolph (1721-1775) in 1776.
Peyton’s father, Sir John Randolph (1693-1736), was an avid
collector of Virginia documents and had hoped to write a history of
the colony. He left his fine library of books and manuscripts to his
son Peyton.

(193)
Sir John Randolph. Commonplace Book. 1680.

Sir John Randolph (1693-1736) of Henrico was Speaker of the
House of Burgesses and the King’s Attorney in Virginia. His son
Peyton Randolph (1721-1775) also held those offices and was
Thomas J efferson’s mentor in the House of Burgesses in the 1760s
and ’70s.

This commonplace book provided alphabetically arranged printed
subject headings, under which one was supposed to enter relevant
thoughts or extracts from literature or poetry. Sir John Randolph
apparently did not find all of these subject headings compelling as
there are numerous blank pages.

(TE)

Virginia. Laws and Orders Concluded on by the General
Assembly. March 5, 1623/24.

Early eighteenth—century transcript. Originally owned by John
Randolph, it was acquired by Jefferson when he purchased the
library of Rando1ph’s son Peyton.

(170?)

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_Voit;me 6

Manuscript
 7

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Page 4 of 10

Charters of the Virginia Company of London; Laws; Abstracts
of Rolls in the Offices of State. 1606-92.

"The Bland Manuscript."

Jefferson acquired this volume of seventeenth—century transcripts of
the charters and fundamental documents in the history of the
Virginia Company and colony in 1776 when he purchased the
extensive library of Richard Bland (1710-1776), a member of the
Virginia House of Burgesses and avid collector of historical
documents and books. (The Company’s charters can also be found
in volume 14.)

(17.01?)

Virginia Council and Assembly. Laws. March 2, 1642/43 -
March 23 1661/62.

Early eighteenth—century transcript. Acquired by Jefferson in 1776
as part of the library of Richard Bland.

(IQE)
Virginia Assembly. Laws. 1652-60.

Thomas Jefferson made this transcript from texts compiled by
Virginia lawyer John Mercer of Marlborough (1704-1768). A
seventeenth—century holograph index is bound in at front.

(.T......Q.£’.)
Virginia. Laws. March 23, 1661/62 - August 14, 1702.
"Charles City Manuscript."

This manuscript Volume originated in the clerk’s office of Charles
City, which by 1614 was one of several outlying settlements in
Virginia. Jefferson wrote George Wythe on January 12, 1796 that
he had found it in "Lorton’s tavern" in Virginia, where it was being
used as "waste paper." One of these waste paper uses was practicing
writing and drawing. The volume pages show fancy signatures,
drawings of birds and animals, and other fanciful scribbles
overlaying the text of the original.

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VG1i§.I11§L19




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Page 5 of 10

(TE)

Virginia. Laws. December 23, 1662 - October 21, 1697.
"The Peyton Randolph Manuscript."

Originally owned by Sir John Randolph, and then by his son
Peyton, whose library Jefferson purchased in 1776. The contents of
this volume are nearly identical to those of volume 9, the "Charles
City Manuscript."

(TL?)
Virginia. Laws. October 25, 1705.
"Charles City Manuscript."

Jefferson received this manuscript volume from "Mr. Debnam,"
Charles City clerk.

(I92)

Virginia General Assembly. Laws. October 25, 1705 -
November 7, 1711.

"The John Page Manuscript."

Jefferson received this volume from his lifelong friend John Page of
Rosewell, Virginia, whose grandfather Mathew Page was a
commissioner for the revision of Virginia laws in 1705.



Virginia Company of London and the Colony. Miscellaneous
Papers. 1606-92.

"Instructions, Commicons letters of Advice and admonitions and
Publique Speeches, Proclamations. &c."

Jefferson acquired these seventeenth—century transcripts when he
purchased Richard Bland’s library in 1776. This volume contains
copies of the Company’s charters and the colony’s correspondence.

(Tfjir?)

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Page 6 of 10

John Pervis. A Complete Collection of all the Laws of Virginia
now in force. March 23 1661/62 - November 10, 1682.

"Carefully Copied from the Assembly Records. To which is
annexed an Alphabetical Table." Printed sometime between 1683
and 1687, this volume contains manuscript notes in the margins,
possibly in a seventeenth-century hand. A manuscript continuation
has been added at the end. According to Jefferson, this volume
originally belonged to Colonel William Byrd, who gave it to John
Wayles, Jefferson’s father-in-law, "whose library came to my
hands" (Jefferson to George Wythe, January 12, 1796).

(TOE)
Virginia General Court. Cases, with Minutes. 1622-29.

The first two parts of this volume are law cases, 1622-26 and 1626-
29, and the third contains Virginia Court Book minutes. Jefferson
had an impressive collection of Virginia law books, of which this
was one. Beginning in 1807, Jefferson made this and many other
volumes available to William Waller Hening, clerk of the Chancery
Court in Richmond, for his compilation The Statutes at Large;
being a collection of all the laws of Virginia, from the first session
of the legislature, in the year 1619 (Richmond, 1809-23).

(T913)

Virginia Company of London. Court Book. Part A. April 28,
1619 - May 8, 1622.

Virginia Company of London. Court Book. Part B. May 20,
1622 - June 7, 1624.

These volumes are the only contemporaneous surviving copy of the
Court Book of the Virginia Company of London, which established
the Jamestown colony in 1607. The Court Book for the earlier
period, 1606-18, does not survive in any form.

On May 9, 1623, the Crown appointed a commission to investigate
the Virginia Company’s financial affairs and sequestered its papers.
Before the papers were turned over to the Privy Council, Company
deputy Nicholas Ferrar had them copied. The Company lost its
charter as a result of the investigation and by 1630 had ceased to
exist. Where the original Court Book and Ferrar’s copy of it went

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M 


Manuscript
_Voiu1_ne 19

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Page 7 of 10

thereafter is unknown.

Jefferson believed that the Court Book ended up in the hands of the
Earl of Southampton, a member of the Company and an ally of
Edwin Sandys, treasurer during the period covered by the Book,
and that it was then purchased from Southampton’s executor in
London by one of the Byrd family. It was a part of the third William
Byrd’s library when he died in 1777.

On October 4, 1823, Jefferson wrote Hugh P. Taylor that he had
acquired the Court Book as part of his purchase of Richard Bland’s
library. Jefferson did not include the Court Book in the nearly 6700
volumes he sold to Congress in 1815. The Library of Congress
acquired it later in 1829 from J efferson’s grandson, Thomas
Jefferson Randolph.

In addition to the manuscript volume, a published edition of the
Court Book is available in Records Oftlze Virginia Cozrzzaczzzy.

Correlating the Published Edition (volumes I & II) with the
Virginia Records Manuscripts (volumes 16 & I7)

(fif.Qi?)

Virginia Executive Council. Transactions. December 9, 1698 -
May 20, 1700.

(IQE)
Virginia. Foreign Business and Inquisitions. 1665-76.

This volume contains depositions in regard to maritime prizes and
cases of escheat, in which land reverts to the Crown, state, or feudal
lord upon the death of a tenant without heirs or succeeding
grantees. Also included are copies of correspondence between
Virginia government officers and Maryland and Georgia governors.

(170?)

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® 


Page 8 of 10

Virginia. Miscellaneous Records. 1606-26.

The volume includes contemporaneous copies of correspondence
between the Privy Council in London and the governor and Council
in Virginia. It contains the Company’s "A Declaration of the present
State of Virginia humbly presented to the Kings most excellent
Matie [Majestie] by the Company for Virginia," April 12, 1623, and
other statements presented in 1624 when the Company was under
investigation; laws passed and petitions received by the Virginia

General Assembly; and contemporaneous copies of the Company’s
1606 and 1609 charters.

(f1.fQi?.)

Virginia. Laws, Commissions, and Proclamations. October 16,
1629 - August 21, 1633.

Originally owned by Sir John Randolph and acquired by Jefferson
when he purchased the library of his son Peyton.

(LQE)

Records of the Virginia Company - Published Edition

Records of the Virginia Company. Edited by Susan Myra Kingsbury. Washington,
D.C.: Government Printing Office, Volumes I and II, 1906; Volumes III and IV, 1933,

1935.

Pimloishecl
Ed.iti_9n

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The Court Book. 1619-1622
The Court Book. 1622-1624

Volume I is a published edition of the manuscript volume,,, the
Court Book, Part A, and volume II is of the manuscript 
the Court Book, Part B.

Correlating the Published Edition (volumes I & II) with the
Virginia Records Manu.scriDts (volumes 16 & 17)

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to read.

The preface of Records of the Virginia Company provides a list of the most c()Inn1o:1;Ly
used abb1‘eV_@t_.'1g_>_n_s . This page is made accessible here to View or print for ready
reference.

(SEE)

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts. 1606-1737. Page 1 of 2

 

Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
1606-1737 .

Susan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume
III: Miscellaneous Records —— 

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CTEEF - 

LIBERRY GF GQNGRESS

Eh? flerarha self
@132 Hirginia  nf  

 

mum 3?
SUSME  KINGSBUKY, A. 195., Pm D.

  ?  OP EOCSAL EILYMOHY
lI7.'f‘£45  GDKEGK

VOLU1%fl III

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IIHETEB 3'l“&‘l°!3
W  2 $983

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TIFF _-;_9jQ

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
1606-1737 .

Susan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume
III: Miscellaneous Records —- 

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(T§FE: 6761K)

firrfara

The dncumsnts contained inVoIumea £11 anal; Wm! the Rmraarés of {fats “§Fiz.~giuia
(fompany of Iaozsdoxz. am migimxl ;;»npe.m, c»f1‘mia§.nn:i otiictr, of the company or rzriaatéingg
to it. Wfile she Court Book of the Virginia Conapany, jmbiisharsd as Vuhsmaa I and II
of this sexiest, prasezsza m.‘i,m:tt=-3 of the meetings of the aomumtilon, the anzccsaésing
vaixzmea crmtain ::i.a:{;«erials that vivify its dmziaiona and dmrsases, explain {Elm difficulties
mat and avasmama by  rafianhtaxlila group: of acwexxmmm, remal this 3;:-e:t.t\§* ie§:sl«
easing of the aziminisiratayrs, anti espeaiaiiy reeerd they co.£1i;:fiut:ve1':%y l:net~w€«£:I1 rim
onuipmxgr and ties: iflmwn that nemlmd in the difimiaténn of tim corporation and the
fireattion. of the fimt emvm wiony of Great Erimin.

Fm: oflistaial sofa of roaaimla am hemin printed or cited. Two are puflisfmd in full,
Gm: sat is téze s3rig,i:xa’E papers contained in the Minnie, new gxreazarwd if! thus Library,‘
of Caongress, wh§::21.E>.a3lem.g been ralflmzred tea; as “2’viax1u.sc2*1i_:}1:I{emr:l:a ad the Wrginia
flampany, '1*”c.=1.ume 1573!." One set embodies: mnorfis oi Mtisrxn in law mu.rta by the
rzaxzzgsany or against the ewnpany. They are taken from tim mums of the variriiasx
Zizitish cmagrta and were gfiitimi in the I’t,2bliv:: Hescolrsd Gfiim. Two sets are mist hem
included as originally gaixaned. They have bean pt:bI.is3:md in full since this sariszzs
was izaagua. Cine is. {Em ‘”'E3xmri2«a Bookw’ of 1.110: 4.::11a::n;§g “£‘eExr11ar3r 2;, 1fi23f"23, ifihrough
Febmary $3, lissfiiiifi. It is nmtv pritabesi under the: tide "Minutes of iblflfl Counsii. and
Ganeralfimsri:~t:x£(2u1:mia1‘l€ixaginia," aaiited by Dr. H. I:.$vI::1lwaina(1?€i¢J1mond,Va.,
19215}. Tim other set of dnnummikfa Isms hash giiihlisizaetli in this “sacks emf the Plivy
Gouncél, C1c:im:ia1"‘, vcaelumri I. ilgfiltilflfl, 19:33}. Same aafiions of the council 1.33%
coxznexncad 2,1113 V’irgis:xia Couigiauy ofL4:Imim1 are not to has found  thaatx ‘publieminn,
They aim themiam hem priniml. Tim collection ealiaad the Saciw.§1=Ees 7£’a‘m,-its, m1,ia~
cu»-ml in like Inigroeiueiian to the Hewrds of him Virginia Cfompany, Voiunae I, page
1:4, Wm, by the court.-my :3! the third Loni Samkvilia, axaminasi. by Fmf. A. Persfival
Newton, of the Lluimmity of London, and the dzacsnxxmzxta relating ta Vixrginia wars
gsrimed in 12122 in the American Efisterixsai ffevim, Vaisuma XXVI}; pages «£93 to
5:33 and ‘$33, to ‘.335. Time; bearing dates earlier than 1623 am not hem 

ilneludaed in this voiuma are znmuseriphs from We milaetiana tam; Ma unique,
Tha "’$:xn3«tE: af Niblef’ prayers give him hiawry at in singing sattlameut, méiaai —Smy£:h’s
(or :?5mitl:*a) Iiiundmtl, 11:19‘; is typical at‘ the wwrimzzs hundreds of the making. They
extend [mm F¥il’.!1*L%&f}*-3,. ifilfififi, to Angim 1, 1:fi22,im1usz£x*a, T1223»: papers are all ‘it:

Han Nan! Vtiwh 1)--11‘~!:.n T 31:-awn Wk» M 7I2‘..~uu.\u. T3'i.~.v.. mu. J‘! ..a.. 21... .ao.L.u..-L,.»..§’ ma.»-.. kn! moat.

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts. 1606-1737. Page 2 of 2

3”“-’ 4~"~'r"' is ‘lit! -E “Di!” l.ail-U113-EJH Q; 14%} :1‘ !.‘ovk,l’i'e§A“ :1 Nsfiulifilfly, {Ill hill? i3Ee.£.l?5aI' .!rll£~1;[-M‘, KSUW !..M3.;lVl£§"
mg to 1'»! agdalene Cnillege, Cismliriége Efimivemity, am :4 veritahfe gold mine; their
unique vaine is discussed in the Intmcizmticm the the Eeecmrtie 4% the Virginia Gonlpmy,
Vaiume I. Tlxey etigipiy 8 vast amolmt at information téhwugh the correepmistiencee
between the eohmy and indévirfitml gsimxtexe cf the eulmagy and En‘: Edwin Ssndys,
Nieholas I¥‘errm', and Jehn Ferret, and also between Sir Edwin Ssudya and the other
efiieiala of the cerzmaxiy. Ozaiy a few documents are otfiaziaifl, irifsitlfiixlg {awe regmrme
{man she. ecwmctil in ‘Vix-ginis, a recent! of 11 Sewers Iafamis ceuzt, and same less impor-
tant items of this type. This .fi::2.t gmper ham. the date June 8, 161?, and the ‘last
1’§e:'ve132‘b£: E, $624. But 01323; R few gun beyoncf midsummer at 1522.
‘H1

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts. 1606-1737. Page 1 of 2

 

Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
1606-1737 .

Susan.Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume
III: Miscellaneous Records —— f[a__b1.e 

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rm: PR.E7fi’.4(?E"

01:1 the mixer h8§71s(i_,$h{£ “'}«£’an.uaari;xi; Rt»‘:»0Lnrd.s of the Virgintizx Qrmipany, ‘I»'oI1:ma
III," 4:10 net; haeg'i.z:1 tm§;iE 2§.n..g1s$’s~ ‘I2, lfifii, but; continue thmughnest aha fife of tkm czmnm
pa-Inga They xiififer in e%1asraci:e.r fmm rim Smyth of Eiiihley ?a;>rem and t!1r2gFa:«a*'rar
Papem, as stated; aégswxs, they msmrfi aefiigial mtg nf the xsrraumxii in Virginia and ineimisa
cummissictna, prcieisuma tiom, csrdem, 3.31%, “Samara to and from tiara -rxmamsii in lxgnrlan,
and petfiinna tn the govemnr and gem:-nail in Virginia.

{}nmx11uuic:2‘I;iL3mt Emtxween tlmgcnvnipany and tilt: Ringer tiw privymn neii, and mum»
Iesttexs to anti fxmm the gf3‘V£:I’I1Q1‘ am? cum:m::.ii {if (his colony, were spread on the minutw
mg‘ mg {‘:.v:)It1p11;rIIy’,£ and ivlaerafcxm appear in Isininmea X anti II, of this asries. Tfiaey am
am raprn«:i.u€:aBii in Vukunms III Etafzcii IV. emu thmzggix the n1’§gi':3.21§i1neun1.e.nI:s are {mum
in tam ethesr ns;r.Eiaatia:::1s.

$1! élifiémmeuii Item mlbiishefi are diwttssnfl at iengm in the, In,tsnd1.z>::tin'n to I2'oI~
umes I and TI {sf ‘I311:-I aefiua. }Z*ra14é§ieai1;y weary guazyser inrficznwd as in he iszciruieci 
the zseziees 113* am star zsffixeck in that “list of ‘iieccrrsis ’‘ €;hat— appears: in the Inzmdxietion
to Vcaiumr I is. Imm 1:zri:nLod. *i‘*w=a. doazuzzmnts. (Liat at ‘finmrris 1%. ‘N21 ixtlii  153}
szouid not; be fsmtad; anti it. has prazwecsl i1'!‘!§J‘v(3S§i.mS to aemsrv :3. copy of 3819. 12..

Fiftyaevan dusumesms dntisrlg mrIie1' tinm Ma;-BI E28, 1819, Wham this recnnia in
Volume: I begin, are gzrintraai in this mlttnm. They inclnuia ME rewards ‘that had that
hemtmara tsemn known. 1}!‘ §z1;b1§ssiImt§ ‘tag Mrzxandar .]3§?‘{3«w.I1, tits: ‘iiirgixgia I&<§I1gsLai‘r:=fe
oi Iiismry, 01‘ other reliable: wnriks an the. eazfiy history; :31‘ Vit~gi::ia.. 13%-rhxxps tfzm
mash imgmrzanitz dzjzzniizrxmts found by the Miter that: am Iieare izgmiurled are ma
“Inatme%m‘aa firdm and Ctmmrittzfians Ma S’ "’E‘3mm:acs Gums imight {3:o~.r—emur csf
Virginia" {sf Ma.y, man, and tl5m:*‘Instn:eIion3 ortiers anti 1:0ns’E:~ii11§x:m$ .. . . to . . ..
S’ Thmfrms Iifisst knigllt La: La Wart?’ 3303319, by the ‘firginira —C3::zu:I.wi¥. These
am the Eirat iklfitrllniifina giwm ivy the -¢‘:mnp£:<t{.*n.t auI;imrit.y tr: :1 Hriitiah mitmy.

Scmrvgrza m.a‘L:.*:r.iaI for the hiaiflfy of the camzmny tixmugh t.§m- year 1323 is pmsexrntmi
in fihia vcalumei ivfareh 2'3, W32, saw me Erigiztfui masmcm of enitsniaia by ithei
§n.c1i.sm23, Tim amrgr of that t»mgsd5', the efimfis for mcmery, 931:1 the beginning af tine
raasmhiished celany c<mcI1.:cI:2 this mlmne.

The editor xarimess in naake m:.I«;nuwia=:ig:r1e:nt. Ix: Prof. J. F‘r:mE;.!i;x1 Jiimizso-11, cshiaf
of that divisi-mi. M YII.€IiI!I.e3Is"33.‘3§’II§:I:t.e’{§ in £1112 Lifbmry czf Cangmss, for his 'pa%inamI.i:ing care: in

_‘,c..!.‘!....... Mai. .._......i’ L». Sula... .».«w3.—.e-a{nm.1 A-!m2s.nI1r1'1<n'<*&§u .r-A" §¥m§ ”§¢.»'r-xni-xr:nét1§, 153:3-4‘-:‘v“r“f¥«Sk fir fglfi

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts. 1606-1737. Page 2 of 2

93,3-Elilig tilt! yrumé. H) Mug: '5}! Jazmin uus:-un.n:;: we vi» tonne} Atbmuuamtnlxv mmmu.-A-. Av» «um
Virgizxia Com-gmzxgir, "&?uE.uma .111,” fiflflati is: some of "the ph.:3tcrst,«ats of mamriai in Engfzinzi,
and aim f:-:21‘ his ¢s—a:1st»ant» ‘s§"$¥L<3}?1f1?.i’Ii\%;§ in seeing the zisnrmnirzsntss téxmugh the prmx.

Tic: ‘évisrian Caviar andemon the zsriitmr is inaleizmd §t‘3=r her vnlunlfie anti «expert»
assistance in pm;mri:ng miach of tha £11§l’3Zt¥}$.!2i“if¥£, am-xi. +2spec:inE§j; in the riifiiwfiz» reading;
of pmatirzaliy ali at the gimof.

Iigkrgn Kingsbtirgr fiirkfe haas preparmi! the isnsiex of Vcaiaaam III, and to her the
mat»: wéahm to axpresx gratittzrize for the an-xnptr: anti. amurufl: azcrntriisutian she has
made he the tzsesminasa. of tzhe ti«nc11m»mE:»$ in hi;s:txMiea.zi.maeare1u

A part of the £4Z?§,})iEI1h‘s% int maciing it-Em p.rm:»E and the cost: of pmparing {Jim irzrlma
nwre met by a grant :'mm am Scmiai ficience Research i:3m1nr:.ii.

JUW 3%? 1932* finsm M. Krmzmxunr.

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts. 1606-1737. Page 1 of 2

 

Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
1606-1737 .

Susan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume
III: Miscellaneous Records —— Table of Contents

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—» rmer a word indicastma a +:=ca1f.:raati.oz1 or an emission of ieksherar p

* “ "‘ "‘ * imiizmta an u::i;:emaliigi?o'Ia ward or part. of 3. wsrszl in the
mamzsm-ipt‘, illfim being amaraximately as many asterislrs as Eettara  tha-
ximrd.

1 3 i‘rn::1ase words or letmrs wins}: are riouhttfui  the nmmzscrirztzg
also, in :2. four fflfitaitflflfi-, incioae words. or letters recluplirmtecl in t»h.e
mamxsaript».

I } innluaing words in i.tz:.Iir.:e indicate explanations by the eciitm‘;
also, in a. faw mataums, italics in;di.ont:a: letters suviiilififi I33’ 133% fiiiimi” *9
complete ii worcl.

A line »::ira.WI1 througila a, word or as part of 5. srard ind?iea‘te.s :3. word or
I<;:t.t.{.2r5; canceled iu the mamtserigtdg».

II II :inc}.osc W!“I3i’!;l$iI1t$I‘IiflB(i in the amxruscrigt by the reviawor.

§ § inelzsse ’£¥*£r‘FCl‘$ inmrlineri in the mammript. by the eopyi;st;.

stays M213» aannmvzarroxs.
Ewan indicates tion.
19*‘ iudinatm {imam

‘Ire, ires ixiclieate letter, iefiters.

11 ixadicams poumi.

if‘, 13%, Lo itaciieate Lords, Lord.

TM‘, 3313“ indicate ixartiaixigas.

Elsi“, Mam‘ indicate 3¥§aj%ty’s, Majesty.
on yu'.i:1riica.te out; your.

33- izidicams par, par, 9. 5.. ggvsa (pea.-Lassa}.
:3 ineiiéatas taro.

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts. 1606-1737. Page 2 of 2

fl intiicates pm, gsri, E. g. jiluately (p:i.vaiu=.-13).

cg izidicaism qua,

Tim, Thier indicate freasurer.

W“ indiw.-Ea weighty

9 iudicawa omiaaicrn of letters or syiiabl-2, moat after: of ex‘, e. g. nasal‘?

{manners}.
€ indicates final? as or at, is. g. handfi fihandes}.

353.

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Thomas Jefferson Pa...: Table of Contents for Published Edition Volume II Page 1 of 16

Series 8: Virginia Records, 1606-1737,

Records of the Virginia Company
Table of Contents for Volume III

Document Iifgfgs Contents Page
I 1 A Justification for Planting Virginia. Before 1609. 1,
II 5 King and Privy Council. Oaths of Supremacy and 
Allegiance administered to Colonists. 1607.

III 6 King and Privy Council. Oath of the Secretary of the 
Colony administered by Governor and Council in
Virginia. 1607.

IV 7 Popham v. Havercombe. Complaint, June 8, 1608. 7
Sentence, June 23, 1608.

V 10 Virginia Council. "Instruccons Orders and Constitucons 
to Sr Thomas Gates knight Governor of Virginia." May,
1609.

VI 11 Virginia Council. "Instructions orders and Constitucons 24
to Sr Thomas West knight Lo: La Warr," 1609/ 10(?).

VII 14 George Yeardley. A Letter to Sir Henry Peyton. 29
November 18, 1610.

VIII 16 Virginia Council. A Letter to "Sr Raphe Winwood. " 
161 1(?).

IX 17 Sir Thomas Smythe. A Letter to "Sr Raphe WinWood." 33
April, 1611.

X 20 Virginia Company V. Sir Thomas Mildmaye, James 

Bryarley, Mathewe de Quester, and Others. The Bill of
Complaint. November 25, 1612.

XI 21 Virginia Company v. Sir Thomas Mildmaye and Others. 
The Answer of Sir Thomas Mildmaye to the Bill of
Complaint. December 11, 1612.

XII 22 Virginia Company v. Sir Thomas Mildmaye and Others. 41
The Answer of James Bryarley and Mathewe de Quester
to the Bill of Complaint. January 11, 1612/13.

XIII 24 Virginia Company v. Sir Henry Nevile, Sir George $3
Huntleye, William Hall, and Others. The Bill of
Complaint. April 28, 1613.

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Thomas Jefferson Pa...: Table of Contents for Published Edition Volume II Page 2 of 16

XIV 25 Virginia Company V. Sir Henry Nevile, Sir George 
Huntleye, William Hall, and Others. The Answer of Sir
George Huntleye to the Bill of Complaint. May 18, 1613.

XV 26 Virginia Company V. Sir Edmond Boyd, Sir John 
Sammes, and Others. The Bill of Complaint. October 8,
1613.

XVI 27 Virginia Company V. Sir Edmond Boyd, Sir John 4:3

Sammes, and Others. The Answer of Sir John Sammes to
the Bill of Complaint. November 1, 1613.

XVII 28 Virginia Company V. William Leveson. The Bill of 
Complaint. November 15, 1613.

XVIII 29 Virginia Company V. William Leveson. The Answer of SQ
William Leveson to the Bill of Complaint. November 30,
1613.

XIX 31 Virginia Company V. William Leveson. The Answer of 57
William Hall to the Bill of Complaint. February 16,
1613/14.

XX 36 Shareholders in the Virginia Company, from 1615 to 5,8 ,
1623. March 6, 1615/16——June 9, 1623.

XXI 37 Virginia Company. A Letter to the Mayor of Salisbury. 67
December 19, 1616.

XXII 38 "His Majesty’s Councell for Virginia." A Proclamation 6§
Giving License to Any Who Are in Virginia, to Return
Home. 1616/17.

XXIII 39 Governor Argall. Proclamations or Edicts. June 7, 1617. 

XXIV 40 John Rolf. A Letter to Sir Edwin Sandys. June 8, 1617. 70

XXV 39 Governor Argall. A Letter, probably to His Majesty’s 73
Council for Virginia. June 9, 1617.

XXVI 42 Governor Argall. Pardons to George White, Arthur 14
Edwards, and Henry Potter. October 20, 1617.

XXVII 43 Governor Argall. Commissions. October 20, 1617(?). 74

XXVIII 44 Governor Argall. Appointment of William Powell. 75
October 20, 1617(?).

XXIX 45 Governor Argall. A Commission to Trade. October 20, 75
1617.

XXX 46 Governor Argall. A Commission to Captain Nathaniel 
Pool. October 20, 1617.

XXXI 47 Governor Argall. A Commission to Francis West. 75

October 20, 1617.

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Thomas Jefferson Pa...: Table of Contents for Published Edition Volume II Page 3 of 16

XXXII 48 Governor Argall. A Commission to Nathaniel West. E
October 20, 1617.

XXXIII 50 Governor Argall. Confirmations as to Cattle. November 76
15, 1617.

XXXIV 51 Citizens of Bermuda Hundred. A Letter to the Governor 76
of Virginia. November 27, 1617.

XXXV 52 Governor Argall. A Letter to Citizens of Bermuda 7 6
Hundred. November 30, 1617.

XXXVI 54 Lord De La Warr. Covenant with Lord Zouch. December 17
27, 1617 .

XXXVII 55 Governor Argall. Memoranda. 1617/ 1 8. 7 

XXXVIII 56 Governor Argall. A Letter to the Council for Virginia. 79
1 6 1 8( ?).

XXXIX 57 Governor Argall. Four Warrants. 1618(?). 79

XL 58 A Complete List in Alphabetical Order of the 7/9

"Adventurers to Virginia", with the Several Amounts of
their Holding. 1618(?).

XLI 64 Governor Argall. Order Addressed to the Commander of 90
Kiquotan. February 3, 1617/18.

XLII 65 Governor Argall. A Commission to William Craddock. 91
February 20, 1617/18.

XLIII 67 Governor Argall. A Letter to the Virginia Company. 92
March 10, 1617/18.

XLIV 74 Governor Argall. Proclamations or Edicts. May 10, 1618. 

XLV 75 Governor Argall. Proclamations or Edicts. May 18, 1618. 93

XLVI 76 Sir Edwin Sandys, Henry Timberlake, John Ferrar. 94
Meeting of a Committee for Smythes Hundred. May 18,
161 8.

XLVII 87 Virginia Company. Instructions to George Yeardley. 98
November 18, 1618.

XLVIII 91 Ferdinando Yate. "The Voyage to Virginia . . . 1619'’. 109

XLIX 92 Virginia Company. A Note of the Shipping, Men and 115
Provisions sent to Virginia, by the Treasurer and
Company. 1619.

L 93 John Delbridge Yeardley. A Letter to Sir Edwin Sandys.  .1. 8
[1619].

L1 94 Sir George Yeardley. A Letter to [Sir Edwin Sandys. 122
1619].

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Thomas Jefferson Pa...: Table of Contents for Published Edition Volume II Page 4 of 16

LII 97 Indenture between Sir William Throckmorton, Sir 130
George Yeardley, Richard Berkeley, and John Smyth,
and the Virginia Company. February 3, 1618/19.

LIII 99 Lord Zouche. A Warrant for John Fenner, Captain of 
"Silver Falcon", and Henry Bacon, Master, to Pass to
Virginia. February 15, 1618/ 19.

LIV 100 Sir William Throckrnorton and Others. A Letter to Sir I. 3 6
George Yeardley. February 18, 1618/19.

LV 104 Richard Berkeley. A Letter to John Smyth of Nibley. 137
April 3, 1619.

LVI 103 Sir William Throckmorton. A Letter to John Smyth, 1.38
concerning the Plantation in Virginia. April 10, 1619.

LVII 105 Sandys, Harwood, Worselnham, Riche, Johnson. Draft of 139
a Report of a Committee of the Virginia Company. April
27, 1619.

LVIII 110 Treasurer and Council for Virginia. A Commission to .145
William Wye. June 17, 1619.

LIX 110 Treasurer and Council for Virginia. A Letter to Sir 146
George Yeardley. June 21, 1619.

LX 111 George Thorpe. A Letter to John Smyth of Nibley. July 
2, 1619.

LXI 112 Committee of the Council for Virginia. Copy of Minutes 149
relating to the Censure passed on Alderman Johnson.
July 8, 1619.

LXII 113 Committee of the Council for Virginia. A Short Draft of 150

Censure against Alderman Johnson abandoned in Favor
of the Preceding. July 8, 1619.

LXIII 114 George Thorpe. A Letter to John Smyth. July 20, 1619. 151
LXIV 115 Sir George Yeardley. A Letter concerning Argall’s 
Letters from Lord Ritch. July 20, 1619.

LXV 116 John Pory. "A Reporte of the manner of proceeding in 153

the General Assembly convented at James City." July 30, H
31, August 2, 3, 4, 1619.

LXVI 117 The Cost of Furnishing the "Margaret." July, August, and 1.78
September, 1619.
LXVII 118 Sir Edwin Sandys. A Letter to Sir George Yeardley. 1

August 3, 1619.

LXVIII 119 Gabriel Barbor. A Letter to Sir Edwin Sandys. August 4190
11, 1619.

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LXIX 120 Sir Edwin Sandys. A Letter to John Ferrar. August 16, 
1619.

LXX 121 Charter Party with Mr. Williams, of Bristol. August 18, 193
1619.

LXXI 122 Remembrances for Captain Woodleefe. September, 195 I
1619.

LXXII 123 "A lyst of the men nowe sent for plantacon Vnder 197

Captayne Woodleefe governor." September, 1619.

LXXIII 124 Sir William Throckmorton and his Three Associates. A 199

Commission to Captain John Woodleefe. September 4, iiii T
1619.

LXXIV 125 Agreement between Sir William T hrockmorton, Richard 2,01_
Berkeley, George Thorpe, John Smyth, and Captain John
Woodleefe. September 4, 1619.

LXXV 126 Sir William Throckmorton, Richard Berkeley, et al. 207
"Ordinances direccons and Instructions to Captaine John
Woodlefe." September 4, 1619.

LXXVI 127 Indenture between the Four Adventurers of Berkeley 
Hundred and Robert Coopy of North Nibley. September
7, 1619.

LXXVII 128 Sir William Throckmorton and his Three Associates. 212
Letter to Sir George Yeardley. September 9, 1619.

LXXVIII 129 The Certificate of John Swye, Mayor of Bristol, of the 21

Men who shipped in the "Margaret" under Captain
Woodleefe. September 15, 1619.

LXXIX 130 Account of A. B. of the Expenses of the Voyage, 214
rendered to Sir William Throckmorton and Associates.
September 16, 1619, to September 16, 1620.

LXXX 131 Sir Edwin Sandys. A Letter to John Ferrar. September 15
20, 1619.

LXXXI 132 Sir Edwin Sandys. A Letter to the Earl of Southampton. 216
September 29, 1619.

LXXXII 133 John Pory. A Letter to "the Right honble’ and my 219

singular good lorde." September 30, 1619.
LXXXIII 134 Gabriel Barbor. A Letter to Sir Edwin Sandys. October 2, 223

1619.

LXXXIV 135 Sir Edwin Sandys. A Letter to John Ferrar. October 4, 223
1619.

LXXXV 136 Sir Edwin Sandys. A Letter to John Ferrar. October 18, 
1619.

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LXXXVI 138 Council in Virginia. "The putting out of the Tenantes 226
that came ouer in the B. N. wth other orders of the
Councell." November 11, 1619.

LXXXVII 139 Governor and Council in Virginia. An Order. November 229
12, 1619.

LXXXVIII 140 Sir George Yeardley. A Certificate with Regard to the 2/3})
Arrival of the "Margaret" in Virginia. December 4, 1619.

LXXXIX 142 Adventurers and Planters. Copy of a Petition to the 231
Council for Virginia. (1620 ?).
XC 144 Sir Nathaniel Rich. Rough Notes for his Defense before 232

the Council of the Virginia Company on the Charge of
having altered an Order of the Council. (1620?).

XCI 145 Rough Draft of a Proposition affecting the Virginia 
Company concerning Captain Argall. (1620?). ’

XCII 151 "A valuation of the Commodities growing and to be had 23;!
in Virginia." 1620.

XCIII 152 Virginia Company. "A Note of the Shipping, Men, and 
Provisions, sent and prouided for Virginia." 1620.

XCIV 154 John Rolfe. A Letter to Sir Edwin Sandys. January, 24}
1619/20.

XCV 155 Sir George Yeardley. A Letter. January 10, 1619/20. 248

XCVI 156 John Pory. A Letter to Sir Edwin Sandys. January 13, 2_~/L9
1619/20.

XCVII 157 John Pory. A Letter to Sir Edwin Sandys. January 14, 
1619/20.

XCVIII 158 John Pory. A Letter to Sir Edwin Sandys. January 16, 255
1619/20.

XCIX 160 Sir Edwin Sandys. A Letter to Sir Robert Naunton. 259
January 28, 1619/20.

C 162 Account rendered to Sir William Throckmorton and 

Associates for Supplies sent in the Ship, "London
Merchant." February, 1619/20.

Cl 164 James Berblocke. An Order to Mr. Ferrar. February 25, 262
1619/20.

CII 166 William Weldon. A Letter to Sir Edwin Sandys. March 262
6, 1619/20.

CIII 167 Sir Thomas Rowe, Mr. Leate, Mr. Caning, et al. A 265
Petition to the Privy Council for a Patent. April 3, 10,
1620.

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CIV 169 William Tracy. A Letter to John Smyth. April 15, 1620. 266

CV 170 Copy of Opinion of Counsel upon the Patents of the 
Virginia Company. May, 1620.

CV1 171 Sir Edwin Sandys. A Letter to John Ferrar. May 1, 1620. 269

CVII 172 Indenture assigning Sir William Throckmorton’s Share of 271
Berkeley Hundred to William Tracy. May 7, 1620.

CVIII 173 Alderman Johnson. A Letter to Sir Edwin Sandys. May 274
16, 1620.

CIX 174 "Treasuror, Councell, and Company for Virginia." A 275
Broadside. May 17, 1620.

CX 149 Virginia Company V. William Wye. Complaints. Trinity  }.
Term, 1620.

CXI 182 William Tracy. A Letter to John Smyth. June, 1620. 289

CXII 175, William Tracy. Letters to William Arthard and John 29 (1

176 Smyth. June, 1620.

CXIII 177 John Smyth. A Letter to Mr. Berkeley. June 1, 1620. 292

CXIV 178 Sir Edwin Sandys. A Letter to the Marquis of 294
Buckingham. June 7, 1620.

CXV A 179 Sir George Yeardley. A Letter to Sir Edwin Sandys. June 
7, 1620.

CXVI 180 John Pory. A Letter to Sir Edwin Sandys. June 12, 1620. 300

CXVII 181 Sir Edwin Sandys. A Letter to John Ferrar. June 12, 306
1620.

CXVIII 183 "His Maiesties Counseil for Virginia." "A Declaration of 307
the State . . . in Virginia." June 22, 1620.

CXIX 185 Privy Council. A Commission to the Commissioners for 365
the Treasury. July, 1620.

CXX 186 Mr. Russell’s Project touching Artificial Wine in 
Virginia. July, 1620.

CXXI 187 William Tracy. A Letter to John Smyth. July 5, 1620. 

CXXII 189 Virginia Company. A Commission to William Tracy. 
July 12, 1620.

CXXIII 190 William Tracy. Two Letters to John Smyth. July 14, 369
1620.

CXXIV 191 Sir Edwin Sandys. A Letter to John Ferrar. July 19, 1620. 371,,
CXXV 193 Virginia Council. Extract from a Letter. August, 1620. 
CXXVI 194 William Tracy. A Letter to John Smyth. August 2, 1620. 373
CXXVII 195 William Tracy. A Letter to John Smyth. August 9, 1620. 

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CXXVIII 196 Sir William Throckmorton and Associates. Revocation 3>_'/'54
of Captain John Woodleefe’s Commission. August 18 or

28, 1620.

CXXIX 197 Sir Edwin Sandys. A Letter to John Ferrar. August 25, 375
1620.

CXXX 198 "Covenantes and agreementes . . . betwene Richard .376

Berkeley of Stoke . . . George Thorpe late of Wanswell . .
. Willm Tracy of Gayles" and "John Smyth of
Northnibly." August 28, 1620.

CXXXI 199 Commission to George Thorpe and William Tracy as 379
Governors of the Plantation in Virginia. August 28,
1620.

CXXXII 200 Charter Party between Richard Berkeley and Associates 81,
and William Ewins, for the Ship "Supply". August 31,
1620.

CXXXIII 201 Account of A. B. with Edward Williams for the Ship 384
"Margaret." September, 1620.

CXXXIV 202 Account of A. B. for Furnishing the Ship "Supply". 385
September, 1620.

CXXXV 203 Berkeley, Thorpe, Tracy, and Smyth. Agreement with 393
Richard Smyth and Wife and Others. September 1, 1620.

CXXXVI 204 William Tracy. A Letter to John Smyth. September 1, 395
1620.

CXXXVII 205 "A list of men nowe sent for plantacon in Virginia." 396
September 3, 1620.

CXXXVIII 206 Richard Berkeley and John Smyth. A Commission to 397
George Thorpe for the Government of the Plantation.
September 10, 1620.

CXXXIX 207 William Tracy. A Letter to John Smyth. September 15, 4,01

1620.

CXL 208 Agreement between Richard Berkeley and Associates, 
and Robert Pawlett. September 15, 1620.

CXLI 209 Account of Money expended since William Tracy’s 402
Departure. September 18, 1620——Michaelmas, 1621.

CXLII 210 Thomas Parker, Mayor of Bristol. Certificate for Sailing 405

of the Ship "Supply". September 18, 1620.

CXLIII 211 Sir Edwin Sandys. A Letter to John Ferrar. September 406
1 8, 1 620.

CXLIV 212 John Smyth. Account of Expenses for Virginia 408
Plantation. Sent to Mr. Thorpe. September 20, 1620.

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CXLV

CXLVI

CXLVII

CXLVIII

CXLIX

CL

CLI

CLII

CLIII

CLIV

CLV

CLVI

CLVII

CLVIII

CLIX

CLX

CLXI

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213

214

215

216

217

219

221

226

229

228

230

232

233

234

236

237

238

Table of Contents for Published Edition Volume II Page 9 of 16

Timothy Gate. A Letter to Mr. William Tracy. September 409
22, 1620.

John Bridges. A Letter to John Smyth. September 23, 410
1620.

William Tracy. A Letter to John Smyth. September 24, ,4li()
1620.

William Tracy. A Letter to John Smyth. September 25, 4.11
1620.

Indenture between George Thorpe, and Robert _4l_2
Oldesworth and John Smyth. September 30, 1620.

Sir Edwin Sandys. A Letter to John Ferrar. October 23, 415
1620.

George Thorpe. A Letter to John Smyth. December 19, 
1620.

Earl of Warwick V. Edward Bruster concerning the Ships 
"Treasurer" and "Neptune". 1621.

Sir George Yeardley and the Council in Virginia. A 424
Letter to the Earl of Southampton and the Council and
Company for Virginia. January 21, 1620/21.

Sir George Yeardley. Certificate to the Council and 426
Company of Virginia of the Arrival of Planters at

Barklay. January 29, 1620/21.

House of Lords. "An Act [bill] for the represeinge of the 427
odious . . . sinne of Drunkenesse, and for preventinge the

onordinate Consuminge of Corne." February 14,
1620/21.

Sir George Yeardley. Grant of Land to George Harrison. 
March 6, 1620/21.

James I. Proclamation to the Virginia Company 434
prohibiting Lottery. March 8, 1620/21.

George Thorpe. "A note ffor Mr. ffelgate to receaue his 435
ffraight." March 24, 1620/21.

William Powell. A Letter to Sir Edwin Sandys. April 12, 436
1621.

House of Commons. Draft of an Act for the Freer Liberty 439
of Fishing. April 17, 1621.

J abez Whittaker. A Letter to Sir Edwin Sandys. May, 44 E
1621.

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CLXII 239 Richard Bucke. A Letter to Sir Edwin Sandys. May 3, 44;
1621.

CLXIII 240 Sir George Yeardley and the Council of Virginia. A 
Warrant for Lieutenant Saunders. May 3, 1621.

CLXIV 241 George Thorpe and John Pory. A Letter to Sir Edwin 445
Sandys. May 9, 1621.

CLXV 243 George Thorpe and John Pory. A Letter to Sir Edwin 446
Sandys. May 15 and 16, 1621.

CLXVI 244 George Thorpe. A Letter to John Ferrar. May 15, 1621. Q8

CLXVII 245 Sir George Yeardley. A Letter to the New Magazine 
Company. May 16, 1621.

CLXVIII 246 Sir George Yeardley. A Letter to Sir Edwin Sandys. May 450
16, 1621.

CLXIX 247 Sir George Yeardley. A Letter to Sir Edwin Sandys. May 452
16, 1621.

CLXX 248 Abraham Piersey. A Letter to Sir Edwin Sandys. May 24, $34
1621.

CLXXI 249 Captain Nuce. A Letter to Sir Edwin Sandys. May 27, 455
1621.

CLXXII 250 Francis Smith. A Letter to Sir Edwin Sandys. June 9, 458
1621. ,

CLXXIII 251 Privy Council. An Order regarding Freedom of Fishing. 459
June 18, 1621.

CLXXIV 252 Richard Bucke. A Letter to Sir Edwin Sandys. June 22, £50

1621.

CLXXV 253 George Thorpe. A Letter to Sir Edwin Sandys. June 27, 
1621.

CLXXVI 254 Sir George Yeardley. A Letter to Sir Edwin Sandys. June 
27 , 1621.

CLXXVII 255 John Rowe. A Letter to Sir Edwin Sandys. July, 1621. 464

CLXXVIII 256 William Ewens. Covenant with the Company for LQS
Virginia. July, 1621.

CLXXIX 257 William Ewens. Covenant with the Company for 

Virginia. July, 1621.

CLXXX 258 Nicholas Ferrar and Others. A Warrant to pay George 467
Sandys. July 6, 1621.

CLXXXI 259 John Barnard and Others. A Warrant to Deputy John 468
Ferrar. July 24, 1621.

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CLXXXII 260 Virginia Company. Instructions to the Governor and 
Council of State in Virginia. July 24, 1621.

CLXXXIII 261 Treasurer and Company. An Ordinance and Constitution 
for Council and Assembly in Virginia. July 24, 1621.

CLXXXIV 262 Treasurer and Company. A Letter to Governor and 485
Council in Virginia. July 25, 1621.

CLXXXV 264 Council for Virginia. Answer to the Request of the 491
Walloons and French to plant in Virginia. August 11,
1621.

CLXXXVI 265 Virginia Company. A Letter to the Governor and Council 
in Virginia. August 12, 1621.

CLXXXVII 266 Virginia Company. A Commission granted unto Captain 
Arthur Guy and Nicholas Norburne. August 24, 1621.

CLXXXVIII 267 Treasurer and Company of Virginia. Covenant to pay 499
Captain Arthur Guy, Robert J oakley, and John Packesall.
August 24, 1621.

CLXXXIX 268 Treasurer and Company of Virginia. Covenant to pay 
Captain Arthur Guy. August 24, 1621.

CXC 269 Virginia Council and Company. A Letter to Governor 
and Council in Virginia. September 11, 1621.

CXCI 270 Edward Blayney. A Letter to Sir Edwin Sandys. 
September 17, 1621.

CXCII 271 Sir Edwin Sandys. A Letter to John Ferrar, or to 509
Nicholas Ferrar. October 1, 1621.

CXCIII 273 Thomas Dawson. Note of Tobacco sold to John 509

Stratford. October 20, 1621.

CXCIV 272 Privy Council. Order to the Virginia Company. October Q0
24, 1621.

CXCV 275 Sir Edwin Sandys. A Letter to John Ferrar. November 5, 51}.
1621.

CXCVI 225 Virginia Company. A Commission to Thomas Smith. 513
November 21, 1621.

CXCVII 276 Virginia Company. Grant to Daniel Gates. November 21, 514
1621.

CXCVIII 277 Council and Company for Virginia. A Commission 5 .1 6
granted to John Huddleston. November 21, 1621.

CXCIX 662 John Bargrave. A Petition to the Committee for 517

Grievances, House of Commons. November (after 22), vvvvvvvvvvvv in
1621.

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CC 274 Sir Thomas Smyth and Alderman Johnson. Reply to the §;l_
Petition of John Bargrave. November (after 22), 1621.

CCI 278 Council and Company for Virginia. A Commission 
granted to Captain Thomas Jones. November 24 [21?],
1621.

CCII 279 Council of the Virginia Company. A Letter to the 526
Governor and Council in Virginia. November 26, 1621.

CCIII 280 Governor and Council in Virginia. Proclamation warning 5,28
Persons going aboard Ships. November 30, 1621.

CCIV 282 Sir Edwin Sandys. A Letter to John Ferrar. December 3, §_.-2,9
1621.

CCV 283 Council of the Virginia Company. A Letter to the 
Governor and Council in Virginia. December 5, 1621.

CCVI 285 Peter Arondelle. A Letter to Sir Edwin Sandys. 534
December 15, 1621.

CCVII 286 Governor in Virginia. Commission to William Tucker. 5,

December 23, 1621.

CCVIII 288 Mr. Wroth. Notes from Lists showing Total Number of §3,§‘
Emigrants to Virginia. 1622.

CCIX 289 Patrick Copland. "A Declaration how the monies (viz, 537
seuenty pound eight shillings sixe pence) were disposed,
which was gathered . . . (towards the building of a free
schoole in Virginia)." 1622.

CCX 293 292 Edward Waterhouse. "A Declaration of the State of the 541
Colony and . . . a Relation of the Barbarous Massacre."
1622.

CCXI 294 Francis West, William Clayboume et al. Petition to the 580
King. 1622(?).

CCXII 295 Council in Virginia. Letter to Virginia Company of Q8;

London. January, 1621/22.

CCXIII 296 Peter Arundle. Fragment of a Letter to John Smyth of 589
Nibley. January 1, 1621/22.

CCXIV 297 Virginia Council. Settlement of the Wages of Tradesmen 589
in Virginia. January 14, 1621/22.

CCXV 298 Virginia Company. A Commission to Theodore 
Wadsworth. January 16, 1621/22.

CCXVI 299 Virginia Company. The Form of a Patent. January 30, 
1621/22.

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CCXVII 302
CCXVIII 303
CCXIX 304
CCXX 307
CCXXI 308
CCXXII 309
CCXXIII 3 10
CCXXIV 31 1
CCXXV 3 13
CCXXVI 3 14
CCXXVII 306
CCXXVIII 3 15
CCXXIX 3 16
CCXXX 3 17
CCXXXI 3 19
CCXXXII 305
CCXXXIII 3 21
CCXXXIV 322
CCXXXV 323

Table of Contents for Published Edition Volume II Page 13 of 16

Lord Keeper Williams. Decree in Chancery, Bargrave V. 

Sir Thomas Smythe et al. February 19, 1622.

Somer Islands Company. Court for Somer Islands.
February 25, 1621/22.



Somer Islands Company. Court for Somer Islands. March 603

6, 1621/22.

Sir Edwin Sandys. A Letter to John Ferrar. April 9, 1622. 604

John Bargrave. Charges against the Former Government

of Virginia. April 12(?), 1622.

John Bargrave. Petition to the Privy Council. April 12,
1622.

Governor in Virginia. Commission to Captain Roger
Smith. April 13, 1622.

Governor in Virginia. Commission to Captain Ralph
Hamor. April 15, 1622.

Governor in Virginia. Order to Ralph Hamor. April 19,
1622.

Governor in Virginia. Commission to Captain Smith.
April 20, 1622.

Council in Virginia. Letter to the Virginia Company of
London. April (after 20), 1622.

Sir Edwin Sandys. A Letter to John Ferrar. April 22,
1622.

Sir Edwin Sandys. A Letter to John Ferrar. April 25,
1622.

Sir Edwin Sandys. A Letter to John Ferrar. April 30,
1622.

"The Accompt of the charge of the 4 servants sent into

Virginia in the Ship called the furtherance." May, 1622.

Virginia Company v. Wye. Defense of Wye. May 6,
1622.

Governor in Virginia. A Commission to Captain Raph
Hamor. May 7, 1622.

Governor in Virginia. A Commission to Captain Roger
Smith. May 18, 1622.

Virginia Company. The Form of a Patent for
Adventurers undertaking to transport and plant 100
Persons. May 22, 1622.

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6.09
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CCXXXVI 324 Virginia Company. The Form of a Patent for a Planter 622
Only. May 22, 1622.

CCXXXVII 325 Virginia Company. A Grant for a Private Plantation to 634
John Bounall. May 22, 1622.

CCXXXVIII 326 Captain John Bargrave. Disclaimer of Opposition to the 637
Present Management. May 30, 1622.

CCXXXIX 223 Virginia Company. "A note of the shipping, men, and 639
prouisions sent and prouided for Virginia . . . in the yeere
1621." [End of May, 1622].

CCXL 327 Captain John Bargrave. Petition to Privy Council. June 644
(I), 1622.

CCXLI 517 Treasurer and Council for Virginia. Answer to the Privy 
Council concerning Captain John Bargrave’s Petition.
June(?), 1622.

CCXLII 328 Council of the Virginia Company. A Letter to Governor 646
and Council in Virginia. June 10, 1622.

CCXLIII 329 John Pountis. Petition to the Governor and Council of 652
Virginia. June 15, 1622.

CCXLIV 330 The King. A Letter to the Privy Council. June 17, 1622. 

CCXLV 331 Governor in Virginia. A Commission to Captain 654
Maddison. June 17, 1622.

CCXLVI 341 Sir Francis Wyatt. A Commission to Sir George 656
Yeardley. June 20, 1622.

CCXLVII 342 Sir Francis Wyatt. Proclamations. June 21, 1622. 
I. A Proclamation against Drunkeness. 6,’§§
II. A Proclamation against Swearing. 659

III. A Proclamation against taking Boats without Leave 
and stealing Oars.

CCXLVIII 343 Robert Newland. A Letter to Nicholas Ferrar. June 27, 660
1622.

CCXLIX 347 The King. A Letter to the Virginia Company. The 66;

Virginia Company. A Letter to the Governor and Council
in Virginia. July 9, 1622.

CCL 352 Governor in Virginia. A Commission to William Tucker. 664
July 16, 1622.

CCLI 354 Note of Arms in the Tower for which the Virginia 665
Company are Suitors, July 17(?). Before July 29, 1622.

CCLII 356 Treasurer and Council for Virginia. Letter to Governor 666

and Council in Virginia. August 1, 1622.

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CCLIII 357 [John Smyth.] A list of Servants remaining in Virginia. 674
August 1, 1622.

CCLIV 359 John Carter. Petition to the Privy Council. September, 675

1622.
CCLV 360 A Warrant to the Lord Treasurer. September, 1622. 676
CCLVI 361 Sir Edwin Sandys. A Letter to John Ferrar. September 1, 67
1622.
CCLVII 362 Governor in Virginia. A Commission to Sir George 67/8

Yeardley. September 10, 1622.
CCLVIII 364 Sir Edwin Sandys. A Letter to John Ferrar. September 

23, 1622.
CCLIX 365 Thomasin Woodshawe. Petition to the Governor of 681
Virginia. Between October, 1622, and January, 1622/23.
CCLX 366 Richard Pace. Petition to the Governor and Council in 682

Virginia. Between October, 1622, and January, 1622/23.

CCLXI 367 Virginia Company. A Letter to the Governor and Council 
in Virginia. October 7, 1622.

CCLXII 368 Sir Edwin Sandys. A Letter to John Ferrar. October 13, 69()
1622.

CCLXIII 380 Younge v. Roberts. October 14, 1622. 692

CCLXIV 369 Thomas Hamour. Petition to the Governor and Council 695
in Virginia. October 18, 1622.

CCLXV 370 Governor of Virginia. A Commission to Captain Raph 696
Hamor. October 23, 1622.

CCLXVI 371 Governor of Virginia. A Commission to Captain William 698
Eden, alias Sampson. October 24, 1622.

CCLXVII 373 George Sandys. Petition to Governor and Council in 699
Virginia. November 2, 1622.

CCLXVIII 374 Governor of Virginia. A Commission to Captain Isack 700
Maddison and Robert Bennet. November 12, 1622.

CCLXIX 379 Henry Martin. Decree in Case of the Virginia Company 
v. Wye. December 9, 1622.

CCLXX 382 John Martin. Request to the Master of the Rolls (Sir j7(.)2
Julius Caesar). December 9, 1622.

CCLXXI 383 Governor and Council in Virginia. Proclamation. 
December 10, 1622.

CCLXXII 384 John Martin. "The Manner Howe to Bringe the Indians 
into Subiection." December 15, 1622.

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CCLXXIII 385 John Martin. How Virginia may be made a Royal E
Plantation. December 15, 1622.

(TOP)

Series 8: V_ir,qi_n_i.a Records, 1606-1737

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
1606-1737 .

Susan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, l606—26, Volume
III: Miscellaneous Records —— 

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Cimueipt of their ‘f. years »2§e3r1.ritar§z2. (lid not lzelp flieni ma: W“ Cimirae,
I am of Upifiiflli, yaw siimzild. clue "email to alter. The half’ years, for W“
mmly wee were viutualied, since our laazzdinge, is new aélmoalza expyred;
sure i am, our 1:rv‘isim:1§3 are ex_pa_=mdua~d, and yet wee here ef no suppiie.
In an znacfn that yf the Edwin had mi; stomi vs in some stead by fee-tehinga
are some fa-rth sf the }3a.y {wher new we hmze gazed anti free trade.) xvms
had bane dia$ras‘£. fffll‘ yo’ yviaiuns fail exceefiicnge shaft, ‘Wk is net ray‘
Complains: signs,

ffer mjgme OW118 part I wiil be held up says that noma would ever be more
honestly or thriftily i£:‘i$£I.£!e|3, yet if many man .had met éied wee haxi heme
Image since in want. E jrmmagine E sliuuhi Emma wronged my mil and
aéinlsecl the C0.!11p3EBfi:'3F, if I ilaél not saié sematiainga in 1323* lrea ecmeerningev
Huritiiaste-ne, in whmn _3mu 1:39.13 berm cziecmued, for he ya :5: diasemblinge
C0=.mp.ar);i::s.n. I bane giuen yaw but a. much of his t::ehawyo' out of my
respect tats 3-it Beputy: with whom I haue dmlt freelie. Theugh he

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts. 1606-1737. Page 2 of 2

dazserua net the basis from me, yet I cauié; wzely disgezat; that, had he
diseihargeri his éutia otherwise. Thincim nut tharfore I besesevéx _ym1 that
E raaalliee his p&rEflfi4 I bane more to safe than I heme tjrme tn v(t‘t5.‘E:r*
New therefare hapsainges fémt yen ami my gmd I.a£1ie‘hau.e had nu wursa
hmsith  than ‘I and my wife {ii praym fwd far it) harm hithertn enioyed,
with the zwememhrazinse af hath 61$ our éue respecfi to yew bath, ggrvinge

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
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III: Miscellaneous Records ——  

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ara? 37', meg‘ $5?

yaw many thankfi for ye‘ great favoms, Z hizmbiy hetake you to the dyvine
gtmfion, and remagma
Yo’ faitlifuli and humble sewaunt to Command
Tao: Name
Ifiiizat in Virginia 19*’ Mali 13%’:

£215} 3*, I had ailmoat. forgotten to tell yaw hone farre wee thirsiste those
Co.:’~‘m:3cIizies nienénneti in yo’ §J()»E)1t;E,,‘\%”I1€iAf3r"§e*£i»H11F3!IiI~. Especia.l1}"8iike Coddfi:
wherin to dazzle, the people are now very much diseourageti. Howbeit E
wouici to {iota the seeds had some safe i.h::tts I might: Imus Inarie trgmfl
t.h:mg:h to ‘my’ lease, so §I§ tnigght lime gyueia thst: Camgxanie satisfaefion.
flat of  question no Couutrie; Vader hmiuen is more yr} for tiaenl. Baa
I would he giad to Vnderstand by those .m.9r:hm.i=nt*E ‘mm vailiua the Cocifls
at aé ii if ‘I if‘ vi‘ a. pound, when this WEEI ‘garment: at Goxiiodity for men
to 13113 by in this ilfiountry, ‘W}‘:.f3I“ wee: pay iii‘ a day for the labor of a man
who hath no rsrther waie but to digg and desaiue.

Eirure they thclught: themseiues in Italic, Spa}rne, or firaunee: €3ountri.es
p»1em;ifuIi arid po;m§.ous: what are thouaanfis of Women; and ehildren and
such ydie people to he hyred for 3*" or ij“ a day. E. am enformed that 23.
zmnefi of seed, W}z.{.m] it is in woormes will buaie forty people: dayiie duringe
the season. will those m9e13aunt'E be eonmsxteti to take the aijilea from vs
then, as wee may izfiord it, payinge for the hire of mm as aho:1c.=.xai.fi?
Nay, man here in that season are not to be go£ten_ at any rate: for the
tzyme of their at.-ien.daunce faiis out to be inst at sunk a season as was are
Epusiest about our C36-rue: so as no niaarx but he that means to starug will
once Intake after them. mmefihizzge I rriigixt saia .againsst other pthinw to:
but not we“ iike reasons. 8“, I am boiée to speaks my iiiimifl W Yaw
presuminge yaw‘ Wili not pubiish 1:11,}; foiii-ea: hm; mtiier endeavo’ pryvatefie
to amend
Yo’ humbie aervmmt

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts. 1606-1737. Page 2 of 2

1. HQ: £1 HIKE.

sum: in Virginia 27 Maii 1621.

Since I eanaet Write pleaseinge thinges, I haue farbarne to direct my free
in 3:’ Campanie, wherin if yew finds I hase erred, I beseech yew to inyne
w“ my 3}. mi‘ South“ in my excuse, whose fave’ therin I hang humbly
besought.

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iscellaneous Records -- of...C.Q.nte.n_tss

     

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.Nm«"E'M'EER {AFTER 33), I381 517

I-Eudlestcm or to the mid Ship the Ema. flees or any other vezsseil imatfi
Agsenfifi flamers Maméners Sagyio" or labaurms t.hsre~mt»o belonging as they
will ansvsreare the ‘Cantmry at their pczrriiif And wee dim-. fxirther charge
the mid John fiudiesmn not in interru13t any Shippringe of the Subiergtt
of any his ‘5-*£s}'5 fminfit at Ailing I73‘]01'.an3." other wkxatmeuer during his
mic} vuyage but if he shalbe chased or emzmxntred by any .matm mi Wazrra
GI‘ intake: saiie 'wE:.at.3oaw:«:r that simi gee ahenxzt ix) Eiéincler his pmeeexiingfi
at doe him any vtirslemye in such names amarciirage its the power grmxazteuzi
vnta vs by his 1\%Ia*‘* were WEE agml enifiazld him with all his power and
vttermast exideauw in 3‘{3;)€1§. $93355 a;m:E atiefemi hitmselfe am? am hiangrs
agyiizast. the vrsinat farce of what Najtian seeuer asweii in his passage
outwardfi as immwardt as in all harbo“ Riuers mmnbers of the Terfimries
(If our ?Lant.a<::0n And this any {lamission ahaibe his zsufitzierst. Warrant
_l1enefn Tn witnesse ezef the gjremissea wee have h=arevnm caused the Coffmn
fieaie of 0' Cnmpany $0 be affixed Giuen in 3 great and genemil Quarter
Gourte the 21 of I‘%’ouemb: am} in the ycares {if the migne of 0' sztwer-—
aigne Lercie James by the gram ef God Iiinge of England Si:sm‘.is;.:n<i
firance and Ireland Iiefendo‘ of the faith etc that is to my mi’ England
Era.-ame and ital.-mfi the nineteenth wad. of Smtland the flue and fiftith.

CXQIX. Joan Bmmwm. A f’£'1”I'rIOI'~Z Ti) mm Cctzmrrmm FER =Gmm»
mama, Home or Ccmmcma

I‘~€n:;maa::am2 {wm:zz $2}, 1623,

C. (3. 1, Yak. III. Na. 3.1; 2:330 State Pmpars, Damxsatic, Jil.m€$$ I, Vol. 163. NE}. 23;
aim, Evfanchaewr I’a.pars., fie. -ml *
Ifmcumsnte in Publii: Rflflflrii Office, Imnéon
List of Racarés No. 362
To the %1onor"7*> mmhlye the im“ enti Bu:-gases Cfomtiiatew for greiiuatzces
of the lower muse of ?a.rIia.m’-

The humble P-gtiéon of J21" Bmgraue gsq; in the behalf of himself the absent.
Piantem in Virginia, & all other ad‘verstnm*s that sheik .a&venture there
estates vndesr 3. Gou9mea’é ruled by vayam where the {?:0¥.2911o.r*‘ being

* lfiaanktater Papsms. 1%. €101,515 :3 ’mm~a sluweuly mm: of the assume dcmummnfi. The melting difiem.

but mat the wotfiing, axmjsif; as shown in {Em fmtnutm. In the List cf Remain, Va}. 17, this fiocummt
wggs. gym a dste in: Jxpril, SW4.

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513 .r2m::.sms 95* THE VIRWNIA mmmewr

oorrizipt the greatest. ioynet Stocks may by practise & facfion £651" Si} dispose
gf mg (3ou‘9maut as they may by the means of the xrzsfzrumants thereof
monopalize the whale pmffit that shaii arise, out of the sami Ad uenturea into
a few primate handes.

Sh-ewin

That wiereas his Mam hath been pieasaci. to graeum. veto the ‘fret & Com»
pany of Virginia diuars Ems Patients, togeather W41: man}; gmtiuua yttiififigas
.6‘: loueing izmibrueénns as W311 for the good gm.:9m‘ of the Saki Q0111}?-M129’
as for the advaneemfof the piantamn, ail w"h igraunta beir1gm,aé<‘: to a.
Tmasurzr his deputy’ flue C30!,;nsa]i~::s*s and 15 eaaaaééaeea i3ofiiczn*s they are
tyed to make their lavas asweil by the said gramme as by the filings 
atrucéena awarding tn the lawes of England, wk inearagemeuts stmzng
my many to adventure their moneys yo‘ petieota’ was induced by the
nohianas of the Acéon to vndertake is be the first planter of 3. gzriuste
£3-rzrlcmye there, To “Win and. he causmi 9. ?a.ta‘.eat. of free trade to be obfieyned
from the Company vnfier wh he intended. to pliant: Now so it is that S’
"I‘.l1o1mad:= Smyth late Trér of the said Gtzmpany, and others ‘praetizéng w‘h
him to wnrke their owrat: ends, Imus contrary to his Ma.“ said Paiztem; &
myall itmtxuofions framed a. Ti1'ani.ca11 gmzermmat to be "imposed on his
MW“ subjeota in "iFirg:1’:;ia was by this hooks primted by his dimeéons may
appears, By‘ means whereof many pore gauge in Wrgitaia. were éeprimed
of their Him and goods & many were brought into Ciamdemnafien :3: slaueryz
And whereas the sayci S’ Thomas Snzfih. did formeriy maliice ya’ said
xietiéioner w"‘h9u% any just (mums, yo’ Grate’ new fmnti himself his e.3tate
and thezsur: he ixngwloyed [by means of gsriuatwe imat:*‘n;1af:Q:na giuan tea the Cim19~
not in Virginia) inthmlied by this 'Tyrrs.ny and thereby was made the
Anvili of the malfice & greedy fi.es3=res of the I‘3ou'9‘:xo‘a both here am there
for wherezaa by the  }?a€;t:ent, ail =a§hin.@ that page from the said patteflteas
area: pmaezd by most voyms in the name of the said Qomfi at the least $5
C‘~omon's 43.; 5 C01J.I1S&Hu'E whereof the Tm or Diaputy being one, are shit:
to make any lawful} act, The said ‘S’ The. Smzrizh Méenng Johamaazzn and
othera in an answsnre on their oathes aeqnivoeating vppon the word Com-=
pantry they make it ihroefouid the first being the Company ord.ay...nesi
by the King, the second :5. company of ggzrsgtrtize, iaetwreen three, .s£. and .5.

' Sic: omitted in Manchurian? Rama 34:3. -11161.

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The Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
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usan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume III:
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N£3‘VI§3e!HEi2 {AFTER £3}, 1331 5329

meeting in the Tram Ghmber, This Company basing the ground of 9.1}
the miacheefs that befall the ‘piantafion, may aptly he teas:-mod. 3:1i31C§oI1c§au#3,
Tide second. Company beagadé 3. third to with 3. Company of ffsméon by f2'::::a::m~
ing a. joynct 3tflc3h;.tea.r1neé the Eviagazine f0‘und»<zd on 3 Contract made wi-‘h
S" Thomas Dale, wiagioh iozrnt stock being tyeai to set prim, was at the fimt.
ordeyned but as a semsmt to the C3o.mfi, and had not any power giuen her to
due any lagwfull Asst. but; 31.1% afterward being able to currgr the most voyizes,
now of a seruani; iaeeam (hanging the Trérer to frind) “tmcazne the mistress
of the Company oriieineci by the King, and so pubiique good was forest.‘
to some prit1a’€:e gang. J33 thia means all the rights pwiliesdges and iiizfityea
togeather w‘*h. the geifimetat of the iaw is Eayd amide 3.: had one power to
worke 9.3. free trade is barred. {:0 may inut the Mafizine, Tire Pfiantem goods
after 9 or text: .yea,:~es seruiec: in this former '9.Ea.uE-I3‘ being taken from them,
are ‘souid and boizght before iéhair 'faeo3,. and the prices contraeted for wk
3' The $39.12. are 31:11:15 and  at the will of this. Conclrme, And whereafi
heretofore them was eight or ten staple eoniociityxas brought; from Virginia
nothing comes hoizxxa new but éoizsaouo & szzssafnms afio fili Mcierman .§<3hz:im-us
ahopp, and there goofing .3. or .133. shipps to Vi.rgi:n.i.ai:1 one genre, ail of them
comes home emmye emept the  sitsima, by Wt’: meanea the very
name of the flantaéon E2} in ‘Virginia. was brought. into cietesmfion hem
And the Pianters here groaning wider the ogprwsion of their gou.9no's
here,  ouer 1.ree to nus Eatrons coxzapiayning of their wrongm, and gm‘
Peticows free trade being hard Ami afterward by deteyning of  goods &
the paasangem the-t came home in his shippa as weii at the first flaming as
afterwards when ya‘ petifion’ had two shipps 3:: mo men in my won a
second voyage whioh shipyps they deayriug to stay i:;ha.t the Magazine
mighi; take away their Trade before: yo’ Gmt.o*-3 shipp oazrxe to Virginia, the
deteyning his goods being the insane $6: titre». it, Yo? Petifioner findeing him»
aaaeif so basett by them that he had woe way to escape them but by Ifiimifig
himseif to the Company thinking that fine Soun-ealio"s 3: I5 Cofi§on"a conic!
hmdiy be founcle that wouid doe him so much wrcmg To his om‘-%hrow he
ftait that links oormlaixe oonsiating of two buyers and three. seliers Alderman
hihnson being the buyer and miles of 3 great part. of ya’ iF’ati»Eon*e goods to
himsalfo was the Companye they intended whereby they deceiued yo‘
Petioorn' to the valiue of 389%“, smyed itxiis shipps pufitizag them into a Winters
voyage were the death of we most oi‘ his men The Mariners souls} his shippa

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usan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume III:
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5233 RBEKFRDS {FF THE VJRGINIA. £«‘0MF;iNY

in Vi;-gain to ‘gray themsaluea wages. and this go’ CiIr.a;.te*‘ and another gee»
tiemm his ptner had the vcijrage ouerthrewne w‘h msis as it EIIPEIW hit?‘ thfifl‘
Am“ near vpxzm 3603“ and this was dcmn in the name of the Company,
This there wiust »daa$ing3 much greiuing some of the xmbiest of -$h.a:ivz3s'nf;u's
wine seeking asweii to redress these wrongs as to call S’ Thmnae Snaytifi 9.-eel
§m-§ his Casheires to ace“ for the meneys he {he} hath read vppon. adven-
tures, ‘lotteryes and other means graunéed by the King him: the gaeci of éihe
said Piantaéon, But by the Eequenee it aaggapearee, they tradueeszi 1111:; to has
Iviaii, anti ioyziing wih certaine miss: importers emf tobacco, vncier 9, Gtmller
of their being the mely husbannis to the King they szmghiz. to make them»
seiues or some of their frinds Gou9no*a thereby to keep the mid 1’l.as;ztafion
in slavery, and to smuther there iniurinus dealings which Gu119nors}1ip
ajthough they faiied in it the Gnmgmny not inducing them. yet the sole
impmttmion ef tobacco iseing gained by the Projecws they haue hargished
the bringing home at‘ Virginia tabaeco, wizzereigy the Piantaizen is vnéitmne
by them, that setting 19. ;3‘ri¢:.e tmeiy of tw.::1:vacm and saseefrase Inade it alone
to be pfiaantad them: A}! wfh metigs $2 iniuryes afiormaid yo’ P$tri§§}Ii€3f
hath thought firm ta 'make }mo’w11e; €43 this hm1o::-aiiziie assemhlye humbly
tieayrizzg fixes the said S’ Thomas Smsrtiit may Acieciam wherefore he hath
not nzied the Cfiompfi. & Coking in ‘iiirg. assuming to his .§v£a“" L1-es ‘Psttents
£2 instrucfeons, but by =E-he Iawaw direzthr couafirary to the mme, .$.l;1:d farm
tim-sr that he and his Gash Iieps may he forthwith Gompefieé ta pay into
the now Trér so much money as they’ haue. any way read for the said =Cfom~
may, & can shew nee true or iustifiaibie ace‘ or ciieeharge for the wine, Ami
iikewiee ta cxmsiriier how 1‘.£‘l,’t,§i3h the Pianteénn hath beet: udiishenmwd thereby‘,
And iastiy that he and his associates Inay maize satisfaciien. to yo’ Petifioaer
of 311 such hizzciraneea as he hath by their vniusi; practizea sixsteyned

And yo’ petifinxf will euer ‘pray for ya‘ huncfa as the Preseruers of his
estate

Jam: Banemum
firderecl to be moaned $.11 the Exnase

Semi for to Answeax, 8' Tim. Srnyth, Aléiermg Johnson, “W” (laizagslrgg ‘
[Bouke "Waiter Burrs printer 16123”

: Mmchestar Paper {G1 has M’ Shank] Ganningga.
* Ovzarxlm miy in Mmchmim ‘Papa:-, ml.

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N{3VEfi;*’BER: {.«+1FmI2 £23. ms: 5%:

CC; Sm Tl:£/(TMAS. Sums‘ Am: ALn31umN Joriwsozsz. Rm?“ we was
I’m'1T19:~: OF Jam: B-mamvs

Nammsu (max 2:3), 1621
State Papers, CE (3. 1, Volmne iii, No. 12
Dmsumant in Public Rcmrci 0fl‘1x:x:«, Inmtiaxi
List nf Records New 374
The !111n1bIe A.t:nsmreza.re of 8* ’}i°‘l1mzms; SIrz),3*=!;«h kn‘ mail Iiiotst hhnson
Aiderman vnto the Petiiiom of John Hm-gjmue exhibiteci in way of
fjéampiainf to the H-;mor’~‘”* z‘3Js,..‘?%fi1§)I}”€ the knig}1tz3 and Burgesses,
Cfammitteess for greiuances of the lower ‘house of ?{“arV1iam‘

Ix: all humhie manner £«e‘i:tin.g paw 31$ vaine. $2: imptinemz matter in we
fix‘-sf gaoint material! that S’ The Emyth hath framed 3. Tiraxfieali gofimant
ymposaé man the maple in Vfrgi.z1i.a ate

Thomas Smyth sayth that the Gamissians giuen by him as ’E‘rei’-er (E:
the resié} rest of his Ma.“ Counséfi for Virginia vntzcs S’ Thcsmas Gates &
other the Geo's§n<;a=" semi; to Virgafrsia were zmuer etherwisa, but expxwsiye
ta rifle and gctueme so near as might be aewrdirzg to the lawes of England
as by the mid Comxnimions ready ix)’ be. aheweti may appears: E111: if any
of tbeese yrintfid Iawea and aria-iaaitm  we“ the said Bzxrgaue referretx-h, may
seem too seufiare as vppan gains of fieath to be obserued (%1oWs»c:nm19 being
rightiy weighed they are iustifiahie by the fame of Engiamé) yet they
were not framed by S” Thomas; Smjrth as most vntriziya aieagedg but by
those wcsrtizye Gnfinofl in Virginia as fihe. very titie 3: printed preface to
the book. its>e1fe- aetta dawns; W“ lawns and articlw S‘ Tlxsmas Emyth
was so {arr from frameing or making them as in his letbera written to
Captains Martina, one of the first Piaintera, and :2 special}  at time:
trams in Virginia, he signifgred his ciisiifke of the stricfinea thereof fearing
is would discourage men fmm gassing to the 2’Ia.ntaé‘an_, yea, afii the 335121
Guano", vii she {mid L-away: and S? Thomas Daie disceasad, as aim S’
T116 Gain 1&5 Captains Argali sucisessiuely, new liming, and reaaziye to
witness did see such 3. necwitye that the mid Eawm should be made and
pubiiaheci in some mm, ad terrarem, anci in some to be truei;/sr executed,
as w*‘*out W“ the Golnny cmnsisting than sf sunk debayst &;i:regu1ar ;’;$<‘:v31S
could not gstmibly mntinue: Ami it is a isvoulcf almmder that S’ Thomas
Smyth and cshhem practizaing W“ him did prim: the said i)«:ss::1{_a.ncl pme’ti;.ze

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s§L.M£*—“.Rl!EZAN $4-iI§M0R‘¥

The Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
606-1737.

usan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume III:

iscellaneous Records -- Tabooiemmof Contents

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52.? Rfiflfifififi 037' TH'.E‘ VIR£§‘INI.e%. GQMPAATY

those things for their owns mas, fisst nothing being‘ danne by him in the
pmctize &. exeeufion thereof and secondly the 1r)ri:z1°i:.e1* yet liming can witnes
that he was éirecfaeci to print it not by S’ Thomas Smfrth alone 1:111; ‘by
Efillldrfi’ of his Mam‘ Counsel} for Vilrg: whereof many are very hon?“ LL
:5: kn“*, now liming cit of this hcvnorma house

And the saici S’ Thomas Smyth and Alderman §£2IhIISCr§t doe joyx.1ci;Iy' my
that, to their knowiedge the said Bargraue had nae m>‘minaE;:ca—n in any
Patient is make 1}. priuastaa Plamafion nor neuer made 3133*, much lags the
firsfi -as he wsntmeiye alleageth but they hehsiue tiaat W‘hm1t. Gomimion
fmm the Gaimpazaye he sent thitim: his Deputiw, 9. very d_iwr—-fierieril Crew,
that intruder} tlmm vppun the Lands. of mixer Planters. {Es Corxaitted outrage
and mpine ‘vppon the pore Indyans, as Captains Eéiartine, than in ”§"ir@'.z1ia
new in Loncitm made: the testimony of his hand aomplsyneth 8: is ready
being called to iustifye. "Neither (fore the said 3’ Thomas Smyth not
Alaienma Johnson beleiuea, nor know, nor is it by their mmnas £11336 he
hath sufiresd those supposed dmfiagea, of one thousand pounds in one
voyage to Virfinia, by reason of the 15”‘ and other Articles executed
there, but ‘ahejr my eonfiéentlyep, thai. if by Gapizaionie A1-gall then Gefiner
in Virginia the said Baxgraue was himiimd in his designa, is was to eiaye 3.
punishmzant for such. to; be anely Chzrheda £2 restrained of their will commas
wherissc-f Capiaine Argaii now réwicienia in London eom:;3ia.3rz1ie-fgh fir.‘ is ready
to izzsééfia agaixmstv Baezrgmua Beputyes :5; otimrs fihat Vader Ciauiler of gaming
to trade wit‘ the Indyaas did for their primate lxmre wzfurniah the Eoiinngre
of zlecmsary prouisismaz and furnish the I‘:1£:13*m'1a ‘wih Armes, or rob them
of their {2} come, and 3.330 to approtle ?.h,2.t-. the afiiormaid artmg, 1'~3$£I’.§,f§'I}§i3.§
all men on paainfi of deatli witiimut leaaue in take 62: Carry" shigsps mail vessells
out of the Riuer vsder pretense of '.1‘rmie'ing, whereby many pIay‘e{i the
Pyratts and took. their courses: to rob and spoyie, was very ium; am
neamrye.

And they vzteriy denye, as faieehr suggested by the mic! Bargraue and
mas}: imminent that. war they ioyned with the soie imporbees of tobacco
or that they an=11g'hts to defieyne the gniiment, w°h by $*' '.I“hc:sm.as Smyth
was abSBI}l%e§§' refused,‘ and‘ in open Court deny,-and to he mitt. in Egmgm,
neither aixd they ‘bamnsh the b.rin:gi1:ng’ home of Virginia. tobacm, that
itx-:_1.ng daring by mom that sueceadeé after he had ieft the Gofiment, W“
If it be a. mat 3rnzputa§on., it resteth vppmx them.

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The Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
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usan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume III:
iscellaneous Records -- Tablse _Qf-C_Q.n.tveMnts

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nrovgygmz {AFTER 2.2). mg: 523

And they doe further say anti thereof doe humbly desym this honomble
Comit-tee to be iaformeci that this Em-graue being at {write 500" it: inciebted
by his band Eong forfeited to the Virginia A.duernture" for tobaecca btmght
of them; This bond was put in sate by S‘ Thomas Smyth 8' John Wei-
stenlmlm. and Aidermzm Johnson ta wimme it was made by order from the
said Aduent“ Bargmue remooued the Cause into Chancerye w“* a.
r9.;v1ing= bifl against those three and others. New ferasmuch as it: the
said bili he iyeth downe the staying of his shipp, deteyning of his goods,
Cumbirxafion of Adderman Joimsan anti others to defeat him of an other
mmne w‘3‘ all the rest material} canteyned in his petiécan to this hone?
Cammittee, vnfier conifer of wet vniust complaint he detaines the Cause
in Chancery, and keeps the 5%“ in his hands, many witnesses are mam»-
iaed vppon oath of bath sydes the cause being reatiy for tryali, diuerse.-—
dayes in smmiry tearnaes heme been apipeintaed but by his :mo6rm and
suggestions putt ofi, and now 3 final} day being sett the IE)“ of this pate
Nnuember 1631 1:1’ Seuxxavell feed anti ali thynga‘ ready for hearing the said
Bargnue minding nothing less, eirnestiy moaned anfi ebteyned a «thy in
the next Tearme, Vader cnuller of further examining 9. witness already
swarms :52: examined. Which Course in Chau.ne-ery being of his nwne
ehmsing if himself WEE} new cieclyne by this his appeale, than they lxumbiye
pray that he may be inioyx1ed.first to éismis his bill. in cfmuncerye and to
pay them such Charges & moneyes as he hath so vniustiy detynetl and
caused them to spend in following his diiatary courses, anti they shaibe
willing to aubmitt themseiues in any any thing that this hmm;-able: Committee
511311 think fitting. Bat if he shalt so refuse, then the myd S’ Thomas
Smyth and Afdermitn Johnson doe further certiiie this honor“ Conxitme,
that z:otw‘hsts;n§3ng there many yeares paynes for the good of Virginia
their ewne diabm-smF' £5 great Engagements euen ta this day in the greatest»
dimsters of that Piantaéon many year-es before Bargraucs name was
kzmwfrxe in that works, as is mady ti: be witnessed by many against him,
and those, by whome he is animateci to this Ciompiaint, (S: notwith.stand.ing
they neuer wronged the said Bargmue by the least word or deed, yet he
ceaseth not in all places 5: by all deuises of tongue «Es pen to pursue them
in such repmachfuli. teas-mes & manner as is irntollsmhie for instance,
charging S‘ Thomas Smytb. w“ vntrue. and uniustzifiaeble ac-csoumpts & his
govmnarnt tn be (Idioms, the account» aping by Auriito" to be 5%“ indebted

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The Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
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usan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume III:
iscellaneous Records -- Table ssss Jgfflsssconstengts

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524. RECQRBS {BF THE FIIWINIA QU3r1’P.:?1J\n’1"

to him, and not he in it, and his pa;i.zzfuH gouermexxi: camended  rewarded
W“ sharm ef maid in a great Court maxi gefialiy app:-Tanned of ali

ihaii Cimrgeizzg the sayd Aidermian Jcoimsan w“ indirect deeiing & in plane
tearmes as may be skewed Vader his mme ham} xvii‘ caosenage, w“‘ abuse
of hfis maiitiazms tO=Z1gflii§ smmciefi so iawcie and wide as By sr;am.e rnemxs ii;
came to his jisiaiii sacred Bares, for “*8 his Ma"? note long 3ine»a. was p£eased
to sail the said Aidarmzm Joimstan to his presence, reiai;in.g to him ver-
batim the §»1:ietfie‘ta, 5: required his answsar in writing, W“ w=ithi‘n E3] few
dayes he brought and deiifieei in his Mam -v"nde»r éhe ‘teatixnenggre of a
gemarall assemhiye cf Thadveniurers which so fully cleared him in emery‘
particular that his 'M.a.“’ yvsing the same 3:: seeing him so abused, vppon.
his humkie petifion caused a refieirence to the new Mtunaey Glefiail for
the exmrisining the sayé Emgrame and one Meliing his aasmziatse anti to
determine of scsme likxurse in Start Charnbar to purxiah their vsean.c1el-.335
t4}.ugu—es., W9’ Course hath been yet fc:xr‘i3<2rne Witll pazziezszxca, expecting their
mxienzimamg whermf in this Ba.rga11e they see nae hope at :31}, iiaut still in
open Ciourt, in Fauies, in ya strizfits and in all ‘pieces w‘i¥:i'u:m$; cause, vsing
viie anti amndalous speeches amzi behauioi‘ against them

And therefore they pray this honurm Cozriittee to detexmfine some way
for Correcting tiiia warm and eiaing this their gszeiuauce W“ may be any
mans ease to be :33 aiémseari if he be sufired vfilmut punishment.

§Indomed:} S” Thomas Smyths «£2: aiderman Joimsons snsveere m the pa;-trim
him of John Bargraue
{In pemik} 1624 Apr. 22. Virginia

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{TEE}? 54%;.)

5'36 RE’6’0£fl$' Giff‘ THE Vffigffifffi. =6¥3.i!:2"PAN?"

52].
Eli paaman rnicanwna seat a Iattar. the 303:3? wlhaaawf is  7
dimaimi alarm, To Sir Eldwfim ;€e?7g:sesrE§{s‘,1i‘o1sf{Ki:i’g;’1s££ Trwmargzr sf VI?»
tZ‘t1I‘~iEI:'5.: and sulasarihnd, 453355! wrxi xisizas: .m3.aci arfmmsards by an
-vnknawms pawn mm a 3:432: in the iizmiae oi Edwin Smdys with
l<1°I.£3 same dimisfiiuzzz which being upx:m.etJE in (Evian, therein was found
in gold est}. gmmés, to im disposed of for $3242 adumafirm csf cirziidmn
mm 3.41633 of the Iniirietsla, in iifiizristiaaj mliginn and ciuility.

Mmfiezr Nicfrsiaus Famgr iii I'.¢:-Wilma. dammed, bath by his W323. giaxen,
33%} ii. to rim Gaiimiga in ‘§’lii(}INIl.%.,, to baa paid wliezrx there: shall ha
mu of the Eufifixsis eiziizimn plamd in it: and in we meant: time; 24.
pounds by this yaszm in‘ base: dishumd rum thaw disvahmsa and 300. '3: (L
gndly‘ man in him Goionia, wlhinzzh shall hxszmstiy iioring three ta! fiifi
lufidals cixildmn in ffihfimisn Raiigirm, anti some good mama M

{:2
an F‘
F’
D 4:
ct

Amw mi Hana by.

EL person xfixtaisag to be nsummi, haw: gjitmn to Kiss bflifitfifiix of that 16 Q ,3
Plmamim 1 '
Tim Gemttamxm Mari Marinara that cram in uh»; Ragaii-farms from.

ishsa $552.3: indies, imaeixmg at C'131.?1!‘ K0:¥cl~8};&7rm=m, hrmmwzsrd. E:o':md,} W 8 ,3
game: towards the litrilrifiizzg of B Frau Sahamla in VIR.£}}‘NI.&, £0 ha ' ' ‘
nailed the East India lflfrsamte,

E0531

Tiewamia this iartharsnm at zt-Em Emit  Safaris, an vnixnowne par»: 33 0 a
sun hath added. £1143 summer; at ‘ ‘ ‘

A pemou: infusing‘ to he named. 1x:;sthgix:m:x this szmimsés at -$6. shiilingag

324:9‘ mzrnam far mm, for 3. 5{an:r1.cs:r,. to be preached bsfvure the ‘¥"IE;~‘ 4%.: par any
£§I§€£.:§. Cmzazpany.

At Etna Quarmr Gsimrk held flu: 3%. ad .I+mmryr 3.631. by 2: person not

fidfiing 8-91 wt to ha knowns, was seem in gold '35  ta laalpa £nm*4;1rfl:. 25. 1}. (3.
the Emit India Scfieic-hr.

M the ssmzw Quarter Court fi= small Bible wit]; a Cmmr richly wrmnghs,‘

a great Cfhnr»2h~}3ii21ev, the "Banks of Clxxmmnn Praytar, and other

boaoiznm mm pwsantmi  be sent to ‘Virginia, in the name of as pews m 0 ,3
when had ma yam lzmtom smile far #1112: vs» of  iiilalixufga at ffamica; ’ ' ' V
5’. Augmztim 13¢ ciuime. mi, Efluiaarter Parking‘ his ’E¥B<1'ik3.‘.»’S; and am eexaazt

Map of xinresriaa: the gimp is ram kzrmrwm, but film hmka am valuaefi

at tiiizem by Inmate: Efiamaa Eergramx, a Essiiniatetzr in V'EB.GIH§.i£.} 10% mar”
dmmd. fur am we ui -um Caxiimiga, 5. Libmry mafia at J‘ ’ ' ‘

EM}

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts. 1606-1737. Page 2 of 2

$110 73\¥i1*1i9ég of a Iron» 0! antattammsnt for mm mmmm, at Igmgsv 15:110. 0. 0.,

-mm. is a Ckmtzihutinn made h5'_f‘Jm Initmhitanza in viaomza my
 n.I3:n:‘i1a1'£Erxg to the: wing of

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The Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
606-1737.

usan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume III:
iscellaneous Records -- Tagbggle QfggCgo_m;egnVts

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5193 I%IE1.'ff.?RBS {JF  VIREINIJQ GGMPANY

make a trim and Iwfuii {3¢rtifi.+::ai:¢ of emery man so tmnspmteti or iaufiedr
in Virginia or shipped. as afmeesaid to $31: entred by the Eseére of the 5-mini
'l‘i"er anfi fliompanie into a Register  for that purpwe to he kept.

Ami Zmicreouer that the said Aziuesxtsuriura ’t.hei.r Tematilgfi and sertzaiitfi
rcspargctiuely shaii nppifie them: 3911193 in fiimair Ilirmzfgnnfi aizri Eai:rt;n'“ tam tha
pstiinga of the Qiapla and mime C}z)fir'm<lEt;1£.~.,s of {Some W;m:e Eran E3ii3.r:e
Siikgrasse  & film: imrdf Timfier zulsii other the like and mm‘. finely
or flhiefeiy to Tobacco.

Ami iastiy the ;said Ae:1uer1tumm their hseiréss anti Aesrignes ahalil pizmss anti
a‘:zm,ynta§I1e or Efitififi to he 'g:«i..a.r.:z:=e:I and maintatynazd from time to tgimc‘: :1
sufficient Minister and Preacher of the vmsrd of God ammzgafl the irzhabie
tzmtéi of their saié ytiaxtfar Piantafisan W“ ailotfian‘ amt} aiirzwancxa of mach
,g1e,al;>Es anal ianrifi and 43'tfiE3l‘ ggroffitifi for his liberal! Izxayrxtenancfi as the
53.511 '1?mas1.zrur and Cksnagpamie by their ctizarmts ham: apimiutserzi or anal}
appoizite In I¥’itmesa~e whereof the said Tm&;sum“ and Comggzanie to the
one {am of this Iuzignturea Fume set: their lemli and czofiion E-ieale awxzi to
the other gate irmreai the said 8* John Wemmnhoinse in his owns name and
in the mum iii‘ the rest of him Adwznmra” aforesaid haztix saw his Sczaie
Giuetn in 3  am! general} Comm of the said Tmasum‘ an/ti Comprmie
the day and were  about: written.

CCXVII. Imam Iim-wan W;1;.;ums.. ’Dmm1m m Gflaxrcmxwr, Bmmunua:
VERSWS $122 Thomas Smrwam 3': AL.

ii‘1£;miu.a;11' 19, I622

$i.:s!l&- Pxtpsers  0, 1, Eiofrzmxrs II, 35%. 4, II
Ducuxiiemfi its Fuizlix: Emmi-’x‘i CiE§iu>¢g, {angina
List of iismrzis Na. 3132
My mg my-zrlxriercnrii Deeimo mars» die fiebmaarii Anna: Rtzgni Jacobi Riasgi’ timiznleri
gf’ §;"::‘;‘f }§;‘;f: mmcz Inter .}3>he:i'i“i Bargiarxe QM‘ Tiiomzi Smithe Mil. Joker?) Wo!ste13—-
srmwuemmhe hoirnc: mu! Rzmtuai Jczixnscrn fxlclssrruafi Lancirm Wifiini fawning at
irfiériiirnii Iihaiugten Defend”

fioras::nur:E1 as we-ta the hveareirag and image deitsetbeing of the ’ma-i.t.e:r this
filmnt dais in this fflseflee of the pties and of the £Il‘«:m:;i:::-ail Immased urn both

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usan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume III:
iscellaneous Records -- T._.a_IbIeooof_.__.CgnteinJ;s

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FI§BEU.z*iI€‘F I3, ISM 59$

pies, zfior anti touching the Bond of Sflfl“ in qtiwtion against W“ the pit
prayeth mleefe, and nisae touching that pl“ wrcmnges and insane by him
rwezuwfi by the tiefendif mesnw as hi} eoneeauefsh, fits! act hum demmxndeth
mfiéfiaeéau anti fiafizagm by his msixi }3i:i.i .: Itt a*p;3ea:Iretia 3*‘ £113 ‘Efirgiinia
Cmnpazxie here in Lmuxiczti ai;m‘ut afanxmsria 1618 grauuted 3. }:m,t;%.en’t wits)
Captains Eiiartiua ffiar him and his assignes free Tmfiiqua mt the 333$
and Iriiuam in mimosa pm of Virginia, W9‘ hcimge vzagm the Saizl (l‘mn13:1.t1ie;
whewrppan the said gzif. as asssigrzw of the said £3ap:tai:a.s Evimtina, flfifi.
miyeing vppun the mid Fattant, sciyd in his gram: charrzigaao fumiahe as
Pyfinane Clzziiad the Fsdwjfua of Lfafifiiiyia, with men and wares of gnarl
valxm fytt for the mid piszntafion, and sent the same W“ time said Captaine
Martin into Virgnia, Where beings: arrimmci in ?'«‘I:.~zy’ 15*’ 33% Regé, The
mid ?3«msa»*;e as is afiirmcd, was 133;? 3;“ tei1:~m Gnuezrna’ of ‘firginia cimwyeti,
debarmxci, and hinxzlemd of the fires Trade naither was ghee sxlfiereé to
track: in anie things: but by the allaawunce and xvarrantt;fti1«e said. gtxuernoima ‘mm of
vpc;-3:. paint: of death, éy ‘mamas of a hanks of Eawas imprinted and §-E:m‘e1**WP*5wW59«“*0
n:n1:s.yneinge, anal of private  Wrytt. by twine of the M.ag.swi :13 Com» m 9:‘
pmaia vntau the said gmzemor, whicla Magaexina €.‘a:::1paniewas then. newiie
erected by the ‘Virginia ilornpsmie and wherwf the said 3*’ Thu: Smith,
S*J:)I1a Wtéisttmhaime and ikldcnnssn Jnhmasn am {aim xirincipali in mimo-
turing; in i:«§fli3 mid E’9«‘Iey.zine or ixnyzit. smek, xv” isms were 1:4’) this esffect,
that the gzsfino‘ should 11-2345: suflaar the Tobacco am} Sassafrassa to name
02:19:: in p'rixrs.te hmxrffi but my the Magazine for the good of the Gompanie;
I33; memes wI1em:vf the said pt :13 Ewe aifirmcth, not oxmig lost; the izserximt
of his free: trade, but. aims his mid shipp was inforcaeii fat) sta:3§:e- them ahznut
13”” monetknes to his axtmordinaries gmata. Cfhsmigae sends fismtmdgaa; and
in tfkazmvzi because the I‘s:Eagmin.e game not Que; as ‘$1338 mzgzectexi, the :33 had
Imus to reatome his mid skiing; to czmie nmvse to t.i‘n:~. Ccimpania of the
estate of the flcllanie anti was aufiercxi 5:31) haue some trade. 11:: W“ said
?_’§’13Ii23.{§i3 the pf. hmughis cm: 2: nmttar of 3100“ waighi: of ’I"(:1§2:'tI::x3z:3fi3I1‘
himzwife and about 506.10“ waigimt beirzmging to tixsa mid C‘-umpesxzie 311;?
the passeagem;Az1d.y’ mid ?yi:nx2.ssa::e rydeing in the §iiuer}1¢%r=z:,yt agppmrn
eith that there was ofiemd 8'“ the pound for £31m‘: Tohaemes therein, and
marine after the said pi“ ’E‘»::I3a.c.4::a seimfi in the Custaanxe Excuse for Gustome
as the pi.’ aiiigznetsh where man Emma] was due, has being (11145 inf thfi1CfimPflfl'§9i
But the defies affirme that. it was seized by the ffarmo" wtzhmat tiieire

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usan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume III:
iscellaneous Records —- Tab|e_s.sOf..COn,.tgegnts

  

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6330 RECPQRES (BF THE’ 1’I£££?INL~i C@MP.d:V?

privytie oneiy to take notice of the Carmine qugmtyfiie, To themci fihegr
might; "bane 3.. defanlcsfixxn in theire Remus from the Kingt Eieiafi/* of V3“ for E
everia pound (his 1591593‘ "hanging gmunted to 3*“ said Gcmparfie. power fa)
tmfie .£::n:* 3 time wiheut paieing smie Cuamme for the germ of tire myd
Flantaficn. And aibeit “the said. pl‘. was free: of the Szfid Gompaxiie, and
that S‘ John Wolstenhclme is both a. Emma: aué (me of the Sompanie,
Wimmby hm might ham taken notice of the »saix:i pi‘; yet the gain? pit,
Cmzid net name his Tobacco egaine vntifl has bmught 3. Sartifycaisa from
the said 8‘ Tfhn; ffimithe W“ hee Gauici not pi-tmzre vntiil bee vnriserwrytt to
give ICE)” to the vase of the Sam Cfimgmnie-, By me..mms whereof -the pi“ mid
Tobacco was di:<ta.i£11e(i in the (Eastern House abctute three weakea, zfuminge
W5 time: the pi’ feat-eing that the price of Tobacco might. fall, and Comm
maueing that we East Gm1rse.fé:rr the Exnulriixig vpgz -of the said prim was
to buy she Saki €3n—mpsm.ie and passengers inbaace; Hee the staid pi‘;
E‘:+oug'i1t 17%" ‘might of the saxid Gamparxiea Tobacco at the mite of 3'
the yzzund, and paid about 1843*‘ in hand and vncierwrytt for the ressis, and
algae. bought about 4599“ weight of the said pasaangesrs, and there Ewing-
alsne than s§.2o1'tii.eaft£.H' a Magazine shipp so-m—e Que: w"‘ Efiiiflifi“ Waight of
Tabasco ms fihereagbautfi, the said. pl‘ likewise bought xx 1166" ’ weight
tixereaf of the Comgmnie at the rate of 5‘ 3*‘ the pound and. had 14%“
defies giuen him to put; in sacuritsye for the same, whamvpcm éflflifi” might
of Tobacco at‘ the pi. was ciepaayiml as sacrxrisie for tziae same, Etmii acme
of the Cempanie were apganinteé to sail the said 1§0i3‘” weight for the pi.
But the :31‘, am being aitile to gait; sale of his said Tomatoes, and Enaueing
alien fem: shipps ricieing in the Riuar, zeadie ix; gee owe: againe, anti lying
hsmre at his grveate Chardgas for want of monies to fumishe the mme, hea
the mid pi wile: the Consent of the said deits and seine others of the 'Cr:rm-«
panie 1:s»'Sé11tv remrned the said ilfliifl“ "weight van) 3° said ~Can1pauy, W“
this special} agreenz‘ that the mic! pi. aim-u.i.de $113 15!?’ mm the snié
Cflmpanie in Consaidera-Eon thereof, And if the mid Tabasco sizoulé bee
soufid for more than 5* the pouniie, tifxen the 333% pi. was to hang the imrease
of benifitfi, but if wide: 5‘ the pound, than has the said pi: was to loose his
said 15%)” and mate satisfied; fie: w°=h purpose the same was to bee acsuid,
mail 3. mate was made and subiscryiaed vnfier the pi. hand, amé Eire saié
pi‘. about 32*‘ same time entered into the saiti bond of Six)“ ‘.é'33.€»6 the 
1 Sic.

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The Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
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usan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume III:
iscellaneous Records —- TabiceV__ofgC_Qngtengts

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FI*2'f?R'IxZ*1RY I9, 16%? 65,11

ziafit S’ The»: Smith and S’ John Woisstenlinime tea the we of the mid

‘lompaaie before bee Ceuid hf$£'£I& his 4380“ ‘weight deliflii} for the peicm‘
znf the said 1:'i»i}“ and of the 3130” see ‘vnderwrytt. fat men free deiiuezfiiéx] of
1." pi. Tabaczxcx out of 3*“ ifiwst-nmhouse aforesaid, emi aiszzm for 3:” pzaiemi of
y‘ manim vagaaide for the first bargains of I’fI}f}" weight of Tahawm;
‘Sbertiie after 3* retrzsrningi of 3;‘ bmgaine of 3:‘ said 110901‘ “‘ waéight asw W» suixey
aforesaid {fizz} wfitfin two iiaies 3* saiuzi deffifi 3-:x'1;dd.};‘ said ‘Tohaouo mxxsangsrt §‘;%?flf‘f:m:f":‘;w"
théeeiues at 4‘ 9‘ the pound and 4.3. mountings defies of ifiiiii-31371‘ wherein 3”’ H ‘ ' $6
said dafw Johnson. was far 331:6 thereof izoth 3. sealer .z12:z_d buyer, w“ sais
tire pi’ Cmceaueih is has imiusi, and afirmeth 3:‘ by message of 3* dezts
sineking of the pr<ir2se~ :31’ Tobacco §a:::=::I§ the tietaimaing of his Tobacco, the
5:! we i£;»s't. his maricett as yt hat: was inforeeci in mi? his 430%“ waight» of
Tom? we depoeyted as a.f«:n-maid vats him 3': kept 3*‘ same but at the rate
af 5" 3" y“ pomzzd, and alsme maid 3* reef. of his Tabasco at 3*” swing: 1-ate;
Hmrbeif. 5?‘ the said pt. was ta pay after 3*‘ rafie of 3' ya p-mind, both to
3» dettfi & Company for the sayd hargxine of }.’?{E}” waigizt, and aiamza for
1:‘ said? ps.w:11_gars Tub? as afmr>ess.id; fit): -.a.IEI wk away and Bosses y"'_;)1'
ezieulaumieth satisiacfiau ck dmiflagfi from 3'4 said tfeftfi Wth whoma Ewe
kherafiore dealt as y’ principal? of 3* said Magazine filzampmiy; Whemvparai
y‘ right 36”‘ 3* Lu; Kw? Ibeing new amistexi. by SM‘ Justice Jones dam
deaissre 3." the said pi. hath greata cause of Compiaint, but dam not see
3." fihme iomes cant: be repaired in: flange deftfi. fit? yi wmught in Virgiaig
is regard 3* 5' The: Smith and y* rest of the detm are not here Let) bee
esharged as private men, (fi1THE€,}" being iE33%”flE%*€$ wt}: yr fiompanie, and their
ae:::t.‘< & daeingfl in 3"‘ name & for y‘ henifitt» of 15;“ Company, and therefore
his Lo” szannat rseleeve 3“ pi. touching these geiiall Wmxagfi in 3." Cmte of
equiigr, 3;‘ some  nmmsr aj:2penEmIn.ez‘*::g £9 :1‘ esiaie emf more IR: £9 baa:
Campfainssi of at the Cmmefi T425349, tmio w” Cbmse féfs Ea” éeaueih 3;‘
pi’. Betas teaching 3‘ said bond of S30“, fiomaxnueh as his Io“ suspectath
fr‘ ye aeisure of ye pi” Tainan-:1» aforesaid was by Connyeanevie or ycurmn.‘
of y‘ Ciompanie, Ifewbeié it xiobh not plainely appeare they were 3*” cause,
sit his in“ seem no reason 3?” said. C»o:r2pauies,1mui& maps bvenifitt. by 3*‘ said
stage made wheawfby 3-‘ prim of Tub? was wank, rm-ifiiaaazr man his is)“ here in .5W§”‘¥_'tW”" W‘
Equity naake 3!‘ pi‘. a gminer of his liliilfl“ ” weight aforesaid vpsox-1 a. Goneeigatm film”
of gaine, there being no mange paid for 31* same 615:: mwly a ba~rgz2§'ne in

‘ Altamd by the mpyist mm: “mv*ias:w‘ing.” ' Six:

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The Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
606-1737.

usan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume III:
iscellaneous Records -— TambleAgfgggCg_q

     

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5532 .EE‘l’_".9l§FRBl-8’ 0.? THE VIE-i§"Ih'IA. iS't‘J}!;%'Psi3'\7I"

word, and an 3!“ other me his icy’ thizmks not 53% y* pl. should bee as mm
and pay moxie}? 011% of his §I'|J.i% for 3*‘ hm maid rim: mafia not reazeaulzs by
msmnm of the lpszsafiingt afurwnid, Thamfcm it is fi1)C2Llg31ԤEIf.1ۤ*E:'EIE& and me
A nrdared 2111921 decrease} by his in!‘ {being a.s~.a:Es.te:i as afamsaid} 3;‘ tha said
§:’:yf:;§::h:’:,f3‘;§ pt. ahalbaae ailxjswesi and -ifiiscimrdged of the said 15%” and 103“ we vvmiew
qgishi  5,,_m:yt&en as afarmaid, Mad 3" the pi. shall onaly pals: sitar 3?‘ rate of 52:; 3:}
3” I’ i><~=W1»¥ y‘ pmimi fair his Emsgaixm of 1f?.'{3l}“ wsfight» of Tehame  kisizzglat as afore-
said at 8‘ 33* pmmda jmr see much as is yet impaide far: and 3;‘ El‘ Robert
Rich 3:.‘ mm of 3*‘ .3sr‘Za—" of this Qazzite shall takle 5*‘ aceaumpt touching yr
said bazgaine of i7l‘30“ might, what is aimaxiy paid for 3" same by 3*‘
said gilf. and what 3'‘ resydue mpayeii for amounlseth ‘mtg after 3" miss {)3
5' 3‘ 3:‘ pound as aforesaid mad allnwed by wage of‘ d£::§m3laa;(Et:m, 3:“ said
158” and 103“ afomaaid, and what‘ hath Eugene alrmdye rexsaaued, and
than tha I‘%S3i’£§¥.w rzamaynirxga vxapaied and appeareiixg by his mport am-.2:
£0 be made xkmallboc: fortlmith pzziefi by the mid pf. unto {Jim daftcs to the
vet: cl! the said iklmpamia, and thereupon the said Emndt: {if am“ shzzlhee
furthwtla szi-elifiegi Vii? s.z::.ai —Ctuma1§:exi, and film miérzi manta giuax; by the
said pi, vpma the remmvs~.in.g Esaauglt azxf the aai—cI 1i{}£)€§‘” xamigixt. u,i'omsai.x:i
ahailme than. aime ciefiaiered mm the said pf.

Eiudm-aedrl Captains Ba:-g1-zwea Em:-as. Virgnfixain April 5: ilklay 16233.‘

EEQXVIIZG Swarm Kansans Comnmw. Chum‘ Eda SQMER Ismmiia
Fmam::.mY 25, 132132
Ferrm Psp-firs

I)r:xru§fment in Eviagdsiima Collggrx, Cambridge
List of Reuwrzzls. E0. 3613

At." >3 Court held 3* Sum” Iilmds 2% Feb 35%! ’I"he Ciofiiizifee appointed
by the last Quairlm Cmma to ’mae:t-La ugmn llefmadalyes in the afternoons
to advise and maixsider of the most convenient place am} manner of planfinge
that pmpflréon at‘ land, the I»’£rg£m3:: Gmnpanie hath granted tan: the Samar
Hands Cjflmfififl-Y hsvinge: not as yet mail about it: It ‘was upon mofian
at the mid iilafsuria agmm and ox-ciemd tiuzt the maetinge hereafter should
mnstmitly be kepte upon Mnmiayes witha aftammne at  flepvutyes

I am. ‘An Wm: :43 Rm 4% max: 4 I‘, as wall M i if-. in I3. 0. I. roll IL

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The Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
606-1737.

usan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume III:
iscellaneous Records —- Tpagbmlge, of ,CoIn_tmer1:s

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&PRIE 12 {F}, I5‘£’.? 3555

CECXXI. Jams: Bwqnaw. Caanams .&G.5.tN$'i‘  Fomxan Gamay-
mfsnm or Vinazm ’

AFRIL 12 C1’), .1633

State Fe.;;:»era—_, £3, £3‘. 1, Voiume II", No. 4,1
Eoctxments in Puhiio .’Re<:on1\"Z1°fi.'w&, Landau
 of Records 39:30. 36.8

Articm émwne out of the Informafien of John Baxgraue Esquire shawinge
the setzerall abuses of £1513 former 7  of the piantafzon of
Virginia

fihewing $0 yes‘ 110“ as I bane fc:rm‘9Ey clam imtsh in Fariiam‘ and {'Jh;amer;_¢.

That whereas the king E*eIz‘a§“" for y"’ a&van.<:em‘ of r said piantafio..:a die}

by pzaztteent Enmrpcrmte a. free Canmpanie the body whereof Qonsistinge. of

a Timer or his Eiieputy 4 Counseilzf‘ and xv C0::u:2.:rz9:3 whiz: being Wad to

make theirs law-was assweil by the staid patient, as b3M:ert:1in;e royal; 'Inm:ruc~

écms giuen by Elia Mam .acwr:§,ing to 33° lavas of Engiand, and both they
ishfiselues and sank as were ax,§1::1i.tted by them #0 he of 3* Carrzpt were to

Emma free trade in Virginia as by ‘size myd Pattaxlt appsam'se'1:he.

First your Petitioner Gharcigeth S” Tixomas Emith To hmze {C50I1f«1‘&I"3i'* to
his Mia“ aaié pattent and myali. instmcfians and to V“ Gfliiififl isms sf
England) Caused to bee pfinted 5.1 cermina bracket of Ti,ranit.:a.lI gx:m9nm‘
in "Virginia, as by the said hzmke pisented w“‘ the $3316 yatiéon appeareth,
whereby many of file kingfi aubieatf. ‘fiiaere lost. thaire lium, and were
bzoixghi; into 3i,£vL£E£I”3?', and the petifiofl and thizxse hae impiaygd were
themby much da1n'pnif%e:;1 to theire grams 19539:. Thm; the said 53? "£‘ho:.
Smith Ald—e1'1nan .}“oh’nsm1 and nstisners (m;mtrar}' to 3*“ said. pattieut. fiiid
1?.nst.m¢Enns) by practice smd faction hams: framed 3. Cfempanie w*‘*h being
able hy most vaiécw to earring iihe goifinm‘ as they list, haue» therehgr ‘made
3 Monopoly of Ty‘-‘ piantafian and of 3* lake‘ of ai}. fly‘ =;;13;nt;e-Ira there, Si'I§G}:€lIkg
and raiaainge» yr prises of Ceexnodities as S or 4 of them list, mrreing free
trade from anie other free of the Comxmnie but themseiues, seiizmg theire
gmcit before theire faces, and by aeirting of prizes ozxeiy of "}'ovba.m:{a and
Samafrasse, T1133 Gauseci all other staph» Comoflities to bee neglected

1-This is a copy, not an autagmph, Ami its in fihe 53311331 MW» 53 W9 ‘WW 9‘ “*3 F‘°i’~m‘'’“ {hm 9*

Records. No. 383} 2%. GCXXII, ptial.
‘].2S§«-—l>§3sm««v-»:l!l)

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606-1737.

usan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume III:
isceilaneous Records -- Tmamb_l..e ..._Of wCQ[1t.en,ts

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596: RE{3‘0R‘i}S OF THE 1¥’I.£?1'.?I£*s?I:’i CEQMPANE’

there, see as 3 or 13 siaipps goeing to Virginia in one yeare, all came from
theme amgatie except. the Mewzine shigisgae. Tlmi; the mid S’ T‘§.m. Srrzithe
Iafactizeing wԤ1 3. 4. or 3 W11 he tenneth. the Camp: i::=_1; secrefit instrucfmis
giuen. to 3* gmfim;-’ in ‘Virginiia to barre 3;-*3‘ peat“ trade, by the Tirranous
iaws thaza-e ‘Wh made it deatll to trade, by detaiméing mi 3* pet" goodfi, by
iraudiient sake at‘ them, and by makeing stay of his shipps, name fisiiudiceri
the pet‘ and his ptner to 35* vasiew of fififlfiii

That whereas 15"" pet’ hath made: pffe of all theis abuses in 3:“ Claarwery
vprm a fuii homing there %afcs.re 39* right he” ya Ltgarazi Keeper, whoa finciaing
it to bee matter of state mferrad the pet.’ in this how ‘beard.

'§‘hat. this faafious» and px)1s:mler gm:‘3‘m:;‘ beam 1):; voices fmmried on a
imynt stock will {if it has not 1’33u.e;nted) 13,3" 3*’ foundafimz of 3*’ pianméun.
in such {anions and dimsraierad rraaiter that. will In:a.i»:E it unma.p£:a'i3ie of
3;‘ fnmae trash must hmsld. it in Engiand; This i()§’nsC‘.1‘frSt()~‘3§{9 Ehemfryre hszirtg
313 spent and Cfeaseti, the Gauge of 3;’ gmfinm‘ by ‘mime [being tskran
away) this iii efifeevi; in the gweniimi gf)l39ilm‘ should iikexsrisa Cease to he
rast.raii1Ed, but this must be mud-orig; handled toil time forms of g:::«u9m:rr*
in Virginia bee setleti.

That 32* plantaéon new subsiatinge canal}; of y* puixliqaze servarzteé planted
by the ietfiariea and riiu9se primate Cfiaziionies same whereof are planted. E3’
mania adu£:r1ti1rc>“'* others by one or 3. feiwre, The gzwzzater Coimw wilfi by
their mania mi.ee.s carry gr" gorfinm‘ from 32* lesser Arid Loncim: t0g'=i:~;i.her
wvih 3*‘ Ex<:hangg,w‘h theim Viciéraity‘ of pfiam steered 133; 3;“ gou‘3‘:m‘ to
works his cawrxe emdfi Qlit of tiiexn $11, by l‘¥}€ik.t’!iI‘ig yé ge11’9::m’ in “‘i.x“irgi:)i9.
his Creature he made d‘is_p0s& of 3;‘? wlmie Aplanmfiarx or of smye pa-ivsta
11123118 astam as he ‘list; This by experience E 'h.au»a fmmci true, and althmagéix.
there imtl: beam. of late grmd laws. mmie to fiirz-221:‘; it and 3*‘ the gm19m"‘
has now in ‘good. ]'i.and~€, yei:.'r1:Jtfz$z1ge But 32*‘ altering of ifixts forms Cian doe
it, w=if: aiteratiaza to 13% made zmmrciing to y* izmrease of 3* plraxltaéurxg
is ;;-mised by his 3'13?“ insmméons dated 22.“ Nouenbr‘: 6? J36:

That. 3* body poiitiek of y’ {fining}: Ewing to fiensist as zafcareaaizi of 2. sets
number of wrhi 3”’ Thrér or iris daaptmy is to be of 33 Comm, they being fa
make them laws a.cm)rdé§ng to 3:‘ leave of England, yf gr" Trér or his deputy
shaii due any vnlmfuii am: or anye actae contrary to yr‘ form? ardaem. made

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APRIL 1.? -(1'), I632 497

in C-fie, um: hanging 3*‘ full etmmhar, and 1?‘ any private 2.:;i:1:entur::>»’ shall
resceaue gfiudice tilerebzr, t.&z2;sr stand iyable First; of Genaure by 3?“ s:tais«e
for 1:-reaah of theire C30II}§$'§i{)fl, aecondly to 3"’ C?am.pany, there being new
as haw made in print against eiich actt that punieheth am; with dis-
fmnehisemeent. Tixirtilgy‘ they mate am. wmrzgefi are to rescuer damages
by law or aqumie.

That ya‘ pet’ gatzrwneing Vader 32° burthen of theis s:s;:)p*saE.o213, hath since
his first eutsering into :9‘ planmfion endeavaurcfi a measnes of reclmsse
aaswelil for y‘ puhiique as for himseliei, and in them! dmweinge it to 8.
‘meafikzed and forme. hee tendered it to  ‘I310: Emifih mum 4 yams slime
mgether w‘}: 3 mmnea to .gai.:1m1 growing ané. inereaseing stock, by erecting
a. Megazitn for the. pubiitgue and makeing it 3*“ Farmer ix: 3*“ kinge of 3;‘
su1evimpQrtafinn.uf ’f*oba.ceo, but has nutwhatanniing his Esffam then offered
3?’ sale ‘importation for -5Gt}{‘.i“ § annfié, anafi 3"‘ tmre was then. to bee re»
msmreci abome. 26 car 3131300“ -of V ;3u’Eii‘icgue1<§tt.ai‘ie moneys, 50011115 wherenf
wcmid than ham: mafia this stocaiw, has then mfumzi. it, his deputy and
himseife Tammi some others ioyraeing w“}3 him draagmeing to take it i:hem-
mines, as it aftersvard &p1lFE’:{£1‘e13; when they ofieregi S or 10663“ for it.

That timers being now‘ my waie left to make: this pubiiqua stock but by
searching into 3;‘ old dehttg, anti S‘ The: Smithes  and vnexfiinahle
aemxnpug and the sham of the gpu9m‘n‘ I humbiie intreafae gm‘ Lo“ eyrie
in 3*‘ obtaineitxg of 3 Cszsmission fmm his Ixaiai“ for the exaininge, mcxtifyinge
and mrdaringe of the mini ;ga;21a9mn‘; That thereby ya’ get‘ maie bee irate-;e.ued,
the publique wrongs 1-etirma-:1 and such an fame settéieii, that &.oe:inge
right to all pties intemseed in the plantaénn, it rimy fixe the go’u*9"ament
of "'i~’iz*ginia in a dependensay on the fifirmvrxe czf England.

That- there is a learned treetsice written by 8s Semi that cans, himaeife
Iigzmtus Qoncmiing the gm19n::n* oi‘ Virgirxia; To whiah treating the Gourte
hath giuen gmrci allawameg This the pat‘ intreatetixe maie iikewise bee
hmught in that them maise bee mi) ihelpe wanting that wilii giue furtimmsxce
so {ibis ‘noble busizme or Candace to the atisaineinge of this 1331; and of
houiding t.he:p1a,nta§on to England.

Efndgfgggfig in magi}: in 3, mgfisrn hancizi Vir_g‘:tia qu. 1622 inaiasure
[£2 ekprii W22}

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xi}-‘RIL 12? (£3, IEEE J}?

in Com, not imueing 3?‘ full Iaember, and 3;‘ any grrrimte a£¥uen.turn* xsliail
receaus pfiiuflice thareh-yr, they stand iyahle Fiirsts (sf Censiire lay 3;“ state
for breach csf theirs: Cmnisaion, secondly to 3;’ Clonipany, there being now
a law mania in mint against such act? that 1:1‘uni3huth Eiienu with dis»
frmmhisema1::t_ Thirdly they thaw are wronged. are to manner a::1a.:rm:u.gea
lay law or estfizitiie.

That yo’ pet" gmwneing wider y“ bu:th.en of theirs omgfisisionfs, ‘imizh since.
his first entering infra 3;” plantaénn endmvniired a meanea of I'fiCi.l"i33i‘§$3
asweil for :5?" puhfique as for l1i.n1:=.zc:l.fe, and in mend drmveizage it to a.
mmtimd and fovrrna bee tenriered it to 8* Thu: Srnistifn some 4 yerw since
mgetiier Wk 3 meanest to gaiwz 9. growing anti ir'wrea:§eirn{2; stock, by Etrex;t§iI3.{:,‘
:3. Eiiegmsin fer the pubiiigue and malaeing it 3:?“ Farmer to ye hinge uf gw
sale importafian nf Tabasco, but hat: ziotw‘imtam:iir:.g his; Ma‘*“‘* than ofiiered
1;” sale irnprsrtafiun for 5600“ Q rimnii, and 3‘ there was then to Ema re.»
waned ahoue. 20 or Bflflflil“ of y“ pu’f31ic;ue'1o%ta.rie2 moneys, 5{)tH}“ whereof
wouid tliaen. ham: made tuhig awoke, has then recflzzed it, his; rieputy m:i.c:i
iiimseife anti wine others ioyneing Wk him t1rAe:a.me§.lag to take it them-
aeiuezé, as it afterward appeared 'whr::‘; iaiiey offered 8 or lflfififlii fm it.

That there being new no waie left to make this publique steak but by
euarehing into 3*” old debtf, and S’ The: Smithes grcisse mt! vne:«a§.i*r:ai>l.e
acmmptfi, and the abuses of the gfiu9mn‘ 17 humbiie int.reaf.e gm‘ LG” ayda
in 3% ahtaineing of :9. Clemissrion {mm his l5ei:a““’ fer the axainirtfj-jig, rectifyinge
and rmzieringe :::f the said g:m9nHn*; That. ‘€i'1.£éI‘ElC}}’ 3'5‘ pet‘ maie bee reiaeuad,
the publique wrongs redrwsed and mach a Eorme settler}, thaf; tixizeinge
right to 3.1}. ytiw i.ritea-tamed in the gilazitaéan, it may fizeze the iI;%3i1"1’¥'nflm
of Virginia in it xiagmndenaey on the Cmwrla of England.

That» them is a learned treating writ-teri by 5. (Eleni that ‘cam; himseisfe
lgxzoltus Qnneeming the gougmii‘ of ‘Virginia; To whirah treatise the {iaurte
hfih giqgggg gmxi zz11t:m'.ar.u:e; This the pet’ intreatat.he nmie iikewisae her:
brought in ‘that there muie bee no heipe wearing that Wm gE12(%‘fl1f$l1!3§‘*&fIf:8
. .». « 1 ._ :.,__:_.M. ..... rt.....Am..1. am +kn m%.ta::.innin§m. nf ti‘ai:Q 155$ flmd ("if

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts. 1606-1737. Page 2 of 2

    {)I,' ‘s..)9Z..L1£§|«€e3-U6‘-55‘ Wax’ 9*”-’ “°"“"“""“““‘”““$*-‘“ "M "“”" “""' "'”" "
hxmldirrg the 'p3;a;n§aEaGn tar: England.

Eindarseuri in pvencii, in a. modern handt} Vtiffiiflifi fiik 1532 iififlfifium
E13 April 1622}

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 in M E: R 1 II: A  M E M (3 it "1'

The Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
606-1737.

usan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume III:
iscellaneous Records -- 

   

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60% RE€,?0R13*S 01?‘  VIRQINIA. C’O2kd’PAN}’
QQXKIE. Jmm Bmnamam. Pmwxwroia: TI} THE‘. Pew‘! C¢;aUNc::{;.
Amm. 12,1522

Smm E3*apa1~s, (3. C3. 1, Vaiume H, bin. 4
Ilmzumant in Fublfa Raaeserd C*l‘fi-era, Imzfioa
Ifiaf; of iflmazrrfls Eb. 3&9

To film Right Hoznoh” the  of his Mn“ .most« Homw pmrie: Csonms.-eli.
The humble petiténn of Eohn Bs;rgravi=.2 Esquira
Humbiy sizewing

Timat wh»erea.s, ya’ fret‘ ham f()I‘.ZI311jy" spent 8. or 1()£i(}i)” in 3'” warms anti
pubiique sarviee of his CI:m.x1t;r;r and 4 yams since v‘r:d&rtak.eing to be 3*
first. planter of as private Colony in Virginia: To 3:‘ purpose be obtained.
8; Pattant of free trade from 3:” {I’}%:am1:m.ny and according to it did send
sfiinta anti vahippixxg tizifsiaer, By the przzictuice of y“ flofino” both here sad
there bee had 3*” beats parm of his esfiaba vioiemsiy taken from him, énzd
xnsisteinge Aprnufe thereof in the Chizfiery The La: Keep fyrzdirag yoi“ pat’
124;: bee much wronged! hath {iecreed it to bee anmztar of atafie and see referred
him be 3;” Cou.n:seI1 table.

Ya‘ pet.’-' fincieing 3*‘ popular gaiinn1* here to Me y“ muse of greata mis-
rsheeuea to 3;“ pla.n:t.a,fic:in Em.t[h] endeamuzred to fmmé: 3. forms of gofixzm.‘
first dosing I-iglzt to £2.11 parties intemaxmd in 3*’ piaizmfion yt. xnme Cwmout
aharcige of garrisnzzm} ’.‘§‘5='e Virginia-. in a, dependmcia on the {3m*svraLe of
I*3ng§a.n,c!. Tiais treatise {together W“ yr” magmas to mail-:12: :1. gnawing awake
and treasury for Virginia 3:‘ slzaibese worth to 3:‘? plantaiion and State Exam
500%)“ p amzzfi at the least) yo’ pet‘ hash wih his mvxxe grivancr: cielified
to yo’ Ins" by way of xirtirzias W6}: hes: bar:ii.ng abie in pffllle and iustifia
himlbiy i’nt«rea’be§h a Coxniaaimx mafia bee axvagrdezci to exfiiine the abzxsfis,
and ractiifie 3*” said gofinm‘, Wfiicix being mat soddenig.-' dofi 3"’ pfantaécrn
wilbe vnfiefi.

Yo‘ pet.’ (hmieing Wayrted for ausweare hamvntn theis IQ weekea) Hmnbiy
Craueth That you would bee pleased to take this buizinee to imrte, as a
tnatber that h:§gfil.y eonaemeth the State and to cause the said .&r€.it:§gs. {.3
has farhixxzfith rezinzi ansii zznsweared

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The Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
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usan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume III:
iscellaneous Records -- Table ofgggg£;onf_c_entsg

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A FRI!) :5. IEEE $5433

.—-ind 3'33" pat’ {according to his bauncien nixztyé) aha}? dayliis pray for 3'9’
Elana”.
.»’&pril1 I2 IE2;

This peiifr-rim E-einge rézaci at the Board, it was tlxrmgilt lflflfifié, and orrimi:
tifizti.» the Gm'emo»’i amid Co¥.z.m:£2i.i. of ‘HIE’: Plnntaéozi in Virginian doe take
mrasitierafozi aswsgil of’ this petiitrn, as of oerzaine Articles mt": etirzwne its
writinga, and exhibited to the Board by the petiéonner Wk are to has
mm; vmgo them herewwtii. and t=herex-pins: to make: aunsweare In the same.
in vrritinge xvii: 213} {‘:(}lPx’{’:!‘!iei’i¥; m:pe3éiéan
Em. Ifiimwxmteza

{Im3arsed:] ‘ 11' Bargraucs Petiiécrn

CCXXIII. Gmfismeoa m *e*i.m:z~a:.x.. Coxmsaiflzi we C?~..wm:2~2 Roam Sums:
APRIL $3; 16322

Manuscript Records Virggfiafia §§2om§m1;r, $1, Fart ii, Faga 3‘?
Documenfi in library of Ilimigram, Wushingmm. I}. B.
bis; of Rfiflflhlifi 1&0. 3113

By the Cmvemar and Gain‘ gzmerail of "'e’irginia..

These am to authorise Cap‘ Roger fimiih to hang abs-aium }3(:Wer £i£1d’fha3i,afii1lMLP‘-
fjmfzand in at} matters of war: over 931} the pmpie in Charms flitting, and 6”“

to charge anti Cmmmd ad! Elite said people w"*in tire said Si.-ttie, vpgmn

paine of Ifieatii to ubay him vppmic all aeeaéozm, and in sxrffisr themseiuafs

to be urdereci and rziirecteei by max, Eaqssirizsgc: the said C339‘ Roger

Smith, to be vigilatlt and aamftdi over the p-acypie, and 3:26:13, am! all thing:

there, imd? his charga; and to obmrue Tali; suczh further Cafiamadc and
Instmetiem, as he: sha1i.1-sceiue either from my $831‘) 01‘ 5" 33‘3’3‘E9 Y3fi!‘§§%l?

Knight, Given at; James Gitty the thirteenth day of Agtxaxtiii .I6‘:¥:?.

A Coxfxission to Gap‘ Roger fimyth for the Cnmand of Sharla C§yt;i.§*.
F’mm'c:rfi Wm’;-r
{Z1-m: 'f3,=uJ;sm4 Sear:

* irkdunemsnt of Nag GQXXI asraplieu h-ma mu.

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CQLQNLAL PAPEES.

VGL. EL

gcfici, S§"€'4'i<1‘, and merehaiaéigeg to the vaiua Qf 111913 %§:sa>11 6,§G0

or~:7;:Wm, was seized E13? tine Engiigb thsere, w§:r:: aim flask pmasegsion sf’
tiraa cazeaiei haafi, 3,253.6; W33 3%‘ $19: ciothes bekmging $22 ikez gzsassexagers,
Spaniards, Requegts immediate saxtisfacticn far £}2«:3aa 305363, am}

sgcnriizy for the freefiam of“ 33% Spaniamis, capti1*es in ma Bernxud 35.

{E3ap3;.] Cm £129, game sheet are :3::’22r:«‘2.é5€;«:zz:Z,

 I. T’.?;,e2 €'o»m33aIw:§s’3 £ms'a{:m* 2:9 Ga»~:vwZc>~*:rrm'>2°. Ave S*?i%’?‘§3*‘Z*“"§:8€@ {xi
632,3 ‘é.e2zzZ;as$c:a»§iz;a~’s a,£Z@g&é~9§0r22,, wkéicfa 2t?s£»:g; Zze§xwz2e as
gmu»?*::ia:d mgaoaz ':1r*2;2Ies*<ai»~:‘2:fa’;~2:e*:.::¢£é9J:*°:;. W155-imits m§5}aa«z=* ifea-:2

cw "s3:.scz€:’£e?m {!f§"§ desevrwéi, mead %;«:wa 3mm §‘?:%€i€r"?z by zifasza

?J€’»§1$6?‘ 89?‘: (If the m2fr.2?*2§2;»?2.v:::»£e S§3£&??;ie:Z-§"£2?:S -"wfw razxzzm

3 ‘ d
w?'e:t§}:ecZ». A55 §O?2..cZ§??%€§?” 3 gzizcsxvgnss  sm?':.i="£*«Zy *?‘€f’ifi58 »~
:'£”?w ‘@6886; was 8"&逑j0Z<€’?”£i§ fimim. {xii ii; s§’;é@e's~s tam, wméeé‘
from Zmzal ; 320 :5»reass~2:»2*e cm;«:%5l $3 w3.cQvs:a*@x:i, and »sz:eL:»~y
m«5:«:“s..-23.3 <:2::e::::s~ éafixew, is) aaséafi ems:€L g;vrm>:£~:§lzs fa? flag eemfw: sf
$33.6 &%.zg:2§:z&?*€:c:§:aa>Z g:m:3:ss3=9‘z=gem. 3 

9 12,, {3*'<;?%x:i'~0§}21{5:e*‘3 r2a,<:gaZ3; sic: i:’2.¢:3 {7:22::2g§2amz§;. .B§~3~é=2*e;~2 exeeediasgiy

Fzéb. 212.

Max:212 §.

E§a.;>:*{;.E1 27.

Aprii 32?.

"yiag 35?. by ‘W. from Iresland, nob

fiia::1:L25 £32,212: b‘1€»$’i~31.€s3 cf 25%: Spa-~?§v»€.§§; av*§*§:2}%: m<eZg3i.?$ be a~ca0*m~
m»:3{£ai:8d§ cme.:‘?: m«.:ia{£ fm-éz‘.§.a2»:.,i .;‘1::z*§?m*2' g:;>»m:»::%as33 32»1a..2§ 8rf%i§'€?Zg 123;
233:.-s‘er;:i3~ ¢:mzswé:’2* ifacsi zfiigerre <:s9zrm2:<3§ Em §:ag*2“ee:r324E:r:s$ wzcedag 793
*2;>2r§;.z.:§z%, Eik-£%3“£j§§?‘£%, 3’ej'€/3“ £26 £0 tfw Kmg 3:233 ’}?‘?»:3:8fz’3*2‘; §E§'2st:i his
 mzanggz “9"{€{3fii»’2.?€’:§ a::4€€:;;f<z»ct2IG~2z far Zasses C{sf%é<€*§-?15§Z£§"i~68
«}*»5x3e2?*z2a<L 1?. 

$3, Ini«23:z‘r0ga%ariag an ?3ea§:z1é::i3iereéi be iifiw masixers} mariners, azzzi
fzaifigengers of the Jeseqsiz anfi {aim Samgs iadbely re%.=umed {ram “she
S€."é:i‘1'i€§I‘S §z:~£a:1{}3, am} o’r};:er:3, taaching the cemplaint Qf eertain
Sp2.n§ar<;La wreskezi upan the r0z:;i~:3 near fihmi mast‘ $32»/23e;2:eci§

:3. I.~X?1Ii. .E‘2ig?;ie:m e;ca..mé»22.::z1téa?23 «in cms«z2::e32r' $9 flee cdxozze
»2~?;»?5v£’:2*°3*0g;«:tzio9*ie2s éa»§:eizz cm 2?~‘:~*2»:$3 ?;3=rd, ami E52532, Fs5é’2.,, »:{:2m’5
mg 13;‘ .§:3f£‘£-*3‘C}i. 1623.

{3::‘a1:t, by Emiatdzura, czf izha Gflllnitfi far .N'ew Engianii ta Jain:
Ieiiaacnn, of Gaps ’§m’£:is@n£¥. 01* ‘Gaps Azme, situafie ta ihe no1:t§2 sf
B§:3:3S§3.~8}[l1l5*3%:tS} ffimgsy. Gelomicgsl .E"2:..z3~;«‘y 83323,; W35. LIX, 37. §3—1i3£’L}

Grant :9 Sir Thomas Amncie3. af ifizaa island caléeé the Basse,
jrat in?3s.}3i%,e€i, is hszfisi; far the: term
:3? fifty yesamss, unzfier 3. yearly ram: cf 53. Ei:{€?3G?Z«‘ia§ G€?§’*?’a3Sf3., ESG7,
J (.512. 9.}

4. Zl}*e*i;i’£,~i<:;1i2 (>5 Sfazfim Baccgrave to the ?:~iv§,: Ceunaii. Has S}"Ts€‘:3‘£§i»
%3g$S€‘vi. £31‘ 10,8903. in the x=mrs.a.nc1 pubiic: service sf his »cmmtr;,r, 331$
fear jgears ago was we firsfi p1az1t<2.1' Qf a privafise z::§t:E¢:::::y in Virginm.
Obtaizaeé a. §i«:»§£3X2t of {me traée frem the Virginia» iifiempzmy, zi-me}
zxemrfiingiy se::z:ri: sezmanfis armi shipping izhiffiaer. Tim best_par%. of
ixéss iamnéxé hag been *vi0Izant}}§ taker: {mm him by we iimxxpzmy.
§"*‘ra;g:i~; timt his 3::usinesss may be taken: to Eaemfi, :;md tliat certain
2-wtgielea whim}: Em has dmwn 1:; fan: $123 €.‘»Xé3¢%‘i}§‘§3£X.~iiii¥}T1. of :1l3~u5€%5_:, and
f:.:§:~ a new form cf govexnmené far that. caiony, nwy Ere fartl1&x?itE1
rem} aJ;1<?i an.::&'Wez*a<:§.m ‘E3133 pefiition and the a.1*%ic:§€:s mmexed; are


_ " ‘.5; ‘E«’3i’3€{g£;»
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30

1622,
May 31,
to
1623,

June 21.

1622.

May 31.

June?

June?

COLONIAL PAPERS.

VOL. II.

6. Fragment of the records of ‘the Corporation, commonly called
the “ Council for New England,’ Cfeated by P3't"3nt',I}1" ]6§{0i’n
dissolved by resignation in 1635. [B orty-four pages. lefiftve (MW;
and Orders will be found calendared under tlifgr 1‘6:Pe° 1 Cw‘ 
Upon the first page has been subsequently wrir en, emlbé  
“A Journal of the Council of Trade. In 1:806: M13 - - 3‘ £1”,X
attached a Mem. to this document drawing attention to us

erroneous title.]

Minutes of the Council for New England. That the King he
petitioned for the forfeiture of Thos. Weston’s ship and gO(idS 
Council. That an order be procured from the Lords of tie inyg
Council to send for such persons as, 111 contempt of auth01"1’0y, ‘V:“
last year to New England. Several patents to be drawn out. 11-
pointment of auditors. Conference with Mr. Attorney General con-
cerning the renewal of their patent. Particulars of electnpi rn:0S.I1'
Ferdinando Gorges as Governor to be deferred. Admittance o cc_1 an;
merchants to be patentees agreed to. . Committees to be appointecu
to consider the merchants’ ofier of putting 111 100,000l. Youths HOL
tainted with any vice to be sent to New England and there bound
apprentices. The adventurers to pay in their whole aclventilros.
Dr. Groche to be elected Treasurer. [See preceding article]

'7. The Treasurer and Council for Virginia to the Priyy Council.
Have considered their answer _to Captain Bargraves petition.
[See ante, p. 28, N 0. 4.] Are neither qualified nor authorized to
reply to the complaint against Sir Thos. Smythe and others concei-ning
sevenl wrongs and losses sustained by the petitioner during the
time of that government as it is a business of great latitude extend-
ing over many years. Inclose an answer, under Capt. Bargrave’s
own hand, to his aspersions upon the present and future form of

government. I nclose,

7. I. Answer of Capt. Bargrave. Sir Thos. Smgthe and the
other defendants had so sheltered themselves under the
name of the Oompany that he could not judge by whom
the wrongs he had received were done, and was there are
forced to complain against the form of government.
Declares that his complaint was grounded upon the
abuse of Sir T. Sm?/the’s government, and that the business
of the plantation could not have been managed better than
during the last three years, more having been done with
l0,()O0l. or 12,000l. in that time than with 80,000l. in the
thirteen previous years. Would rather burn his five
treatises concerning Virginia than that they should be

the means to hinder the going forward of so noble a work.
30 M ay.

8. Petition of John Bargrave to the Privy Council. Being pressed
by the Council of Virginia to avow the present government in good
hands he did so, but would not, although urged, justify the form
thereof for the progression of the plantation. The Council to whom
his former petition was referred not having power to examine into


COLONIAL PAPERS. 31

1622. VOL. II.

the losses he has sustained, prays that they may be forthwith
authorized to do so and report upon his case.

July 5. Minutes of the Council for New England. David Thompson to
attend the Lords with a petition to the King against Thos. Weston,
also to procure a proclamation concerning the fishermen of the
Western parts. To confer the next day about the form of a patent.
To take into consideration the election of six western merchants.
Proposals to be made to the city for sending to New England poor
children of 14: years and upwards. The patentees who have not paid
up their monies to be left out of the new patent. Mr. Gookin to be
admitted in the new grant upon payment of his adventure. Henry
Fotherly to be elected clerk if he will take 20l. per annum. Secretary
Calvert to be admitted one of the Council for New England in the
new patent. [Colomlcol COT7"esp., 1622, Mcoy 31, pp. 3, 4.]

July 11. Letter to the Treasurer, Deputy and others of the Virginia
Company. Recommends them to breed silkworms and set up silk
works in the colony, which being a_ rich and solid commodity is
preferable to tobacco. [Docguct DOMESTIC J do. I .]

July 11. Order of the Privy Council concerning a Spanish vessel wrecked
Whit9ha“- on the coast of Bermudas which the Virginia Company had made
restitution of. [Colonial Entry B7c., Vol. LXXIX., p. 202.]

July 12. Minutes of the Council for New England. Whether VVill. Cross
and Abrah. Jennings, merchants, be content to enter into the grand
patent election of Will. Boles, Clerk of the Council. Sir Henry
Spilman desired to conceive a grand patent and refer it to the
Attorney-General. The western fishing business and the proclama-
tion. The place of meeting and other office business to be con-
sidered. Proposition touching letter to be sent to the judges and
justices. [Colomlcol C0»rrcsp., 1622, M coy 31, pp. 4«, 5.]

July 13. John Chamberlain to Sir Dudley Carleton. A ship arrived
London from Virginia with news that the savages have by surprise slain
about 350 of the English through their own supine negligence in
living in scattered and straggling houses. The savages have pos-
sessed themselves of arms and weapons, but have no skill to use
them. Captains Barclay and Thorpe among those who are lost.
The disgrace and shame as much as the loss ; no other nation would
have been so grossly overtaken. [.E'o:t7'act f'ro'm DOMESTIC Corresp.
J cw. I ., Vol. CXXXI I ., N 0. 38, Cal. p. 4244. On the following day Sir
Thos. Vtlilson Writes that the Indians have killed in Virginia at least
300 or 400 English, and but for an accident that gave warning, man,
mother, and child had all been slain. I bid, N0. 4:], Cal. p. 425].

July? 16. Order of the Privy Council upon the petition of John Bargrave
White11al1- against Sir Thos. Smythe, Alderman Johnson, and others, for unjust
practices, and miscarriage of the government of the Virginia planta-

tion, to the petitioner’s loss of (3,600l., directing a report to be made

to the board that further order may be given therein. [Colonial

Entry 1379., Vol. LX X I X ., 10. 202. On 17th June the King desires the

Privy Council to dismiss the suit of Bargrave against Smythe as a


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The Library of Conqress

 Anntancaw ;».a1.~:a.i.os:u'

 

The Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
606-1737.
usan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume III:
iscelianeous Records -- '[a___|3aalAem_offionteanats

   

4.

  

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67; Bt3I::I\LatteI_M_AGt!: I 1s4E_xeT_:M as

The Thomas Jefferson Pa pets I Ac<::e_§§,_b_i_:g.naL.(TIE.F.6: aaaaa 

MA?‘S0,1é'$£ 63?

And the said ifireasareev we Gemnie Flaxzters fer them their heires anti
Assignes do couenant promise nnci grmnte to and xvi” the said ’1"reasur—::'
and Compsmy that they fmm time 12:: timev before the said feast: of S‘ John
Baptist in the years 1625 shall make a true and lawfufi Certifiaata of
canary person so transpmbad [68] and iaxxded in Virginia or sE‘1ip“pe& as
aforesaid to be entrexzi by the Secretary of the said Treastimf and Com-
pany irmm in Register Eiuake for that purpose to he kept,

And Iiuioreouer that the  Piamtem irfheir Tenzmtfi am} sea"-uantfl iz‘e.spec—~
titzely shail applie themselues in their fliracéons and labo“ to the psuinge
of those Staple and some Comociitifi of Game Wyne Silks Imn Silkgrama
Hemp and $9.3»: Booriif 311:1 Tymber amt! other the like anti not {meiy or
chiefeiy to Tobaceo In ‘Wit;tne.sse whereof the said Treasure‘ and Com-
panie bar the one parts of this hxdenture have sett their Iegali and gofixon
Seale And to the other pie hereof the saici John Bonnall in his cnwne name
and in the name of the mi: of his ssgsociabfi fiforwaid hath sefit his Sea:-Jet
Giuen in :3. goat and gvanemll Courts of the said Treasure’ and Comgaainie
ii.-ha day ané yearn fix-at abaue written.‘

CCXXXVIIE. CAPEAIN Jonas BAB.GR.A"i“E. }3ISCLAIMEI£ or OP}-°‘0BZ{’I'10N
‘I'D mm P33326931 Mm-tm:*E:smN*1~

.M.u' 39, 1322

State Pagan, U. 0. 1, Volume II, No. 7, 1
Document in ?xzblic Record. Ofiim, Lcmdma. Autograph, 
List of Records No. 326
38 May £622

Whereas by the Right fionurable the Lord Keepers B/acres it appeamshg
that 8* Thomas Smythe and the other flefendante, had so ahelterefi them
aelisea vnder the name of the Cfiompany, that» he maid not iudge: wheth.er
the wrongs that were ééoon me, were the Cumpanjres Acts, or the Defend-
ants I complayxued. of: 133* W5 memes his L9‘ finding it to be matter of
State, forced me to complayne agaixxst the form of Governm‘, and to émire
9. Gommission to sexamin and certifie the Governm‘ generaslly, thereby to
distinguish the Abvaers of the same. Now, So it is: That I doe freely

1 Ht,-re foilcvma one blank page.
 2

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 AM§s‘.F{li3§sN MEMGRY

The Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
606-1737.

usan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume III:
iscellaneous Records —- Table of JJCJonVteJn‘_1;s

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633 REQORDS‘ QF‘ THE VII?(§§".~\’f.d {?(3MPA.?‘-’3s“'

and voiuuiéarily acknowledge, that my G{:umpi,a,i.nt was grounded. vpm; the
abvse of the Govm-um‘ as it‘. §was§ orcierexai in the tixne of S’ Thmnas
Smythe, when taking to himraeif abscsiute power of ‘(“.§0’ver:1ir1g E3013: the
Piantation and the Cenlpany aemrding to his wiii, when no imwes were
made ta prevent factiaz: and peeking mi Charts, nor nu order kept of
merxaging businmm in pubi.ique Courts iasvfuliy snaamnizsled, but they were
carryecf by ’private p2;c§:.irzgs: the then Seereta.ry framing, lea:§«'in.g ant,
adding‘ and entring the Orders of Cc:-o—rt wm maker Ante timt» eoncsarned the
Company, as he was guided by the Combiners, for W“ he was sinae dis»
piaeed. No assurance. given to the Planter either cf his Esfiarttae or Iiiaertie,
3%: no Grdem made to avmrd the engmssing of Trade inte few hzmds,
not me Chums taken to prevent oppression of singie Planters or smaiii
Bocliw af Adventurers by ‘pluralitie of vayzrea of great numbers infecrressed
in any éifierer:-cw. But now finding vpon due exanaynafiiezrn these thing
rectaifiaé, paxtiie by Lawm wtablished here for the Geevernm‘ of the C'fom~
pansy: and also by Charters and Privileges eonfimmed in the {:€3;.{?Il.}', W“
9. promise of granting §a:*t.har Eriviiegw when it shail plmee. his Ma’ :0
gmxxt farther autimritie to the Company Of W“ refmrmation {basing new
fu1Iyinfcrrned): i nice vtmrly‘ disuiayme from Iajring any §znpuf.a,fi9n ~g,gp.-in
the Gnvemm‘ for these three: yea:-ea last past. and fiec farmer aver:-,
that in my opinion the Businesaa of {he Iilantation caairi nest; have been
managed wih more imlustrie. or ‘izztegrritie than during that time it ‘hath
been. In everfisz of ssrfh three ywres, there hath been more damn wfia Tar:
at Tweiue Thousand. pwoxmds, whereof" a true Iémeouut hath been made
titan was before w‘h fame scare Thousand ’;mumis_ spent whoa: acaeunt
in Thirteen srearvz-3. And whereas I h.&1;e*w:'ittan five ac-.vs:m‘II Treatises to
the maintenance of xmitée and peace in Virginia, and to the waiting emf the
{}m.-mum‘ of it to the Smraraignti»e of England: I musuié bum igimm 3,11
‘together w"}1 the hand that writ them, rather than they shmild be the
mes.n.e_s tat: hinder the going forward of so Noble :1 Wm-kg.

.I0i~¥‘N Bgmaavm

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
1606-1737 .

Susan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume
III: Miscellaneous Records —— 

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ENB may May, was $39

 Vmmmm Comrmr. "A mom or mm amrzvxzsfi, MEE, aim
raomatoass saw: my zmouxrmizo ma Vma.:.;<«:;.x, . . .. in mi: Ymzm
1621.”

Em or Ewfsr‘, 16%?
Printed“ {.1} at Hraadsida. (23 Caliaction of hmaciaaivziea James I, No. :94
{1} Iilorrumem in Z%E"&w ‘fork Pkihiio mbrmgh (2) Society of Amiqxxsxias, Lomixfm
Liam of Rxeazorxis 1%. ‘£23
A mite of the shipping, men, and pi-ou£st§or:s sent and pr-unified .f:;:r Virfinia,
by the Right Elonorabie Hmimf Earie of 8ouis~i§—h.a;1:¢pt-oz}, arm! the
‘G(lm}Z‘.|§1l1::§", and other primate Aduenurrera, in the years: 1&2}. &«:3..

Ships and Pmpis

1 The Efiamar 36. 'I‘un.: in Esiay 1&2}... with---..r.-- ,. ii).  '

3 Tha Gwrgs £89.‘ Tun: in 11:13 ....... ..-r.... .... v--E-rd--~’—= -1- .1218.

3 The Cfmrfas ma‘ ‘Yum: in Iuiy .................... W. - fififl‘.

4 '§‘ha fidmmduke ms. Tun: in Iul.-3 ........ - -r. ....... - -., {$361.

5 'i7'h:a Tsmyemnm 8!}. Turn: in I.x1.I;yuM. ., '.«-‘.—*—.¢-*--1-~---—"~ 1351.1

6 The Warwiéelm }fiGI< ’1T‘1m:$n waeligiiat-a«»»»»:.nman~'-tr‘-we-"H4-*~~'W*-*'v 161%}.

?‘ The T£g¢r4a.c’I‘1m:in.;1ugu.a£ rrrrrrrrr -,..,.,...1,,.W...W\M.. MG.

8 Tbs Seawfiauxer 1&9. Tum in —.§.1@'Ki$§-... <>I( . ar.«~4/.:«>:<v 6. w.,....«. ,.. ma.

9 Tim flying Hart 2&1). Tun: in éLugua§.\,.-____..1 AQ)V.,»»O N» at “Mr £358. Men .43. Cfiatteii.
EC} The fiiscamary fit}. Tum: in b$ouemher~m-...-,M.M  &;&Vg £330.

iii The flaw New mo. ‘Tum: in 1?€¢'ouam'bar__. - - AA ‘$ R  .. ._ ,. .1 \ _ £350.

32 The fiapaumfé #30. Tun: in 1%-uemher ..........    €130.

I3 ’i‘he sffimiasjrggri 1561 Tim: in Alkriii 1&2- ...... M- mm. .. 1330:»

14 Tim Qfiift of Gogi 140. Tun: in ;i;::ri]}-H-r.W w4t.<¢{lA»)I$AlhRRA-;w.>:M« 100.

15 The Primafixm 33. ‘fun: in Apri§1--_- , -. .   om.

13 The fifiairiiy 8¥Cl.’1‘t.m: initpriii .............. 1 &:.RS"R\X~'Ifi$.¢K':W 038.

1'? This Eemwmure 50. Tun: in ApfiJ}--.--I.. r..m...,.t..,,\,,,,~ 9 1310,

18 The Wh~i¢‘s§ Lfon 1.36. Tun: in M113“ ......... ... m N ,, fl "< R \V.‘(' . .1 {MI}. 132$/an .-iii. fiatmiil.
gg 33,9 Emrffigrgngg 133. Tum; in may .........  rrrrrr ‘< ,. 4388. MM.

213 The Mmgasm‘ and Ia!m1fi9.Tun: in May_..». ¥ .. MMW 90‘/fiw $39.
%1’i‘ha Imam 1%. Tun: in  €39»

Q...a.».u..u.s. A!‘ «£3-an wnvasnannn 111m’! nnfgfnii Rn

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts. 1606-1737. Page 2 of 2

autumn VA vuu pwn::vuaa..M«-.....--..-._--..... -lfinxwhrfiw mu-vv. \.'ia\vv\m|.1 pun

8:213 13385 #4: the Sum.mer Ilzmds by that Oompzmy.

23 Tm. Imgpfi. 15£}.’1‘x§;n: in May 17621.- ................ ... 190.. Persons.
23 The fame; 12%. Tim: in 17.113’ ----------------------- »- @99-
24 The ifllmwm-1:1 130. ‘Fun: ix: 4&..ugu§1«=. .... M» ~~~~~~~ -+~-~-- 975'-
Perrsons 25!}.

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts. 1606-1737. Page 1 of 2

 

Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
1606-1737 .

Susan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, l606—26, Volume
111: Miscellaneous Records —— T able of Contents

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fiéfi REGQRES 0}?‘ THE VIRG!k“€’I.:i €50MI’ANF

So there is 2%» sails (3? Ships, with 5&6, Mzwinem in them implayed to thaw Fianna-
rims in this years.

Baraizies, share are new pmuiding aausrsll Ships in diners parts :21’ {SEER} am Wmaa
I*§ing£i<1me— be at-mlsspurs to him 1’i::n;t.si;imm about; ' ‘ ”

Anéfw the greater bsnefii of {M Piasimfiians, these fixings faiiawiflg haw been
ham dame Wis ysmz.

16 Persons italiaris, and others} bane been protzideti and sent for the maki-
izig of Beads for trade in the Clolmtrefir with the Natiuw, and for making
Giasse of ali sorts.

5’? Young maids heme bin sent to make wiuw for the Planters, diners of
which were Well marriém before the cramming away of the Ships.

A lseisgazims hath hit: was of all newssmies for the Coiuny, in the value of
213133. pound, besides a1 giritzate. mans sending goods, w}1'ieh was very 8J;3<‘;‘tpl~&;
Trade being set open far all his  Strhiscfs,

A Ehip 'c:8,i}E2Ci the  hath bin set out; for the rial: ‘made of lE3"’m‘.re;s:,
which but}: the fireneh, and Hnilzmders bane yeerely witifn our precincts,
and within 59.. ‘Eeagues of vs.

35. Persons for the building oi sfiuats, Fisitzmzes and Ships, far the news-
:sa..ry we of the Colony £112: fishing, trade, and msssuery, rim.

2'. Persacvns sent for planting the lfifliil. acres of land giuen to the E:_2st—I§<1di::z-
Scizmis.

Gainer amurranis af mile.
The Bauemms arriuali in Viryinia, at the and of the last; Stimer, with
9. Ships, and marge sexier: hundred people, sli sa.£e:l.y, and in good iiealtix.

?‘T‘L.:. .’.,$t..».—.:»...».‘£..l.». g1.».I»§.u.»..u-..«... ,4‘, .:.'.'....w. :11;_:.._. ._.u ;% <9 us. m-

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts. 1606-1737. Page 2 of 2

.1. ms uguzuuutc ucuucmlxuz an uxutsrs amps; 81143 nammy, -01“ {mi} '1 agar,
Whleh 59533‘ tiriigten stra-.nge1y imam: 2(1£}. leagues out of her course, fell into
aha Turkes hands, and yet came safe to Virginia.

Master Beriéleys letters assure vs, that there is not 9. more fit glace for
Imn-wm-kes than 11?. Virginia, both for wow, water, mines, and stone: ané
that by Whitanntide next, we may rely vpen Iron maria by him.

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts. 1606-1737. Page 1 of 2

 

Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
1606-1737 .

Susan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume
111: Miscellaneous Records ——  a_hle__‘g)f_ Q_§;11t_e11ts

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ENE 01*‘ Piifll-"Z 1693 641

The Plants of C3otton—wool1 trees that came out of the 13323: Inclies, prosper
exceeding waif, and the (3ot£o.n»~n'eol1-seeds from the 41109913 Ciuuntrey
some vp, and grow: Sampies of it they ham sent; and this commodity
'6;/h.e3e' hope £1353 ware to bring to 3. [mod perfection and quanf.if«3»'.

The Ending seed thrines Wei}, but may yet‘. want knowledge how to cure it.

Our‘ Frenchman assure vs that man Cu=unt:my in the world is more proper
for Vines, Silica, 01321323, Rice, «SEE. than Virginia, and that it exceileth i;hei,r
owne Countmy. The Vines being én aJmnd.a.n.ce naturaily ouer all the
Getzntray: a taste of which wine they heme already sent ‘us, with hope the
next yam to send vs 3 good quantity.

'.[*hem be Ivluibery treem in wonderful§abu:1r.fance., and much excelijng both
in goeénease and greatnwse those of their (lfountrey of Lemguedock. To
the full perfemaing ef bath which rich oommoditiea of Wine and Siike, there
wanteth nothing but hands. Ami oi the 1vIs.;'i'!:2«aries may has made also
good wholesome Wine for the pwpie there.

And of a certain Phimme in the country they hams made good cirixik.

Salt-workea are erecting (the proper piace being new found, as the
Rocheller doth oerlfliaa vs) whereby many Ships will transport people at
easier rates hereafter, finding Salt there to furnish them for the great and
pmfitahie fizshings vpcm that Coast, whither ES‘. saiie of Ships Want this
last were out of the Westerns parts af England, bwicieea the Ships formerly
mentioned.

Iliaster Inhn Porgy hath of late made a. tlismuery into 5:113 great Bay
Nortfiward (yet at the hotbome of it he was not, re-aertsing it to :1 smarxci
Voyage) where are new settled name 10%). English. very happily, with
hope of 3 good Trade of Furrm there to be had. and ‘.'z"w~ra Lemazia v;-*a:s
sent vs from thence, which is found as good as that of Turkey, and is in
great ahundanca to be had.

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts. 1606-1737. Page 2 of 2

gr ~~*

In. fiabruary last he Eiksewim disanuexaad ta t§e Sflufih Riuar, same 60‘
mikes truer land fimm vs, 3, very fruififtzli 3.33% fiesaazxnt Cnuntray, full at‘
E.il1£§I?.E,W‘hiE§T1EiIi are twav hsrnsssts in one gram: (the great» King giuging him
ffiexacflgr mtertiaiument, and desimus to make a feagne with vs) has fmmfi

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
1606-1737.

Susan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume
III: Miscellaneous Records —— 

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6343 REG'C3'R£.3S GF T113 VIR{§l£2'k7IA €3’{?M°2";.a§f‘G*'F

9.1% there in goat; qt1.antity of the same §ilk 3.: (3:51 3l3‘EW”%~3Wth 131'!’ 1313
aamylw sent via) whsemf Master Hm-iati in  baoke 1587.. makaa reiafiion,
who then brought. hnnm some of it, with which 2; piece of Grogemzx was
made, and gnarl to Queena Elizabeth, and same hears who harm lined 
the East indies amfirme, that they‘ make all their Giambaya Stuffing of this,
and Catbexix»-wooll.

Arise in his  by land, Itiastoar Pmasy flisxmuered a Cimlntrey, full of
Pine 121-5%, abouts: twenty milea: longs whereby‘ & great ablundmoe of Pimh
and Tar:-e may $39 made: and other aorta of woods there were, fit for
Pa£—aahes anti Says-ashes.

'1‘he. Indium haue m$dB.1‘@iati£?«Il of 3. Copper-mine, shat is not far from
thence, how they gating‘: it, and the strange making of it: a piece whereof
was sent home, being found (after mall} very exmellent metal}. &me
of the Enmfish Mme made relations of a Uh-im hm: wane at one of the
iiinm houaea, vzlm deelaredb, that it was gem. him from the Weat, by .5, Eiing
that dweis one: the great hila, misuse Counting is nr.-are the Sea, ha.hm.u’11g
that box from a People, as he said, that come ‘thither in Ships, and waeare
clothea, and éwelil in houses, and am called Amna;c3m:I‘5r£¢m. And ha -ofl"s3‘ra:.i
our people: that he would. smlci his bmther along with them to that King:
which the Gmmrnour purposeth aims. to refuse, 'h»opu.ing thereby to diaoouer
the Said}; Sea, as king taiked of.

A small Ship eommizzg in Ifieeember Iaaz from the Summer-Iiamis, ta;
Virginia, brought: tlzitlmr from thence these Plants, vizi Vin—as of all sorts,
Urange and Leman trees, Sugar canes, Elmsaclo roots {that make bread)
Pizzas, Plmxtana, Po-tntoea, and sundry other Indian fruifw and pinata,
not formerly seems in Virgénia, which begin to prosper very wail,
Gifts.

The {}axz&Ean1an.ané leiarinars thm: mum in rm Rama}! rum ram‘;

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts. 1606-1737. Page 2 of 2

‘E3115 Firm ffldiiss (being at flags Erma figgmnga   ;:;;  I; 2‘
§éwarda»§~he imhaimg of 2» Frm ' mix: in Virginia, in in; calleti um '

fies’ Indra-:1: Scfiacla, the: gamma of

Tewm-:33 t.I1a'ft1r§h&:r-annex of the asgigi
person hath added the mam <31’:

25. person refusing ta» be mafia mm»
mm far mm:-, for as Samoa, itmfure.

I*M~ia%$ch,on}e..mn Vfiknfl-Wl11ZV§_ W W 03
j . .. .

11; hath gium; tka sum of -stfla. 5

this Virginfa Champ. } 38' Gui" 01)"

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
1606-1737.

Susan.Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume
111: Miscellaneous Records —— WTWaE9_le_()fggC,_9mentgs

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ENE? £917‘ ;1:{.ciY,16‘£? 54:3

4% a Quarks? {Ewart hold the 3:}. of Ianmvg 1631. by 51 parse-n not. I, si CL
 as yak to be knownea was sent in grid £411 haskpa fomnrfi the   93. {N}.
India: flhxmiaeq V
At the suns Quarter éfcanm 3 small Bihia, with a mum? résrzhiy
wrought; an greens fiifhurch Bihla; Boe»ke:<a of Gammon Prayer; and other:
Eackas were gzmwsnmd to be sent. to "£9"*:'rv;imZ:1, in the names of a pemssmé
who had tho ysars bafora sent, for the rm:-:~ of. the} I3<::ll3dge at ffmaéw,
riiuema Hmkm, and an asxaai. Mag: of simerim; the (finer is not knowmy
but tiara Ba;-okea are valued at
Giu+313l $134; by hi. flzamzm Bzxrgrazie, Praia-that in Virginia; ziwsased, for} ma Mmka
the: was of tho Efolleciga, .3 Library; valued at f ’ A ”
And there: is n (:~0nt«1'°1i:1uhitYfi made by tho inhabitants in Virginia, for‘ :

tin‘: building of an house of axataesrtmiuamaut for now comm at f:ama—s}t50i:¥..li.
Ciity, amounting to the trains of

ELK rm. {)1}.

 

Patents grtmtagfi flu}: yaw-ss,

1 To $133 Lady Dale.

:3 To Six lfimffiy fligges.

3 To Sir Ixflm. Bmgmhigr.

1; To (3:1;:i’ca.in,aa  Human’.

*2?» ‘Tc: Master xirfihw Swarm, dim.
6 To Maker fiaswémti Trualmw, aka.
‘E To Evianater faiin flreme.

8 To Master Ezfuznmrd R~id'¢r.

9 To flaptaino S‘€m1:m Leaks‘

la To Maxim, Hamid! €%oa:'l':i2:.

11 To Mfifitflr Ecimmi Beflmfl.

12 To Maamr Iasagih Lemingl ‘Who together with their Associates,
£3 To Sir (33%:-ring Norm, : Imus vnfiermkssn ta tirazmpsssraz great;
24 To Sir éevrge fwrdfiy. mxzltitnrlms of people and (Earns to
E5 To Eivfiasfiar Wtamew Lsmscm. Virgfifiia.

15 To flaptaina W:§£l‘.ia;m Willing.
1‘? To Mamisnr Emu; 

13 To Madirss I-iumired.

19 To Mmmr Ffalwrt Mastm.

as To §-{saber Efimuai Wynne.

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts. 1606—1737. Page 2 of 2

31 To Captains Henry Ptifixzm, &£1
22 To ffiaptaixmas Maris! Tmfiar.

$3‘ To Sit Bmmyer Woraiy.

$1 Te: Ekiaafiet Thames fi':s.=c.E~l«:§y..

25 To Master Fmneis Hammfi.

2% To 3%: Isiafm Brmkz.

 

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The Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
606-1737.

usan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume III:
iscellaneous Records —- I_a__”b_lv,e"p_f._."Contents

 

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644 REC’0RflaS' SF TEE VIREFINIA COMPMW
CCXL. U.a.1=r:c.mz Jam»: Bammxvm. Fiszrrrxon TO Paw? Guzman.
.I’£iNE T(‘?), 1632’
Staafie Pagers, C, flu i, ‘Volume II, No. 8

Qoeummt in Public Record flfiw, London
Lia: of Records No. 32?

To the right Hone“ y‘ iorés arid nthem of his Ma.“ moat };xono"" Pryvie
Couuaefl

The humble gletzifion of John Bargmue Esquire.
Humblie ahewinga.

That; whereas arscorrgiizuge to ya‘ Lo“ {lrder the Caumeii of Virginia meeten
ing and ye’ 3:18’?! being by them grassed he ansvsmre the Iasi. parts. of his
Arfiieles firsis, hes was Willing (Cfionaonant to his first .Artic}o:~.s flferrm {sea
ya? 36"‘ to av-craze y“ fisent igoiinm‘ to bee in gcmd haindfi as is new satt
downs Vader 379'“ psi“ hands. But: to inst-ifie 3/“ farms in: _y* Q-gressian of
y‘ IF}-anteéozx, bee wmiid not rise it althonghe hoe mm mm}: vrged therevnto.

flow because tire COHIWEE of ‘Virgixiia have no*% had hay the East; or-éar
power to Call hefcre tehem and e:*«c.am‘is3 vpuxl oath all such yaréias aazactlsed,
witnesses, shcapp bookies, boobies of secolznptes, and orders %Co:n.cea.1—edV,
tagethgr wfisuch as inane» paid or rammed monies for 3* Gcampanie as maie
Candace to 37° gaging of the abuses of 3*“ said gofinm‘ of the Virginia and
Summer Esiandfi iliompaxxie». 02' y‘ wrangfi def: to yo‘ petiéetmer.

Yo’ pet" humble suite t11e:ei'o.:‘e is. Thai; yo‘ 1:0?‘ Wiibee pieased see to
q11a.i3fi,e the Refmrmze (whome yo’ 10'” shaii thinck fitt to a.p«poi:nf;e} that
they mag: Cartifie the abuses Compiajned of was oaths; And if yo‘ hazi"
shall referre it haeke to the said Sounceii or 3.3% V. of them, That than
sueh of 3;’ said Gouncall may be seeiudad as are either miss or .ssly‘e1i to
them; and i:ae:.':a;use ya’ pets‘ is by timir ‘arranges formed to pay 13%; weal-ze
for we of monies, whereby he wanteth fifisent masses to maiuetaine himseife,
H243 most hunlblie intreafeth That the said refarmewee mafia forthwith examig.
9-¥l'i‘1 ¥“~?éi30¥‘”7f%‘5‘: 3m‘ '““h 3'5’ 13%‘  war pray for ya: 110"‘ endies happuinm.

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 I A» as E R 3 a:; A  2.4  2.4. o a ‘I
The Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
606-1737.

L_:san Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume III:
Iscellaneous Records -- IWamb_I€1WQf....C_Q.[jtent.$

     

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JUNE €?}. 16%.? 5&5

{Im:iorsEd:] * To the right IE*i°x::z:t«;>“‘° the Lords of his Iris“ most 120“ Priviaa
Cnuncéii. The humble pefiiann of Ja:fl?.1:1 Bargraue Esquire Sizeweth your
ha“ That whereas 3:0’ 1:9” glue srflar

CZGXLI. Tnmsuma .a.i.~m Cfl’{?N¢'IL ma Vmszsxwu... Amswsn rm mm
Pmw Iifiomr-::zL cozzcmnwxrm C.w11Am‘ Jam»: :3AE.£iR25.‘§"°E’S FEITETION

J‘m:»m {'f“), 16:23 3‘

Q 0. I, Eiaktmz XI, E0. 7
Document in Pubiic Reward Gfficap, Lmfuion
mm: of Rewards No. 517

To the Right; hand” the Iatzrrdm and others of his M35“ most bang“
§’riuy Gounaéel}

The humble anamara of the Tma.sum' «E: Cmxzmaii for Virginia.

May it piessss your ifps; According to 9. Refierence to the Govemm S:
Ccsuncell of Virginia *' * * subscribed. wider Captaytxe Bargrauim
Fetiéon in thwe wordc: following: ’I"h.is patificm Ming. read at the Board,
it was thought meet: and ordered, that the. *Gm*e:rm:mr and Gisunsefl of
the Piantaiion in Virginia doe. fake cmnsirtlrsraféckn aisweli of this Petiéon, as
of certayne Articles sett downs in writing :5: exhibited to the Board by
the Petitioner, W“ are to be sent vnto them heremzithail: Ami theravpms
tat: make gmawem to this mine in writing with ail convenient. expedifien.

Wee haue had mnsidezraéon of the same, tmnsistzing of two partficg The
first :5. Cauxnplazmt agwynsi; S” Tlaoinas Smith «S: others cmxceming several].
wrongs amt} §:os3:m thereby sixssmyned in his perticuier mixing that govemeu
meat: ’§“im other an asmrsicm vpzm the fmna of gnvemm‘ itmlfe, both in
pment. and futum, preiu=dicia.1I to the Piantaéarz, If the aagrne be not.
m1ei’vex;I with 9. better (as more at Laxge it apepeamth by the said Petifiaxz).
‘With the Lasstter xvae imue only pmeaezded, 6-: acmtding to the eniaynement
of the Refiemnce, mafia aur answem wider Captayne Bargrmxm Handfiz-
wfighting, to the w:hi«r;:h hermvitii sent, "flies humbly refer: your mpg.

* fir jpossflbly the beginning of 9. amt man the ii?-*F€$f« _
’ In this '* List. 2:! iiecznnis-" use data 0! this dascumen: was given as 1623 and it appeared 88 Km. 5.17‘.

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5.~Mi?.Rl'!E1a°sN §siEM(1¥RY

The Thomas Jefferson Ppers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
606-1737.

usan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume III:
iscellaneous Records -- Table Jofggggcogngtents,

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646 REGWRES £32?‘  VIR(¥INI:$ G0iS;{P,r£NF‘

Ear the former, bemuse. wee scald neither take. it iz1'l.:€:: our cansideraéan,
nor give our answere therein, vzaiease wee eat:-ed. itifso a. strict and perfiicuiar
examinaéoa thereof ; it being a. i:m3i.nmi of greatse iatituazie, having reference
to many ywrm execufion, Witnmas and record: past in this Somme. & gar»-
fmrned in the ?1ant&énAn: Em the doing whereof Wee finde our selues,
neitim qualiifiani. not aut}1£3ri5ed by the fa-rwemid rafierauae: Wee most
huuzxhfir aubmifit the madiing therewith to such further order, direemn :3:
aufiharity, as your iips sha.1¥.p’iz2;3+3a to five in that, hehsiife.

{3C§XL°i'I. Gawcm or  ViR(}!NF°IA Gcmrum A Lm-mr;. so Gammon
mm Com»:-an. IN Vxnemzx

JUNE I8, 36%
.Ma1=.mac'ript Records Virginia. Company, HI, Part. ii, Pages 22:. ‘E3
Document; in library oi‘. Congress, Washington, D. 3.
List of Records 2%). 338
June x“ 1638

.i.§.£"«:er 0' very izmrtisza Cumendaéonsz The late arivail of all the Sfiixippfi
and pmpie sent this Iast years to Virginia, hatéx isredd such ahunvdanca
of my as -amid not be m;1tai.m~z:i amo_:1mt :3’ seiues, but hm}; dmiareé it
self by guublique timnkagiueinge vnto God A1Emigh.tie, that of the riehnea
of his mercies firmugh. 511 waias and passages, 30 securely eonéucteé yo“:
This vnaxpsecbed biwaing doth much em.-ouraczige "vs. in the micldest of
many difieuitims, W“ an mum hope, that the intiignatian of Geri is
new at last. appeeasefi and that his gmtiafis favm” shaii henceforth lead 39“
-an suscwsfully in all fihingfiz And this we ixape the rafiher, by £313 good
entemnoe W“ we vncfisianci you haue made in the imn xwrkfl’, and other
simzpie Cnmndities; whérin we magi: M-neatly infmat: yo“ w‘~"‘ ali constaamie
and diliigeénwe to pros-emi: for them is now an absolute mcessitée vppon vs
*0 1331*’-3 Emii 311$ fihfiefi Spfifidilya by 1&3 proofs some of these thingfi,
W” the exportation of W“ we hams so ‘izmg pmemd the warm, whemfqrg
as yo’ owns welfare and the advancement of gr‘ ?1.:«mta,ti:,m is deare and
pretieus vntc ya“, or if £37‘ Emma and ancievo" Imus cimmed crmglm at ya’
Imnflfi; we pa-a.y= and intreat you not to fails in the pformanea of swhat
We In ya’ beimlffl haue jprcemised; and 1512 vs haue at East by the next
re§urnes,. some good qimmitie of Iron and Wyne; amt. W“ yo“ sent by
the George ‘was 133' lfifig i'583'-@9153 Svfliied but prmoipaih, by the Muskie

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts. 1606-1737. Page 1 of 2

 

Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.

1606-1737.
Susan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume
III: Miscellaneous Records —— 

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INDEX 1 13

Amati, fitjumael, Germain (targeflimfimnfinsmfi. Baal, 3%:-gs, 53$‘
Emit eou~wming'1£m=. Trmwnsr, 4233433. Imam. Gmssrga, 31, 319.

Wflrrflfiiis. ‘PE: Ewan; Efzsnry.
Witness against aim Eiargrava, 53.31, 5&2. A 1??‘}::m:m£ far John Frmmsr, (‘:.g.p,;.m; .9;
Sea am: under Eicwmmwrezzf viffifiiflu ".:§£Z:.~:r FaIcwz," and {him} we gem; to

.>‘Lrg.9JE‘s gift, 15% Virginia, 1-Sifr-13i}.
man Tom, 94?: En¢mn., Thumns, am.
Aramai. Juhn, 52;. mtaw, John, 3:3, 319, 5.92, am.
Armenia. 4&3. ammo, Thnmaa, 533.
.4i:$~1a.nrti, Vifiilinm. $333, Imam, 13:3,

ketwr ham Wfiliam Tray, 2?}, Sea: aka flagwell, Wifiiam, 593.

flu-cixard. ifiasiliiiiaa, Wagm asf, mu, Em.

miianna. Sac wan-trier Golnnisfa. Bn£i;r,, Wiliiszzz, 556»
Axuntial, Earl of, 60. mm, »~-, 435.

Mamba: at‘ Privy Emzucii, ‘£59, -£34). fiawhanxsms. flee umiaer flammoditiw.
iimmiekl. Jalzsazr, 36. 31$. .PAa.kar.. John, 39, 33.9.
Aruntleil, Pom: {Au"n:ar!aiit:}, SE3, 453. Iiakar, Ilioberb, 39?’, $05, 21%.

FM-smwt of 9» 1m"fi<!é€<r $9 Joanna. firuyiffih vaf fiaksur, Tbzrzmms, $1. 393.

Ribfey. 553-‘Qk flakarw. Cazmggxmny at‘, $1), 318.

mm £42 Sir Edwin Saszdya, 53.xi~55£t Eaicfwtin, Eramtaixaar, 59, 371, 320.
Jssemvzmgh, Jamzsa‘. 313. I3:-§u:., A}ex£.«.ndar, 5'3).
Mhcmft. Richard, $9.: 3112. I3a.l.i(:t$ flux. .343»
fisaimy, I33”, 6%}; 13»nEmI‘aa'd;, M, 6%,
fissfiizlazn Sir anthmtzva. S0,. 3:7, 31%’. Bsty, Wiiiiam, 539,
$351311)?» Wgfiifim, 533?» Eamfiisld, Sir Jkmiais, $9, 311$.
Askew. James, 56*. am. Bandits, Jam. 89. 318,
fiskwiiéz, $53‘ Rob-in-t, $3, <'3I;?“.. Baxmggtgr, *'};‘2m1mxa, ‘T2’.
Amambiy. Bmiatar, Richard, 88. 318.

A Rsywts :21‘ 1%: zmmnaerv gr‘ gpmsmiing 4%» My Banims, M1123, H1, 318.
ymaml Asaerafily wnmrdaxi at Jama city, Baxtmr, Erinrd, 31,, 21213.

1fr3~W?‘. Barber. Thnmm, 80,. 313.

gm am General kmmbly at Virginia. Bum-muawuns, fiumpany 43!, 3:53, 313.
Asian, Ambrose. $13. Barkmr, -»,, 8:3.
Aataczn, Six Raga, EC), 31?, liiarbat, fiabriel. 59, 3225, ‘Wit, 30$», 331., 4%, 51:,
ikstrmxamy, 534‘ 525?, 53%, 593, am,
Atkins, mu, $13.5-, Cxymmittee in‘: samzrizag imlflfiiafitt, STE.
.M.1cinar_m, William, an, 31?. Cemrt. far $ame2m 'Is1xx1:s.1’s. $621,
M~t«um.ey ilkzsmsrui, !3<2¢fit {mar to fiir ‘mwin Sasiu,<1’;m, 1§€b—l§i1., 2:23,
Mwmaig. iamrxst £33. Exaiatm-gg, manager or, 67.
akxnsziser, Efgxdy, iim. {Ether of financial aaaiatarme; ta rmmpmy, 233.

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts. 1606-1737. Page 2 of 2

4_‘_5«¥£°3_I6i'.~ 55! Aflflififlyu 38. 31?. 'i’o;1Aga to Virginia aumavartcd i129‘, 613, 351 s,
Audite,am,. Sm umfzr Campmag. 5:5!

ékkbflfttfiti, JIGEFH,  Bggfm-ave‘  ’ 5fi_

Austin. Ambmse, 03, 80. Bmgirsve. mm, C13.p1&i:t1, 56. 83. 41!, 53, 1:25, 1-53.
fiwfits 13*‘-. 183. Diasslaimer at opmfiuan to tam ;m:se:nat
ztyiiifc. Sir William. 3&3. management, 1315, 615, rm-ass.

fiymy “I Mania’: came, 444.

Gommltdéw for Egxmagrs Islands flampnny, "195;-tau:.f;_, 113.
533. firmy, wmzaed or, 522.
Ayweughi Jtmex. 593, 593. Slnnfiar, acclaimed <11’, E24.
Maren, falamiix, 9, 11}.

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts. 1606-1737. Page 1 of 2

 

Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
1606-1737 .

Susan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume

III: Miscellaneous Records —— 

  

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‘F14 Ififflflx
Bargrama. John, *IL‘api.&En—mConiifin§d. Bum, Nathnnirel, Captain.
Suite-w ‘Wimeaa to wager, E95.
Annmar by élfomwil fur Vhginin, 6i25e— Bums, Samuel, 53%.

MEL
Cismrges igsfimt tin: farmer gmwamt
mevzii at Eilpginint 
Dmrm in Chancery in his iuvm. 59$»
6&3.
¥’etitia:m= to the Committee for Grim‘-
mcen, iimxne of Common), 5% fwsfiibfl.
Pttfitinna us the ?ri°vy fiiwuncil. M8-*
M9, EI~M~645,
Reply oi fiir Thomas Smytha sad Aida!»
mam 37¢-hnl-em, fi‘2J£&-$31..
fietiled. $5-’3«=fi-54,
Bu-grgwe, Thom». it-iiniater. EYE.
Gift or Iibrswy to wiiega. Ma.
.. S138! ‘fiiurrfingiiauul
.'t§ntker., James, ‘13’.
Baker. John. mcmunluni or clack, 1.33. 3%. 3%,
45114, 568:.
ltisrkvsr, Roberf, ¥’.ri;:t4sr, 39-, 319,. 435,
fiazrklutm, fiir Edward. Lard {anger at Luxzurfora.

Sweet, ‘élfiilinm, 5&3,

lintemsm make. $5.

mama, Robert, 35}, Em‘

Bath and Watts, Jmws Montague‘, Bvkhflj’) 131', E41},

318.

Batmaaat, Th-amass, Si.

Isathum. Timnzzsy, 319.

33%, Tlmznas, .570.

fimgh, Tianmu, 396$ tlflfi, -125, E?{\\

’B&§:1y. fleargs, 4:35.

Emily, Jahn, 396, 142%.

Eisuyly, ‘1‘hom‘m_, 81, 31?.

Baymm. Richard, 32;.

Res:-sfln. Sac under Commits‘, Gfiaaz-.3,

Bewilée. Gabriel. 8-0, 313.

fimdk, John. 319.

Reads. Sm smdkr Commodities; Imilfimag Tram,
Baamnmi, Richard, 4:23..

Ramona, Sir Thoma, $36, 313.

Bmtxmrmt. John. 3:, 326.

55. 554.3‘. fiemaieag Charla. 31. 3311.
Barkiset, Peter, 81. B-echo, Wiiliam, El, 319.
Barklifi‘. éhrthm-_ Explnmr, 5&3. Beckxfard, 1:39.

finrnmrd, W, Captain, 8353.
m.r:’rurd, Jzslxn, SW‘ 393. 61?.
Quart for Srzrmen Islands, 60%.
Warrant in Burputy Jezilm Fermi‘ by him and
atheru, 468.

Earturd. "i??iI1luL3J:r:a.. 84}.

Eamon, Antiaomw. 80, M3,.

flames, Eziwardt $1), am, 383, £632. 593.
Ehkmm, i’?:ai!,lp, $455.

Hanan, Wiiliixm, 318.

liamntagaie, Englmtxazfi. mt).

Bums, Gixriatophtr. 59, 339, £92, 593.

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Bmifaaarfl, E(1WH'd;, @4913 of, I59, 30, 3131
Emhivm. Sex -uzscirr Commodities,
 53¢: under if-ammzxiftiien.
Ba§m3:th.lan:§,}1uhert, Gapmin, fitlfififlfitg £31.
1343!, John, 663.
Bell, Euberfa. 3%-. 326.
Bmhnm, William, 8:04
Beniagifieid, air Ream, 33?.

Virginia Cioxngnny czmtrs, at al., 45.
Bminatfi, finvid, 62, 339.
ilennevtt, Edward, 133.

Gimzuaii fast Vlrgixaitz, W9.

hiamam at lxiy nlmskntimai. MI.

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts. 1606-1737. Page 2 of 2

Buringtmz, Sir Fmncirs, art, 318, arms, 543,
Harry. Iiavid, 57}. Bennett, Efiubem, 538.
Enillen, Fatal", 66'. V339, Bmmeru, Hung, 1333‘
Barthest. ——. Liana»-mt. 2%. Bennett, John. are.
8ma:rn—. -~. Awtimctry. 336- Isannm, Sir Julia, 30, 313, 331.
Bnrwick, Thoma-I, Gszitun, 155, 580. ffiennett, Robert,
in charge of shipwfights far oulonx, fln.i9- fjammjmon, ’zo()»?o;,
 Bennett, Wiffiam, 30; 3113.
3Mifi.x’*'h*8}'*¢1 565!» 559- 9 Wlmm in defame against company’; wit.
E-use, ——. lieutenant. $21’, 4235. Qfifi. 4&2,
mi 1- 8*:  333- BQBQDII, Niuheotu, Say 

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
1606-1737 .

Susan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume
111: Miscellaneous Records —— 

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CUFF 

I £'~5Z}‘1i‘.X

-ax
bi
rm

‘~3*>i11.§Wl*=2r‘a ‘i”“?rginia«-- {3‘flHt5FI1W1«» Can1g*:~mg;, Virg:inEa.~~£lm:ti1usmut:.

Ckzartrzr, ifimw-—
3—"?Q¥‘., ifidifi, 3§32,<12¥S3.
‘:}«:i,!&$i»:il§I*eu’i am! a.ppmem{ liq; Gemzmi
Asabezmbiyé tea, 1:31.
{3!3}1?1It1i&‘v‘~§€3i3S, Efiéiméiii-£5, 45?}-iwlfilfi, 5Il3—5E<i,
.5=1éfl~A’ii?. 525, y§91~fi9§¥.
i3<am.pa3,11.?“»s 1.z:m<:£, 331}, ml, 23 7’, $326, 22?,
22$, :~:;i3., 31:4,  mi}.
Haaunuflarieap, E423.
Cn.x_::n§‘m::_;"£ tenants, 31134131, 115.
iimtaarztii §mg, '12, 1«1:3,3«§?, 34%, $04, 5412, £¥=§4,
M3.
Cmsiase M :’s.l:iw:mi:zn Juahmmn. Mflwlfiaé,
I3'3fi3«41:,‘51.
{§:;ui1r::t’:rzzi.ug John Bsrgnwc, l'54iir~E-46:.
Lam Em: }ii?sD.§IT££LE‘{()I!, S-262.
Mite: mam ecmzmfii in-. ~i'3e4-«£25:-g
Letters 24:) Governor and mmrwil in
Virginian .s$§E§~»5133,~ 53fi*~=5a'343 l5=¥!f%-|3+«53,
fiflfiwwfififi.
Letter its $1: Fttwlie Winwun»d. 3.!-~« :3.
P4a¥;iiir::rnar:_i by zxxrivemurcera and Piatmtere,
fiifilwfiifil.
P:-r3cl2s.1::mt<im1 , €15-39.
Itepfiy in Wallcuam zxrrr! ii‘:-imtzh, 4:13 149:2.
P.‘.a31a;Ii'% cm tahaitta of piatflfaiislfiré, E£U}'~*35}5,
Sir Ni;-timniei }Et"m1:1’bi i1.t".f'£%h<E:£ zxgaénati
E“32—.’23‘:'>.
Quinn; :5. Frivfiegm» -:1! mi*4mt.rer2:,i§;fi-3’J1~3:'5f%.
Zimzrw ahaxxivixxg ‘uktge, ’P'(3lm}’{;r3.
¥3vL-:I:':xns.r1t!r:< imm planiatinrr, dfiéwfiéfifi,  <4
Gawmnmntw
(;’4.anar:1meaa, M2, 35%}:-35v1e
Firzarxcziai iramsmstimsa, . $2‘-353.
Inst-n.mLia:ms to gm-‘t:rm’3r and cm:m::i.l
in Virginia, %3'53-.Ri3E¥, €i4E¥~3fi5, <l,!lf3»~
4132?, s.1E?.~K2~.5«--$25..

Raw mlwn .'«u's.ebus IW::“Lv'I’IznuAvs «J Vii-

Law maéting, 35£»85E1.
Letters {mm-—
Argatl, 92.
*I3<:m.m;i‘l is: ‘Virglzniu, 5s§l~c338;6.1.1 515.
King, mrzcerxaisxg aim, £i»61«{§s52x
Letters term
Glrbverssar and (:}<:!§itii.i3i1 in ‘Virginia, 485»
£31, -$jl?i’z~=113S, !ivf!*2-5£33, fifil, Ei¥33wfi5§,
683-vfrfiill.
Riiayar :2!‘ fialixfiury, 3‘i‘»«$3..
Imktery. ?r<.:ceianmtir:2s ngaiwt buy King, 43-!»
«£35.
3523 aim Lzrlfixzries.

.a§a1a:iitnr:.<. Iii), 3~§§—~3-E’rfl.
Eemim 1.43, 355.
‘Hawk kmgwrt I133; 354.
Cashier. l.'%§§-i«§13, 34}, 348.
I}£3p1§.t:y, 14$»! 42, a’§-§>E$-'-$*‘£'i’.
Duties mi’, I~i~,3w,M4£,, $4-34555.
Eteatiurx aim 3/12443..
Iiualzami. H3, 355,
fie-zmsiinry, 143, 353-3593.
Tmasurer, 5|}, 14644]. 3~1f$e3~1ti.
\=“irgiz:m. (Miners in, 358.
Wages. summary :36, Elififlu
£3351‘-(fit canuifiermi necessary fzzrr new min-
wists. é'zIr'7-«$751.
Patantmm
Fmtm of. 5§€2~»59$, Eifia-«i¥2§§, 6559-633.
flimuteti, me.
Jahn M’xr~tiiI":*:;, ’.’€32-‘£11113,
:'E“twr:’rt»y 12!, 5fl3»5£34, Sfifiwfifilr 66$.
fkivy tifnzunzzil, xzréer. §€§9‘—5ZH3.
Suitam
.Jel“a::.:s Iisurgravtz agaimzi» eckmpaazay, &1'i’5~
5%, 521»-:';?;4, §Qi‘Se—€vfl‘3. §~E3‘5~:{*i!1?’, 

£.‘.tkt"t $2’)? $336‘ £3111 £2135‘. K4-.1}: 3211-5. an-*1

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M-ma ‘-Mu W-vwr -w-Mm “MI W van“ uvs-av, \.I°lDI'“\~:F§’Q}'J’1‘l““’U§»!J.. uagrueggr, smar-
gimax;  93' -Colony“; Flanm 65¢.
tima. grznwummat. Against: Sir I€‘.d.m~rsr:r! ‘Emmi, ‘£5, Jgfimig,
insreséigalirztn of ziiizlsancisfim’ in, 35%  in C§h&m;*.n:r;,'— sgaizimh, {H}:-Sim.
3&7. 6135’. Mfr; agar”: Wiilimxr Levere-mu, swag. amass.
Records,  57.
3&3; KW 91'. 3*!-3- figaiuat Sir Thoma k‘$Iil-flzsmjr. et a1.,
Grmta of privi§egw_, 3=1\~:.$5, 359-‘$32. 5143;» 3«i»-3%, 39»m., 41-~33.
51$, $34~fi37l  Sir Henry’ 2'-«’s:s»*>*i1ixe;, at ail.‘ 43, ~34.
1aad‘iarvs, mvengt: mfée: nxzwsmarez, 6?‘i—€-$3‘ Againsh. Wiiiiam ’a's‘_-ye, 3S1w«‘ES£‘x, 2%
Sec cfsa In<liu:;sr reissiirxns with. 28?‘, £E»E~2S9. 52B«~»~62.'§.‘,

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
1606-1737. _ _ _

Susan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume
111: Miscellaneous Records —— .QfA__Q911_t_e11t.s

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3'42 INQEJX
Mwmk. fimrmel. Qfljfifmiu. samgamt. and .1011 13. Sm awn Shim.
Kmfié 53 mmflfima 555‘ Eflfiaxgat, Limuzi, $91.
M$«f1<‘1i$033. Ifififlfi. Cfintmin. 6x3, :’z'6. Siarigoixi {Musrrygoiti}. Sac under sham.
Commissions, 6544155, '£IZ!rCF—?IZ1-1. Marlréiam-«
Cwwlirimtv sézifiiedy %';i- kmnunts, 339.
Mmtlriox, ’r1msmm {Maddueks}. 62, 86,. aigisfl. Erick on tussbandsy, am‘, 499,
M355-5%; 331.6 Ciflfilldtfiizi. 81?»  Markham, Rirsirnxrri, M.
Mfisiifiinftr ‘-"J. -:53?-L. 5313, $53. Marmaduke. ..‘”§se under Strips.
Cfoniyilsixaies or, by John BK3¥‘£':R‘$Ls‘e, 53%, 631. relsrmnduke. —-, Piiszt, E-$3.
{Iustomn Mmidrmcei 510. Msrmt, Ii1:zm{m;¢, 3.6} arm,
F.»;m:1d.ing of, 515). Murrhxge.
Free ‘trade iimited kit. $315. Birixcimns for marriage as maids sent in the
Laws. 15?, 1%, 362-363. céaiuny, -IM.
Mamigement in colony, 73. Laws, 121, izrmza.
Miaaased by cmnpmtay, 513-521}. Marseilles. 315, 4863.
Przzsperous, 582, flit}. Msrteix, Sir Fihanarg-*, 281.
Sfxips, ?S, -593. 51%, 806. Therm in cast: of fine Virginia Cfoiupsny
'Z€mx.1spnrta.tfo.:i of coianfaia, m2, -195. against Wye, sbsrcaivizxg ‘Wye, ?’|TJi.-7Ii2$.’»..
Tniimccw in tmafiti, 486, ‘£536, 599594. M.&rt;'.n3 iaw, 15, 310.
‘iVeE§ stocked, 5113. 640.. Cfummissiotss, 31?), ms, 6:1, 823. fi$4»»$§.6,
Msitis. 391% Women. Martin iimnticui.
.2‘-Kaila, Tlxumm, 330. Captain John Martina: p3mafati.u.n, 154, 444.
Ms.i‘nws.:ri:xgj, élir A..vthu:r U¢ifiiWF§i!il]§,*}. Isiassaxare set, 5539.
Stand by mmgmnyr, 43. Ikiariin, Christopher, 53. 6!, $33.
36¢ elm Bmmmzring. Maxim, Hana, 153$.
3IaiI:xwnring. Sir Iienry ilvfsiimriag}, 611 64. 31-’!:‘1:tiI1. John, Gaptairiz, 58-, E5. 31, '33, 36. M3,
Mainwasring, '£’!.1om.-Ls. 34. 3'25, 5&1.
Man, J~0$fi13h, 5'13. éweuounia, $36.
Mamhock-Ls. Iii. Accused by John Réslfé, 17!).
Marni. Joaina, 8%. Game, éiréi.
ésiaxacievilke, Lesrd Pm.sE»:i:mfa. 514’). Gexnmiswsian for ‘smile, ‘is.
feimzngolteifiirt, 386. Cazammtii in ‘$‘£rgi1:si:x. 1.3.
Mangopwsamofl f.0pm:1x&nkm3o;,. 5%,». How Virginia may Ea: much; :1 Royal Fanta-
Mangua1'*cai;:m (G=:ma.!: Best}, 584. £563, 3'37, Rt}.
Iiéiarsiwod, Sir Peter. 86, 3%. ‘Hrs Mztmmr flow in Bring»: the Indiana inm
Marrsm, The, Home to {firings 132.2: fnrfimauz i-rm.» Subfaceinn, ?m-‘F97.
Suéiaciien, ‘F34-‘fi}‘f, No ‘mqareseiiiatiuu in Efierxcrrni Asmnnbiy,
Msmsizrixxg, Sir Arthur, 55, 3'29. See am: Main» 15$»! 55, 1633.
'waring,. Patent rights, 155-1536, I63. ?G2—-H33.
fiianquenakn, 1?‘ Pxrtuant traxasierred. 59:3.
}‘fi.'l§l-31811,, NW, {:<31[J=i,-fiin, 53*}. Hmnutvnf; fin ’kJI‘«ahw “I H”. \':-...u.. ,.-.w.~-»z_ —

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts. 1606-1737. Page 2 of 2

  35;; 3&3,  Lu. yaw; Jlvuim xrmuwrrrang
..:<m-’:a,..'- gy «H. ..

M“%E~' sir T3“””""‘* 35°: 33:3“ Sfilxigxfxtfgfitgagngianevfiagfri C"em‘e:=w1 Assam
1‘«isnn.s*:fie-3-:1.  Raisers, xii). My. lfigmgég’ imwms“ .. .
Mansficn Hausa, $33. ymtmnt fig magma L5? mg

', z‘ 9--v .9 ,, ' ‘ ' ' * i’ ‘

iii? <1‘  #1:}: - Mmm, Mira isefartim}, 52, 331:».

3 Wm?" “S " 3*, ?’i?'«?‘¥‘iI1-3 3-Him. 3v*31.i¥?t%.%'§»i4}13. *2.-3,

“apes, xrancfs. Stirs 335). ‘ Mfittin. Menard. Efsfiag-{,3-13;)’ 35” Egg

. a::r!ssxien., Rxaéxsmdx. SEE. $30. {j,~m,mfl gm, »;.vi3.Kinm GS

himgmefi, 31%; under fiéxipg. 3g.[m..£En’ gstwmm  333 

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
1606-1737.

Susan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume
111: Miscellaneous Records —— 

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‘F48 fNT!?EX
1?e§me‘e Fimximimn, maamsere at, Sikh pfittritfimzzgwm/CQnfii;§u§}{£_
Falhnm. Henry, Czxptafin. “pg, Kgng...

I’:!§i:I’:L 843.
Pelimm, ’}.’1*mms.s S7, 3%..
flail, Sir Anthony am}. his l:u:.1.,;,<*, {$4.
Peltosn, George.

8erv.a:x%.‘3 s.c:cm.II;,t, (%EE—==fiiE§, ti*?~%.
Pemberwn, «ma, Bviicxisfser. $5:
Pamhie, Tltnnaam, Mg,

Péerrihrnkm "Dowager Caunteie «of, ‘[23,
I’en:b'm1m, Wiliirxnii,  (if, SE, 2331, 381‘
Advmgturcr in Virgrsfin, -£311, 

Caulxxcii Em V*i:rgi‘s:§a, 3%, £324.
3’4w§£mt, 241.

Pmrsninglam. limtmrt Eféliiiyttgtfiiz}, 8?. 331.
l¥’-mxnymazz. W... $5»; 53.

Femxiy, iienry, I33.

Perm, Haxrtfimiuamaw, 5&5.

Fezram, fiiimg, 5&5‘

Percival, I&ie1m.tt‘}_, 37, 33}.

Petey, ..=Xl1£*l‘:1.. 8?, 331“

37‘mn::~y, George {¥”r:r$r:e;v-T), £31. 33;;

Pm-iigts, Wiléiam, 5135,

Perkins, .m&rn.s,_ ST, 33.;,

3.’t3l‘ki.i'1é§, fiir C§h.riats:sp1xs2:r {P‘:z:rkir1s),, 3%, 331.
Fvarlhzizix, £c§v¢?a‘r:1 :IP::..r'ikEna}_, $7, 331,
Perkina, £:dwa.rv:3., wi+:I:m :31‘, 331...

Perkins, Tliumaa, $7’; 33!.

Porter, Sir Jarrum, 331,

Perry, —-~, 5525..

}’&r'ry. 31132133 5%.

Pzrmiam. 3&9‘. ‘$23, Md.

Peru, 5&3, W3.

Peter, Peter, £1’.

firemen, fiazamirzka.

33-«(farm-.~:a:'x>c§ with wife. iktiw, arid her za-211:1,
William. 5%.
Pas'§¥§<i<>ns»:
Mmrnf; minus. i§§l‘.5—f9I?:aR.

For Imp flier xxmamc-me, 531M531’.
For taixatsrm izxafmrtattiugi, s1241mé?25.
F1211‘ new governor in Virginia my dnzméglx 13$
Iaorzrl Ilia Ls. Wart, 2;31~«2:}2_
To Privy {2‘<}.t.z:mil~-
H1: -liilfm Emgmwzs, fit}S»~t3fl9, i3»H~«i3.»ii-S.
By Jehxa Guitar, f}?5_
 Patent, ‘2t‘i5uElfi¥5,

i*t‘:i!‘I5, Ianrii Jozlm {f’e<2tet}, 32$, 33]..

Fm-tz, mwniee, 3?, 33:.

Fetiiw,  Jnsgefim, 8E}, SE1,

Petty i&!‘©l.¥§,3r' dsiirusted, 17r'f2*.

.I’£!1x~'r§§is‘.%§ Eh ?‘§§t.:§3%,:§:,t:3 {.£’ma.'r§fl?“m§., 3%, 332.
Ikzgrtxirn, Sir Eienry {Faymn}, 8&6, 

Letttzr E1-am Sir George Yl2"&‘rd§i£:y, fififiwfit.
Sued by comgmray, $5.

'PfLilipas, Jcxlm, 538.

Pkiilips, Tlmrmm l;I’13.EH§:ppsII.'. ST, 33!, 568.
Philzptnkzh, Binary, 87‘, 33:1.

P:E’1.§’$§t1ri§I;i§':a Emmrhs, 5%.

Pitrrce, -~.

Faient, 111%.

Fivazrcy, iirzriry, 135.

Pilfiej iiV'Ll§§§ai12_, 5237} 4&5, «I10.

flawna. See under {?c):r:;1:gms:!i.1:Err.3.

Piggatt, 1{ir:1:.srd, S3’, 332.

Pike, -—~, 416.

Pillow, Wm

Pinsrjaaitmi, John, 539,0

Piracy, am, ms, 532.

3:11:31: Eargrwe accused of, 522*.

i?’Et»&1x.v Kw mafia (?«::mmozii~Eie~a,

£59-*5. Ea‘-$;‘2§'rgv:, S7, 333.

Pimrprai, Efirancin, fififi.

I’.3a.:a.t, Humpxlmry, 1217, ‘Z18, 2:”{{k,

fmmunis, I30, 137,

tM,....5..s:a.., n I

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts. 1606-1737. Page 2 of 2

"""""' ""“r‘"”"" “""" “'""" £33!-EIWWPUTJ, ‘P1,,
Ta aflinpgflym fgflfitliihffi 86¢ Acnnurita
A,wea'3~c¥i2ig M aizaxiga 1150. mg». 15%;“ f .§ ' ‘ '7 V, M ..
new at mtnenism, §75~i.:m.. ;;;:15:»,«g' 5:5; °§4’1&§fi‘ ‘W’ 5“ ‘5‘m' 5&2”
‘M’? 5133“ ii‘! Wiflrfm, ‘lfflvififl. *€3nr:<1itiz1m.;;f—-=-* : “
?“’£3,‘’‘.‘’i'‘'’*’?1‘.**E‘* ‘§3,f‘f"3"‘f; Praised, fi’S«~69. fi. 243, ass, E-”£]"e"-3£1.
ficmmu Iiieccrrutmx, 161. who dtmflu in aafiwam,
RW“’31*’“1‘~"““’: W1- Candm of 44:45:? iwa A “
R-aquzsat £0: workmen, mm, 161. l‘?J&n‘tm%rs'i;5 wncér;:i{:g..1i;«;...}g3
Ti’ 3.mrzz:mar and €§0‘L1m.:§1 in ‘iVi*rginia~——« £Tam;:'!ai~;g£ .3: g34,g.&;n ‘ _,.‘.  .
Eh‘: Mix; aim: mmaens, fififlwfiigai  agflmém 9.?’ .. . ma :3 . a man-
For pnrdonx. :is1»as:2_ V . " ‘" ..
F0? ‘m:<wm‘;-' :11 duhfi. G-Q53. Cgiitgféxigmv fiamlmfi mwmfimmt my

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
1606-1737.

Susan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume
111: Miscellaneous Records -- 

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JWEEJEX 7&8

P];unmticm-« =€.7o13§.i :2 tier}.
Sootmvmim ¢I>tT)?li1C!h’}§’i’tEi3g*“**Cz‘<(¥?i‘§.§'I3‘l£i;‘.(1.

Phmta tiunmfinntinnad.
(li€sv‘ernznc£n’i«——.CantEnussd.

John Em*grs.We.’s discksinmr -tn: opp-msis
tirzsn. in present nmnagsmmfzt, 63?~
fiafir

82251‘: of ifiappmixx John. Bsrgram against
Sir '1‘1m«.rn.&.sLs fimyvth, test: at {fz3:‘l%"t1’m§
gmieramsus}, a5.§?~—5‘2ifB,, 5%}-w52é$, 513%
£302’, $115««l5{1§‘,, k§{¥3§»~$i3»1?. fii4~§«-4343.5.
$*fu’5—f‘r§,E‘i_, $5-3-vfi5~i,,

Emma:-mire: (i§§\'i?ECP]313:lvfiY3iI>~'-‘

tlmtmsrzs ~ri‘Im,im¢, 3&3, 5-iifl, .530, {#951-{$02.

Igreecioszr in fishing; ‘mntliieixxxiamfi, 45%
4:51}, 513~51£§,, 5§.%{1l5, fn1t3«««51'3§
525, 

Fzwriom of trade, «ms.

igirsziimfi to mmasisrs, 51S}««:§2fl.
Patenfs graiztiag, 513, $413, $25..

Natarni aa:i~mns.sg¢:a for trads, 5'32.

Resstsmut of firms, $3, 51:).

Road making, §:’?.’:*.

S?i1pp§iae§ fminx Engishfi, Hflreiifi, 3iI3"~3.i5,.

Survegingg 43'.

Tabaeezs in trade, éfifi-. 53{}«««5S1, 583»
533.

Wages in, *§5'?‘, BSWEQO.

Sew: um Camsnndisiea; Trims; rsiagm
aixw.

Fe-.ri.ifiaation.s*-
Arxm. saris Em, 145$. Mfr’, ms, 113%}.
Bziilcifiiig and was of, 4:31)‘, 583, S-e1"i—6ei3,.

Efimrfin for, 36, (S14.
Pflanznsd after msammm, 513, Bs!§8««6J§'3",

JL4im1'rsisf;r11f.inn hf hsmhirw-_ 5%.

http://1cweb2.1oc. gov/cgi—bin/ampage

Qlummizsaion for fedaratiaua wmz Pats)-
manks, fi5§—i555»..

Bommissiourt for forsed fimcfiing wash
Imiiains 31” fast Innaxmro, 112122, fl-98-597..
$934599, 7oo—ma.

Cmnasrixsiona far  fishizag. 51% 51:5,
518«»~51?, $25.

(3omn)issi‘o:rs rm msxrfisi Yaw isffiosr :;1m‘e~
mm, 613%. £313), £511, 6%, sssasas.
Couzmffls. S-as C’m.ini3i1§I1 Virgixaiag Elms»

aml, Assembiy in Ԥ.!'irgi'nis..

Izratsucssfixsns to govomnr. Sm: under:
fiommor of Virggészia.

Laws of, 311-.» Secs aim; Lftwsz of €'}t:zi2s:»r‘.3.*,

 st’ oi}?-wars, 2%,, 121! »i§i.

flfiiéfim" {Ma 51433-tmii.

Order by gernrermxr, SM}, 2242, am.

flrds: {or rsreamutimas  maaaazxm
51%}.

Brgmximtimi of, 3U‘3«31 1.

Pardons by gavsmm, N. 3% gigs
{’nrdr:m:s..

I’at’it§t::n.*3»«—

To governor, $52-5:53, i¥Si~B32i
Friar imlp arm» msssmm, ES2.

Far pardon, fi$i-«£333.

For weavers’ of dam. 5599*

Ahmuta vsagzzcr, fi'£5+«fi*9i3.

PI‘vL)i§}31iI1§’L&'£i:)3‘kE§ of [Ct}V%’3";’[I—IZh}*‘, E51»-‘?‘i3, Q3,

663;«~i%é:'-9. 523, 
Clapmio 'k’§:1ach'.a plan, fi«fi~~—fi«.$8. Saws aim §’ncrx:l.smatiEuima.
I:astmc:1ie;sn.s for defense, 21-22,, 93, Iiaseords, 21.

Rampart at prumesdixngs in Seszxsrsk Am
Bambi:-P. l53—~i7’3.

fifivfiwfififi, fl-3vi~B*S5.. Tohnwu phsnting f&&t?i§t’l3(E;. l§EMi4?.
Sue aizw Block hames. Waztrrmiss by gavsxnor, W, $85. 8193:: also
Gowr:zmem;—i Wsrransa.

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts. 1606-1737. Page 2 of 2

.. ............ -... 13.1’. , ,,,, W, E‘WIlNI
Bmmtinfitzs ami zmmaxxgfirnent of yrivatei
Ctmsua, 33.19. 11%,
Claimants of nimnmifc auimais, 1&9, 1.15:.
Cksmmimiraua by gufieiéxnar, ‘?4., 9'5, ’}'5-
$5, 5}}, 535M533, $35!, 638, :31 I, 622,
6313; $54.~i§5£i,. EM-£05, t3§16-l}Q?, -6»I§$~
£399, ?{}G-“W33.
fifiommiaaisan tar mm trading, &35«~53fi,
flommizmfimzs fa find new aim for malnut-
ing, 6353-657:’, 3T8—£v79.
 » 9

fium '§’wms.e9-~
Iiigifit I133‘ 33%-at Whilhlfi er, fil. finfifé‘, ~irQ4..
Cirsiczw-:1 by ::<2m,pn:x;.y in has huiit. $119.
&Qs3_, 53%.
How ‘I:"irgin.ia may be maria: 3 lioyai Exam
tivzrn. 1'0‘1'=~='? ID,
Jumtifiieatinn for ¥’1sn.II:i::g, P3.
Maaasatw-E--
.Ee~:ne!ic*im1 mnuatz ml‘, Sfifiv-453$}.
Report after, M1—5?¥Q.

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L § 5% F! A ll 3'

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
1606-1737.

Susan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume
III: Miscellaneous Records —— 
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INIEEX

Ehipa-wiiordinued.
Qrmtnsrrri. 639;
Darlings, Si-1, 3K5.
£32 in Ffizr, 43.

mm, :52, 192, 215, 522:3, any saw, em, 3431,
fliwamry, 535, 52:3, 531:», 532, an, 639, seat

 far fair ‘trade; Ma.
}}u’t{:i1 man 1:»! W93’, 3-$3.
Duty, 11.5, 279;, 3&1, 398, 5%..
“Kiwi Imliia siiim, $8.
Edwin, 458., 5%‘
Elimtor" {fifiwr}, 53%; £139,
Ififmbetk, 235$.
imam, 2.25, 3432,
Fiuitmislz 1mm of war, 21$; 222, 2533; 3135:
Miyistg Hiirlg 5353.
Fisflimérrnfiam, 1313, 6311, E5€’ri‘§‘s, {$73, 574; 398.
Grgflanri, 11.53 1&5, 231, £312, ‘£33, 28".’, 33%.

»IE§*£I2~~E€Q-i.

Lo-at M fficzersmm Iulanda, 533$-«$.21.

Gtwgt, 22:3, 2&3, 3&3. $05; 46%. 4&3’, $93, 5313?,
551. $331 fi3E¥, $448», M8».
lfishing vraxasm fix: Newfuuruilanfi,
3«¢;»«2?>§3g fiat.
(Eff {Quin}: {If  2,. S, 9, 16, 11, 152, $43-1,
335%.
fflébfi iffimb}, 508.
Gaziscpwd, 839.
Hart, 93?’,
Ifomwell, 513, 5:23, 533, 539,
Irish ship, 
Jamar, (I-39.
Jama.!.Fmxx,115, 3:01. am, 
Joseph. 6:39.
Limrid iiLyJ£fir:i},. 2'1). 1'3.
fifargarti, Em, 1E¥3~—i13a!;i. 90135 ‘EH1, B12, 233,
231}, 3%: 3?‘3«1.3-3»§~“"3iE>>5,.

am of flzrniahing, 173” 3892

fifargarel and Jolzrz, ‘$333. £52, £53. 532, 534,

‘F5’?

Sizigxar-~CzmEEnumi.
Raawfiztrice, ISM’.
Rayaii James, 533, £331? 63?, 35333, 
fiammell, ‘((14).
Efea-,€awsr. ISM, 639:, 1391.
Santa 1:41‘: ‘¢”i1:gi:t§a, 159153,. Qifilimflaifl.
lsilsw faimrs, 13:}, £313.
Raters Islands frigate, 244;
Stnrgmrs, £43.
fiaxgapiy. 239, 3E8, 373, am, 3&5, -iiki, >143,
Chnrixrar party fer, 
fflszrtifiscaivrg in: sailing, 4135-«atflfil
Swan, 115, I32, 126, 30!}, gm.
Tcmymsratws. ‘£24, 448, 63$);
'?“igxer -(flew), {M5, 5‘3fi~, $530. 59%, il52°i“._, $851,
395, E96.
Eswme {mm Tmfim, sfi-ii},
‘fsxkeza by '1‘ur.’lm., 
?“r»mswe~r, 25$, -‘&1.S»-aifiié,
Acscamzzfi at aitisrka cm S‘gmx;zim-:35,
?i1’£}~§i’KL
?'fi’4’1I.£, 115. E23, 237,. 2§{§,. 3&2’, 4&1, ~i?.5a=$..
Wnnzrickc, 4105, 493,  501.. -502‘, 5&3, 311?‘,
526, 5313}. 5313 583. SEN. 633, W8, E1318.
Wiréfe‘ Limit, %‘9.
Will and Thurman, 15?.
fiihiptan, ‘fhomam, 853, 333. SW12, 593.
Bhipway, Timmaa, (W-i.
fihirirsy. ffixanfirszd, ‘$6, 2413, mi
Shruwsbxary, Mary, Ctzsxlsiittiléa m‘, 3?‘, 353,
flanker, Jemmf. 53$»
Sickness.
Among etliizmiws. 230, E44-
arnoasg Imiiams, 232143.
.%f» Captain Igawnefs i)\1‘a“‘f“fi§(km write, @413“
Imiima diéeewsc. 568.
am. See -umfrr Cummxzuditiea.
Siik  Sm winder l:'¢)¥t1Ti2~i3tf§i‘Ei4‘és.

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Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts. 1606-1737. Page 2 of 2

33;}; 3-3.; éiiimr, John. 538».
gwgww (_;:_gga,.w,,1g;_ 2m’ 25*;_ Silver I=‘.i\f~c<m~ efiezet under Shim.
Marmaduk, am, 493, um. acts, baa.  $iI1'&¢T.Jol:na fiuvsmn. 313.29?»

59;’ 533‘ 51g, Acmumuu, f.8£i, 1%, 392, 4«fl4,.
Mary and John, 8,. 9. fikinkwcvnm. ifichenkensahnnmi 58$.
May-Fiawgzr, 2:39. Skizunm-’:s_. Company as!‘ 88», 333-.
Mérclmnl, 115, 280. :2{!7‘. 2%, 301}, 30114 3773 filneey, 'i’¥m;nu. 88.

44!. Slmise, James, 538.
Nspcuua, 4.18-£23. Siam‘. Humphmy, 653..
Prim-Ram, 639. fikaughtara John, 
Prmmzrnua, 1523 17 , £13,. 282». Smsleman, Iikanaim $8, 334.,
Prgviaianing cuf fur vogmgm to ‘i«’irg5nia., 351, Smith: SM aha Smytbr

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J&NUARY £0, .If:’£3;’.‘S' 17

seivea all possible asistence, Livt. "Parkinson wt?“ his peopie is airedie
gene éowne, y’ like we shalhe redie to dee to 5?“ rest of time Pi..:mt:e.t;ivone

We have reeeaveé éivera Peticians wherin wee wiibee readie ta doe Jae-
tice, as 3* ymofes shat}  vegan. fixaminatiune, not  any man fer
ought we know, eemplejme Juetiy that A Lewfnflr heminge Imtéz been
diemeci him at any tyme.

Leafiic we "Cfonelufle wm our humbie request write) you, 3?‘ you wit} not
iutige Bi us by the everstfl of thfingt W“ are ever vneetten espesyeiiie in
:2. xsew Hentatione, not by remzrtw of hremiecti people, some of whom
have tieaewetliie wltiergaino general} kiiftfifi of punisiameat nor of thz-:~
mafitious and mlmowiage, but rather to give Creditt. to our §:m}:1i.q1:e
infc>r.metxi.::ms, and then we shall Glzerfaliie, as we heme ever faithfully,
yeeede tut} the a.cEvai1neme:nt of ycrazi’ tl%;*i.g£z.es the good eueeese wrherescsf,
we h.umbIie moomend to 3,2‘ fevers {if the Ajlmigfttie and ever rezztmirie».
Most humhty at ya’ Cafiaaacls.
James Cytity 37° 2%‘ of January E1622
Fm: Wmw
Gamma. Ymunra
Gnome. Sazrmfe
Enema Snare
Jam»: FQ?;2’NiI,‘I$
RALPHE Hume

iI;n:t!.4::rseti:] Te 3*‘ right Hone“ 3'“ Eerie af fiuthamptzenejard other 3;‘
Ixxrdw, W“ the rest of the wecxrthie eduenturerrs of 31° Virg;;ma— Comgeny.
1’anr1' CDI§2€¥31i}. Gamma aaaeaerxzte Gamatn JOHN Bmeliavn
JA.mI.a,m: $0, 162Ef3

Rwiater of the I’:-Evy? Cfouuoil, ‘$01. ‘if, p. 56%

Dacumant in Ptibiic Ba-uorci Dfiiee, Landon
List of fiecnres ‘No. 491
{Time finder ef the Privy Gounxztil respecting Cfaptein Jehn Bs_rg1f8~V€*.: Jiirh
.243, 162:2j3, is -printeci in the stat: of the Privy Ceutzml, Caionmi, I, pp.
516457.}

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'SmithO1'

Index links

to::gi2/Bastion/L_e_tt<: th f
Families covered: Smythe of Ashford, 5mYthe Of B°““d5I Smy e 0

Osterhanger, Smythe of Strangford

John Smythe of Corsham (d 1538)
m. Joan Brouncker (dau of Robert Brouncker of Me|ksham)

John Smythe had issue
Thomas Smythe of Osterhanger (b c1522, (1 1591)

m. Alice Judde (dau of Sir Andrew Judde of Ashford)

Sir John Smythe of Osterhanger and Ashford (b 1556, cl 29.11.1608)

m. (1578) Elizabeth Fineux (dau of John Fineux of Hawhouse)

Sir Thomas Smythe of Osterhanger and Ashford, 1st Viscount Strangforc
30.06.1635)

m. (by 1621) Barbara Sydney (b 28.11.1599, d 1642/3, dau of Robert Sva

Leicester)

1.
2.

A.

a.

Philip Smythe, 2nd Viscount Strangford (b 23.03.1633/4, bur 08.08
m1. (22.08.1650/6) Isabella Svdney (bpt 30.09.1634, bur 20.06.16i
g/dney, 2nd Earl of Leicester)

(1) Diana Smythe (b 1660, dsp)

m. John Aelst

(2) son (bur infant 15.03.1664/5)

m2. Mary Porter (d 13.11.1730, dau of George Porter)

(3) Endymion Smythe, 3rd Viscount Strangford (d 08/9.09.1724)

rn. (c1710) Elizabeth Larget (d 28.06.1764, dau of Jean Larg
Chalons)

(A) Philip Smythe, 4th Viscount Strangford (b 14.03.1715,
m. (1741) Mary Jephson (dau of Anthony Jephson of l\
(i) Lionel Smythe, 5th Viscount Strangford (b 19.05
m. (05.09.1779) Maria Eliza Philipse (b c1756, d
Frederick Philipse of Philipseburg, New York)
(a) Percy Clinton Sydney Smythe, 6th Viscour
Penshurst (b 31.08.1780, d 29.05.1855) hz
rn. (17.07.1817) Ellen Burke (b 1788, d 26
Thomas Burke, 1st Bart of Marble Hill)
(ii)+ other issue - son (bur 24.01.1744/5), Mary, Anne
(4) Elizabeth Smythe
m. Henry Audley of Berechurch
(5) Olivia Smythe
m. John Darell of Calehill

(6) Katherine Clare Smythe (b 08.1683, d 16.04.1711)

W ll 1

7 .
( )+ 93519’ Fsué WYPSP) ' GGOTQG (b c1679 A... 40 4. -_-’..


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The Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
606-1737.
usan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume IV:
iscellaneous Records -- Table oooo IQf__A__CWQntents

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AP'fi*.é‘3t"3 if}. 351$ 3%
6 M‘ Dike M’ Rogers Junior
14 M’ George fimith Gmear M’ Wootiaii 4
2 ii’ Robert Smith radar li3}1am— M’ Syarrow
beriin M‘ Man Junior 1
6 M’ Canninge M? Roberts Junior 1
I M’ I-ixxnzphmjs Slang MI’ Vifiaat E
4 M’ Tinaier M’ Fesxme
1 395’ Edward. Benoit» Mi“ Canon
1 M’ fimot M‘ Iiobilns
hi’ Wmte M‘ Waie
M’ Steward EW‘ Lauvezsv
3 1‘s3Z*.Joi:zI Wmtim M‘ Townsanci
M’ ?aiauisi:aa M‘ Essington S3
4 M’ Christopher Barron. §IM' Bitehfeiid l2§§%34

2 ,M* Jonson

Eltrtlorsed. in the hand. of Sir Natimxxiei R-.ich:] Names of aétmnturers
that fiisfii-1e gr‘ fiat procswdiny of bzmineaa in 3" Virg. and 3. Islands
ilcrrzapaayest Ag:a.1fi2€3.

CCCVIII. Civw-min Jam: B..ummvE. Gamma. Aoninsr 3:12 'TE££l!e£..9.3
Efsmm, mm Amwms m Rowan ham? 3*? Sm Nasmawmr. Raw

Iéwxzin (‘R’), 1623

Eisiaxzcixastiar }’ap,¢i-E, 3%, 351
Ilmmmenf. in Public Rmnrd (mica, London
Liar; oi Rewards No. 43-!

The charge ayinat S’ T. Emit}:

That 3'‘ T. 3. hm: not yforznad the trust mpmed in him by His Mam

iitut. eonirafiwke w"h great Reason it may be stmngiie prwumeii, that

both he firat mxmxe to vxadertsice this charge vwh siraister I5: priuaie end:

of his c:1Wr1s:.&: hath an mntynuad ti:-erein during the 32- 32 of his gotfin‘ ash §*§_*§;a<~ in my
saeszmeth to be nmée manifest as faiicsmzth.

"§”.hi3 as they any is but presumption: And eammrie to their mime Ant 0E5“-““'“"

Cam. whgn gr ‘:2 ,5. summdemci his place in w"h they thsnnkafufiiy acknowl-

edged his  endeavar“ the good =38‘E&'E» of the pimmgs & five him as

reward of 3:3: zhams: 3

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em,

The Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
606-1737.

usan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume IV:
iscellaneous Records -- '[acb|eg_Aof, Cmongtgemgs

      

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 1?1Ei?0I?£)£i' (‘SF THEE? W’l?:§INI:1 £I1"€}MPAZ~.?Y

2,'}E‘h;st he negiected the cam of times businmses, i:zevc‘3 when has  in tbs“:
Cum-ts he wnulé may tywnea rise 1%: gee a33e~s:r§ ifitlilifii Cit§‘iaEr‘t3£:(3$Si-£3133: 82¢:
mW,.,~; Hg tmkg mm-3 :2-gm of this fiiseri 0f all others & more mggagezl Tlifllfisiilfii.

33 11%: sent but few woman thither <§: those mrrmzat.

,m,:*:&a=.v He sent 2 great many $5 those of the imi;  maid gets: 5: sortie:
such wiwm whose fiusimnd aiuee hath her: knighted xi: ’1am«;ie‘e €§€me;r:w*‘
of Virg,

.5; He sent tam; Cattle sufiiszient for the C0§+:3n.3*€2 5:‘: 311 of
:‘!tI'Lww_§1€§ sent. many they confem 3m in their daniarmiun.

yfhat tiusm was no pubiiqe seaie made for the Qotxapany in S’ '3)‘. S. tytne:
Bier no diuisiazrins of ianctl.
_m_T}xere wem may ciiuiaiom; of land xuaaiiaz but true. if is the ’C:5£;’¥1{)‘i1}' was
shut so S£.‘§Ll-téirfiii as  Arm ‘for the: $§.‘.‘»3}5 échea» that w*‘h was timra arsed.
was the Eveale mass for t1a£:~(3«ounse1i of Vixg by his Bria” mm agapaiutafzl‘.

a'I‘ha;i‘. though iéheore were enaamples of ii st§:'p1—e Cafiiadityes ingtiae 13“
years of his gmtirfi yet in the 12 3;. {sf his g::~u‘9n‘ only Tubamo 3.: $a.s;saf'ms.
Amz,There hath ban none at aii since: & the charg is vntzmag

That them were few omcissra «Ea. iaww mafia in 3* '1‘. £3. tyme for g¢:au’?:r:* of
the Ccamymny £2 Colnnye from whmtce iasued Iuiamécice ii phicuéiar instance
wmwhemaf that men wzsre solé as siauea and ii: hfis tyme a. Coifiittxse appointoci
to consider whiiher it were fiat to ::a'ntym1e 3;: dewrt the piautaéon.
Auw{£3 Them were Iawess flow 241.1% Company there. Ami none for the Coitzmy
since but wintsre nmiie then‘

3Thevra was 3 generaii. negie-at in his officers: M.’ Gaming anti skiderrnan
Joiizzwma xviao new? cieareci his Mzmmpt §b=:.m wronged the (f3::impa—uy of
£:aaw3{3Q” in fziuor of the ?viagazi11.§ and gooiifi bought. at excessive Rate mid
the iistas of tfm§lJ$mi:‘1‘.‘:.e£ arid «at? the Tree xvritt in $2 {mm Virginia» mm eme-
i‘1.3§‘i3*’1mpt And that Aidiarmar: Jcmhnmn in :2 disemxrae. of his to a, primate
freind dié (iissceo—fii(=;:1d £1.-we ~‘£L‘~(;az1.x::t.re::.%.
»‘w»IV«Thia beiougveth to this: Gffiscars to miaw.

93%;: fruits: of thexpenee of the iyxne :3: money in germ:-s«,E§
¢W« Here 3' T. 3. gives 35 short Aasmmyt of what. ‘ems dime in his tymg.


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The Thomas Jefferson Ppers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
606-1737.

usan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume IV:
iscellaneous Records -- Tagbglgeggggggfggcgongtgegngts

 
  

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:%PRI..El (P), 16:83 83

Time much for negieczm in 8’ T. S. tyme. New for 3 matfbera sf & high
nature.

That his Ziiaii" .Ira.%z‘uet:i0na first. gi.’£.lBn for gmzfiimi were not ehaerxzsecii, nor:

so much as pubiisheti.

He did faiicw‘ thinstruetiimng: ma game iiepgzriea timrtzmf to this Fmsiéent Amw.
& €?»m.1m3<e£1 first esmhlished: Affid they were engmssecti faireiy in a. Bmésk

as 8%. Record.

The Cmansefl seldome assemfiied but w‘h we Cimxxpazijr, and the Lnrdfz
_§i:;f the Cuur':sai1§ made iittk: iwqxzaiutmi W}: the pmeemtiizxgi ef muse
businesses

Hr: (fix! {Zift assemble them: but than they were an few thafi they amid 1ra,0fiAnsw.
so aft :15 he would as had be meet: And he cziamzzeatlea it as mffifimélation
rather than :13: error §especia1iy an offence of 2m high mture§ that in all

his gyms: the Iarxrds w of his life“ Cuunsail were so litties —§Atm:1bie*‘§ and
their rrmre weightie afiiaires inteirrnpfezi  4:41-e  ea? iéhés 

as tlixey imue hen since by §wit},1§ these hu$in£:§..%$.

Thatsir T. Smifh suffered a. fimke of iéasmsza fur gr..m9m‘ of the Qmianys
cheifely extracted out {if the imvea fer gouging the Aermye in the iaszaw
Cfurxtreyes.

That. was &xnswe1‘eafi. before the LL’ «S2 siilowed. Marv?-



 igasie   fie flees!   §I~Et:w for other 3§t.i::u3.ar
errors tile}? c:'h:z.rge hi:t:1§:%;m§§ that téhza ’£‘r=ea$11ror £2. €3u;rueme* of the Uflifi-Anew
pang were 3% fi-rash bmiag in tizemszaiues distinct ‘flifizzses: were Inade amen by

the Irsiirigt tree Fatents: vfih is Stlppflfifld to be $33; 3* '1‘. Smythes memes

{TEE 'IT‘his is the 313$ 0?? the ‘Eras Paiiienizsz 2 whereof were drawn by S‘ Edwimswi
Sanfiys himseffa

That great firms were gin:-.n tn the Wider Offieers 1?r“‘§5T1 maze to 15130‘ ix13“’=
xi} ysalw

Thais were instituted by the f§§ou.nse1E :3: Company. 5: tiae Qaishswre §~sE‘A~nwr
Bcmke E-meg who was to ham ma? 3:; Afa; 1;e—'a..*§ in the bag of the piantaxéon
thereto &ppo.i’nt:2d by we L: 'T’hreas‘-9; 3?: as so the; one pixie alone by ilazit
i.nz;::im£iz;g game to 1289 of the: 1.589‘ 1311: cnrmeaures  Ifififli 13 Air‘: in 12 3;.


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The Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.
606-1737.

usan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume IV:
iscellaneous Records -- 7[aeeWt;o1oe”o_‘o9WfeeeeCWger1ei;ents

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34 RECCIHDS €33’  VIE£r'I£"€’I.¥% C5E.3MPx1N§”

not to be excteptm egainzst   S’ E. $. would haue no laws than
586* p A51‘ for diireaaing the Eiaimmpaly of Tahaece by WE}: mamas gocuis
shouid have bean taken from them, changed &‘ muici against their will

a:Ti*.m't Eh Aewmpptfi were not afmaiiily made: 3: his Mcompifi intricats'::&
that the Compaay by his §Aeen—mpL is indebted af§ 52”.” 13' Lifi ab.

mm. I-Xe gaunt: vi) my &  Acxmmptf audited 8: aiiaweé by men w“*hm.:t.
exweggtion §2'm<:l ail his Acmmptt at this day sfiannzi so audited 3:. 1111.-€m*e;~d§
And there is 3 ptiamiar Answers wntseming xiii gliwmns againsis his
sieeapi;

4:’£‘hat. this want. of fitcamptis was a hinfleranae *£e«ti1—:3 {aiantaéunz for some
at! me this & some another.
.i§.:‘-uzw:5¥hvE §Ta3§ Glamor he eafiat ansmere mm

siilihaf. some of the Lmdzery money was i.mplo3*e»;i in paying; of the flebtx’.
of me Som‘pan'y for W*"h. $* T. S. hixnsaife 5:§{:rr)€i engaged mntimry in the
ESE?‘ zxgrewfi befiweene the LL‘ & the Company.

Axum. '1‘ha moneyvee he mcea.u,es':.i am? the Ltmtteerynes. was nut; msmix: for he Eeff. in
stock 3i}i)G3 and E’  3. had MUG? thereof. 335%-Hui was The .%,if:='l21£e that
renzuagmetl was payed hy Grder of Cfiourisz  §Bw;;t§ 3* Ed. Sanciyfi ‘himsaife
cenfesseth tshafi he bath 3)‘   the gubliq Smith for fiischarg of
(31:21 debts

iaiuartzl.-1,6 §Ti:en§ they deaciizcree 2&1 E)“t“{3jI'$ cnffiitteié 133* E3’ 8. Argaii to be vptm
S’ '1‘. S. seeing he fauamd him.

Lastsiy they say that these things the Company could izaue bean csoment
to hating bttryeci in silence but tiaat S’ ‘T. 55. heat}: famzvred th’Op1;"rU$iE£§ gate
in iahe Gompany 43:9.

Elndorsedzj Breife. of 3?‘ charge mafia  S! T. Smyth


Spacer


194 REC‘0Rl3S ow ma VIRGINIA company

CCCLVI. [Sm mmmmz. R1t::£t.]‘- “1~3m~s Wnxcn ‘E mmwrn? TWK
or C.urmm {Form Ba.;a.cm..a.vE’s Bumouaszz 'ro ME CONCERNING Sm

Enwm Smnvs”
Mn 16, 1623

Mannhesmr Papers, N91, 358
Document in Public Racmxi Ofiiee, Lcmdan
 of Remrtis No. 508

This day basing fridazg the 16”‘ 9f May M23 ‘betweene the hmlres cf
11 and 12 9. clock in the farmnnne Captaixae Bargraue came be me sfhgw
me 9. paper WI: he had drawne egnceming the flat Geuerm‘ nf Vxrglma,
verb 1 cutie mm: 3,116 deliueread to me §him§ againe, §And§ He angiisnar fielia
basing than an alum in the great Cinnabar ef my L<}rd af Warwimks hmme
he tould Ina than he was afrayci to disemxer same thmgi _w‘h he knew of $15
8’  Sandya his pmceeding in thugs husiaesses, both because he W83 80
vphetd priuately in his cuurses as also that he had the stmngth of tihe Caurta
to countenance: hinn in all tézingfi and us had 50 mrryed the business that
he wanlci be are to hide all his nwxm ill actions vnder the name of the
Cmnpanye: Besydt he Eould mine that by l:xis'1ung acquaintame w"h him &
his wayes he elié §was imiuced§ veriiie 35 to beleaue vthat there was not any
man in the Wurici that carried a. more wmlfii-ems hurt in the Gouenn‘ sf 3.
Monarch?-e than he §S‘ Ed. Sandys§ éidt fur Ciapt. Bargaue had heard
him say Tim if eu9 Gad £1-um heauan did er Elia-use constitute and éirect .9.
Ge {mine {If (E§ou4ea-m‘ it was that of Geneua: Ami he hath oft tyxnes reprew
headed §{3apt§ Eargr-aura that in some §written§ firacmtes af his, and in his
discmzraes he seemecl tn dislike the {2} mnshitutian anti frame of the §fint§
—Gour::1-m‘ wk of Virginia  §to§§ as that w°h inclinw §~vnm§ if net
direaztly barging a pmpular Casual-m* he tailing Capt Bargraue: that his intent
was to erect a free. state in Vi;-gnia nnfi othar word: to that gurgasoaee. And
tn *th.a..t ini;en4; {ms Capt Bargraue afiirmecl to me) he §S'  3.§1:nooued my
L. of Canterburye to gin-e heaue tn the Brawnistm anti ‘Saparatisfa ai iEng}.
to gm: thither for w°h my I.-orclt grace of Canterhurye sayed to Bargraue
that he should nan? liiie weli of S’ E. 53.; those Browtiiatea 
by their Iloatrine c}a3rming:~. a libariie to disagrseirzg to the Gouerm* of
Mona:-chm: And the §d Capt. Baa-graue likawise gflimqggi that if thg
353“? ’°'»"“h 335’ 5'2’ Ed. Samiys his me-fines was sent into  w 356 at

* In the hand of $1: Nathnnizl Riuh.

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The Thomas Jefferson Ppers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.

606-1737.
usan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Voiume IV:
iscellaneous Records —— Tab|e_ Qfwcgqgntentgs

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MAY (3HGRTL§" BEI*U'RE" MAY 1'8), 163;! £95

(in w‘h is a clam (as he ssyes) tbs; they shall ham no Govern!‘ puts vyon
them but by their §owne§ consents) mad. his other proceeélragz in those
busineam of the Piantaéona (aspe=c:ia1ly such as concerns gouerxirfi} were
looked who it would be found that he aymed at nothing e3 more then to
make a. free popular state there And himseife so be Hie lee and  assured
Freindt to be the leaders of them w‘h much more §to this efiect§ oeoiszring
in 8 my apprehension 9. Izfluailous iii aflection in 3*’ E. S. to the happie
§fra.me of s§ Monsmhia.

{Endorsed in the hand of Sir Nathaniei Riehtl A note w"h I flatly tooka of
Capt; Baryauas discourse to ma cozmem9 S’ E. Sandys. E6 of Ilia}? 1623.

CCOLVII. {Sm Nxmmma E:oH.:] Hubs or Two Lxmnxs TO M:
wanvrme T0 was Vmoxzm. Courms BY’ Ms.Smcnm1.aa*r

1\«£a't(a1IoR'z=1.r Bmrona MAY 18), 1623

Manichestez Pagem, Nos. 372, 373 ‘
Iliseument is Pobiic Record Ofiioa, Lunmion
List of Records $0. 435

[Net 3’i"’2l 1 That he may §resig1-e his place &§ stay in 1;‘ Countreff
for +:lisobe}*;ing the Com‘ ané W“ he may dies 3%?  1555 filfiee Mid
not to be here to countenance this opposition.

2 That M’ Secretary may write 3. letter (w°** may be pubiickly reati at
euery meeting) whemin his l\~ia.“* may please to cofiimd and that most.
strictly That no man -(noblexnan or other) come to those Courts or Coi§§.it«
tow §of y“ Virginia Company§ who hath not some men in Virginia planted
VPOII hissharesamé—t:.ko%noaasa""  ‘ " * A 
than at is not at this instant ixigaged by like and according‘? P3333“ “ha
sending oi’. men or suppiyea ishithver by gr‘ next shipping: .Ai1_ot-hem shalbe
proceeded against as factions and seditious person.-3. This flow‘ to
contynue till 3* mtaour:rze= of 3' Coffiiasion now on foam: for sethng those
businesaa.

' No. 37$ in written nzzui indorwd in the band of Eli: R€a$ha::.1e1 Rich. 30, 373 is incforaed in his

land. The douuineam are undatad, but ma? 58 Prwimfld E3 P1’%°fi‘~¢3€»l>3’ 1* 93‘? “*3” 5”“ E33?‘
letter: oi’ May is printed in fimrds lag’ um Virginia Gnmwnrs 11- 9?» 43‘““‘35-‘

  

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limit the expansion of colonial autonomy. In 1623, for example, Captain John Bafgrave

hawked around England’s corridors of power a comprehensive attack on social mobility

and political self-assertion in Virginia. Bargrave believed that Virginia’s governors had
encouraged “popular government” at the expense of monarchy and that extreme liberty
was worse than extreme liberty. Yet this implacable opponent of the pretensions of
Virginia’s emerging grandees recognized a measure of American independence even as
he sought to limit its menace to the Crown through a carefully calibrated commonalty
inspired by Mediterranean trading states. Bargrave proposed that Virginia be governed by
a Council of Union bound by oath to unite Virginia with the Crown. To prevent a future
Massaniello or Bacon from seizing control of this body, it in turn would be governed in
monthly rotation by a triumvirate selected from a restricted pool of trustworthy great
planters. appealed to classical antiquity in support of this proposal, while
elsewhere commending King Alfred for dividing England into shires, hundreds and
tythings and suggesting Virginia could best defend itself from Indian attack by a series of

“military intendancies” based on analogous units of local government. " (‘This proposal

and the Classicaf Tradition (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press 1963), 29.

   

  
 
 


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“military intendancies” based on analogous units of local government. " (This proposal

and the Ctassicat Tradition (Cambridge, Mass; Harvard University Press, 1963), 29.

" Captain John Bmgave to Lord Midd1esex,June 10, 1623 in "Lord Sackvi11e’s Papers
Respecting Virginia, 1 61 3-21,” American H1'.rton}r:a( Review 27 (1922), 508-9; [Captain
John Bargrave] “A Forme of Polisie to Plante and Goveme Many Families in Virginae,”
in Arthur Percival Newton, ed., “A New Plan to Govern Virginia” American Historical
Review 19 (1914), 559-578. Bargrave explained the composition and purpose of the
Council in a sidebar: ‘The grounds and reasons of this several councils why we make
three presidents of this Syncretisrne or council of union, and why they take their courses
by changes according to these letters set down are these. Genoa has three presidents, so

Page 10
10

sought to head off “bottom up” retaliation against Indian attacks such as that proposed by
William Capps in 1623 and any number of Baconites in 1676). ‘ During the Interregnum

Virginians, or rather their Burgesses, did in fact appoint their own governors. The last

person so chosen was Sir V\f1lliam Berkeley in 1659. Even Berkeley, no friend of

          

   

1} Q Qfl\EI lths nr_" nnrnfn njqaiti Q rtrmlrl hr_mi=, nnlv the mower of the.» p


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JUNE 9 (5'), 16:38 223

CCGLXIX. Cgrrmm iiorm EARGRAVE. A Immmn T0 THE Loan Tamo-
UBEEE Mxonmsax ‘

J?L?N‘F} 9 C3), 1623

Papers of Loni Eaokvillo, No. 5234
Documant at finale Park, Kant

 Honorable

The Kluge, the State, the yiantaoion, and my poore aelfe, will all have
cause to thank you for prowreing this Commission. Expedition  nowe
bet: the life of its, That it may he putt into aocion, by Bmtholmew day,
also this years: will bee lost. as the last years was; your ieordship hath
tenderefi the impartacion of the Spanish Tobacco to the: Clompanie, they
(as they not: ail l&1inges—eIs)app1ie.it to the beniefim of a few, for want of a.
Stock. I make nae doubt but if izhzis Commissicm be expediaxed, but there:
wilbe :1 Steak procured time enough to fame the Tobacco for the gaublique
308 as the berxefitt gayiaed shall rotuma to the good of the Kluge, anei the
pm:zt.aaio~n.. Good my Lord in all your gmuntos that oarrie profit: with
them, use the name of the Publique; The ‘worn Compauie governed by
ponulor voices, in it than oovereth all timir soorett practises. and it is a
shame that the Common weak: of Virginia, depemiinge on the Monarchie
hem, ohoulfi be gmrernefl ooe,.s,s‘t.i:1is lime treatise hem irmlosed wiil show
you, All the examples that I produoe to expresse the injuries done, were
for iahe most part  Sir Thomas S:ni£!h"s _gnvermen1;_, baeasuse from it the
planters have learned their inhumanitie and injustice which they nowe use,
both  the  oomers anal adventurers, offeringo the some .me;c$um
which hath bone measureci before to them. But if I should call in question
tho present governors, whose heinge not ignorant mat the popular govemenc
doth directiie take away the power of the monsrehie and shew what
miselzeifie they hswo done by their pmftlso thmwinge out liheriie; amongst
the plantars, whereby they have mania them forsake tlzeir former discipline,
strength and: vertue to defend themnekves against the ciomeatick anemic,
ana yet beinge fore wamed of those thingess it should aypeare that they did
it knoweingely and w'il:.t§ingIic against the sovemignitie in Englatid, extmame
Iihertie beinge Worse then. extreame Tirranio, as it appeareé by the troubles

‘ From £119 taxi‘. printed in the American Hicfariwi Rexiem, XXVII, pp. 505-509.
1fi5&O’l‘~a—~»°55>--u—«~l,5

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606-1737.
usan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume IV:
iscellaneous Records -— 

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324 RECORDS SF  VIRGINIA (3'Gllx£PA}i.-‘Y

 W W        
Wplfler} “e""‘§" Fiinighiggg Eh“ gavemgrs mam M .‘ e as mgxch to bee
fiegieflt ‘Ff 535‘-‘¥‘1P3~i¥1*93 this ‘might make my gwemambmwata, accuser uni-:25
bimad 8:3 f11ef°“W WWE’ bu‘ 1% ‘Might’ 3”‘ m if fig. grate se:;t into
necessitie enforce it, although all the rezmmnder or my ~

Virgnia is nowe inst ti1er’E)3r. anti am I 3&1?

 wish‘ to mazmd
Yam E0 ' 1133 mm Jam: Bmommm.

Ilncforsed by Williazj Received 3.0 June 1633. Captaine Borg‘?-"‘i'9

CCeCLX.}'£. Tnomis Gmas. Non: TD Sm Emvm SAWDY3
JUNE: Emma JUNE 9}; 1533

Fnrrar Papgrs _
Document in Mngdnlane Csilaga, Cambridge
Iéat of Records. filo. 3&4

We Cggne iate ?roeEam3tion if any man haii aw txhing to say to S" Th:
95. he should come in presemiy The Lord Cavendish R6311 the Seflfind
lettre Presented the exoeptizms against S!’ Th: 3 Accompizs They“ were
read: 55' Tim: }?etititm iieafi W“ was may said S‘ T; 8 had prfisanteci ail
his Books we said out his Original} Cash books the Cssuled hixn in he
Came. in w*‘* saax=ers.l.Counsol1 and 29: of the Gama. but the Rest willed.
to fioparte

He made a Ciomplent. he {Jouki not gait his Books after filmy were zieli-vexed
He to»t:].d a Tale of my Lord: of S and S’ E&: Sandy

M’ Brookes of his Aecompts
he protested the fairnes of his Accounts

Ni: ffarrnr Maid Answers that that to My L: S was but one exceptions
somslmloiwod
Secondly winether by his Cash. he or * * * he wold stand £33 at W”

wordes he was very Angry Saying he was nether Audictor nor Cancel
M’ Li Cmrondis

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 .&§\-ii.-“..Rl¥:.aN MEMORY

The Thomas Jefferson Ppers Series 8. Virginia Records Manuscripts.

606-1737.

usan Myra Kingsbury, editor. Records of the Virginia Company, 1606-26, Volume IV:

iscellaneous Records -- Tablegfee.QQ.n.tae__r1t_s

Image 286 of 670

 

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253 REQORDS OF THE VIRGINIA C‘0*M?AN}'

There likewise goat}: in this Shipp 3" {Eemge for this Account of 3" Wifim“
mine for Meaie tea the value of uaere 3139“

-- . —  ‘t :heGeorgt3and
filndmecitl '§‘he_supp11es of Prmate Men to Yxxgmla inf” _ _ 2

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Tm Agmh. Mr» 3?: yr gummy oi Tndaxm -iid wni by rm 0! -faint SW3 1g1fiVEa_§O
ta; 3} f ...... mi ----------------------------- *3 ''''' “',:‘.““ “ '
I}it:eI3a§}:iV;.1’fB%Q?ViflI£}i}ér$ iiimwisa of that Evomiaty did aemi 11:1 €31!“ 3’3i3~iPP' 99 W
mrmmgf ______  ______________________  __________ ,7’, 290. .
3
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51i&:£3u:fb0

CGGLXXXT. Pxmmzmow we f};.2'mIN Jam: IEWGRAVE
Atravsm, 1623

Duequat Book, Signet Oifiqa, Yet. 7
Iimzumaané. in T?ub]i<: mmrd G-fliee, Lanfifill
list of Zfieeorda No. 553

smgusfi 1623. A“ REE Jacobi 21° & 57°

mugmve Pm-iii Protméon for one wimtg 3-eam‘grsurmfl to John. Bragrtwa fag‘ N13 

nwmn fiugfifgg ififigdififiy aim the ecxpxmfinn of 3 fnrmer graatanl ham fer ‘man: 68‘ 8d_
momaths new utmost expired. By under from the iorda of the privy
annual. ?rmmr'5‘ by M’ Sacrvstmr C-mwey ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ -

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60

1 624-.
[April 22.]

April.

COLONIAL PAPERS.

\

VOL. III.

11. Petition of Capt. John Bargrave to the House of Commons, on
behalf of himself, the absent planters in Virginia, and all other
adventurers that shall adventure their estates under a government
where, the Governor being corrupt, the profits of the greatest joint
stocks may, by practice and factions, be monopolized into a few
private hands. Against the proceedings of Sir Thos. Smythe late
Treasurer of the Virginia Company and others practising with him
for ruling the colony by laws directly contrary to the King’s letters
patent. Prays that Sir Thos. Smythe may be compelled to refund
all monies to the Company for which he can show no true account ;
that the dishonour the plantation hath received may be con-
sidered; and Smythe and his associates ordered to give satisfaction
for their unjust practices. [Copy On the same day Sir Thos.
Smythe writes to Sec. Conway, intreating him to attend the Grand
Committee of Grievances to-morrow in order to help to stop the
clamorous tongue of Bargrave, who has -petitioned against Smythe
and others. See DOMESTIC Corrresp. J ac. I., Vol. O'LXIII., No. 28,
Cal. 39. 220.]

12. Answer of Sir Thos. Smythe and Robt. Johnson, alderman, to
the petition of Capt. John Bargrave, exhibited by way of com-
plaint to the Commons Committee of Grievances. Concerning
the tyrannical government imposed upon the people in Virginia by
Sir Thos. Smythe ; Bargrave’s allegations touching his patent of free
trade for those parts and his intention to make a private planta-
tion; the monopoly of importing tobacco ; and the charges against
Alderman Johnson for “indirect dealing.” Represent that there is
an action for 500l. now pending against Bargrave, who is indebted
to the Company for that amount for tobacco bought of them, and
pray that some course may be determined for “ easing this their
grievance which may be any man’s case to be so abused if he be
suffered without punishment.” [Copy/. On. 26 April 1624, a petition
presented by Mr. Ferrar from the Treasurer, Council, and Company
of Virginia was read in Parliament, and Wednesday 28th, appointed
to take it into consideration [see Oommons Journal]; but on that
day the King wrote to the Speaker of the House of Commons,
desiring the Commons not to trouble themselves with the petition,
as it would renew the factions of the Company which were in
settlement by His Majesty and the Privy Council. [See DOMESTIC
Oorresp. Jaw. I., Vol. C’LXIII., No. 71, Cal. p. 227.] Sir Isaac
Wake informed Sec. Conway on the following day that the King’s
letter, which was received with universal applause [in the House
of Commons] had quieted the great schism caused by the Vir-
ginians. Savor C'0'r7'esp., 1624, April 29. See also Nethersole’s
Letter, M ay 6.]


62

1624.

May 24.

London.

June 14:.

June 24.

Greenwich.

June 26.
Whitehall.

June 26.

COLONIAL PAPERS.

Von. III.

of the whole House appointed On Wednesday last, Mr. Ferrar,
deputy of the Company, Sir Edwin Sandys. Lord. Cavendish, and
Sir John Danvers, made relation of proceedings; they “layed the
great load ” upon the Lord Treasurer, charged the Commissioners,
appointed by the King to report upon the cause, with extreme
partiality, and accused Sir N ath. Rich of being an active ill-instru-
ment among them. Gondomar and his successors were not spared,
and declared to have used their utmost endeavours to destroy the
Company and their plantation. At the time when the Com-
missioners were to examine Sir Edwin Sandys and former Governors
as to their governments, he was commanded by the Lord Treasurer,
in the Kings name, to go out of town. The King disavowed it,
and gave Sandys liberty to return. The business appearing very
foul, many, at first unwilling, were now content to have it ripped up.
Next day the King forbad the House to proceed any further; the
matter having been specially recommended to his Council, His
Majesty feared that troubles, to quiet which much pains had already
been taken, might be stirred again by the House meddling with
them. This was assented to by a general silence, but not without
soft muttering that any a ther business might in the same way be

taken out of the hands 01 Parliament. [Emtrract DOMESTIC 007'-
resp. J ac. I., Vol. OLXI V. V0. 46. Cal. 30. 237.]

N ethersole to Carleton. Sir Edwin Sandys has reported upon a
patent for sole trade to Guinea and Binney, obtained bysome men,
who pretend to have found it out, whereas many have been there
almost fifty years since, and it is condemned as a grievance. [Ext
DOMESTIC Oowesp. Jac. I., Vol. OLXV., N 0. 34:, Oal. p. 254.]

[Sec. Conway] to Sir Thos. Merry. The King desires that the
letters and papers relating to the affairs of Virginia, in the possession
of his late cousin, who was employed in that business, may be safely
preserved, together with any, that he may know of, in the custody
of others. [DOMESTIC 00-rtresp. J ac. I., Vol. OLX VI I ., No. 60,
Cal. p. 274.]

Order of the Privy Council appointing Lord President M andeville,
Lords Paget, Chichester, and others, a Committee to resolve upon
the well—settling of the colony of Virginia, and to give order for the
government; to certify their proceedings to the King, and take
further directions therein, His Majesty being resolved to renew a
charter, with former privileges and amendment of previous imper.
fections. [Cblovmlal Entry Bin, Vol. LXXIX., p. 210.]

Order of the Privy Council for Mr. Ferrar, "deputy for the late
Company of Virginia, to bring to the Council chamber all the patents
books of accounts, and invoices, concerning the late corporation, and
the lists of the people in that colony, to be retained by the Keeper
of the Council chest till further order. [Colonial Entry Bin, Vol.
LXXIX., p. 277.]

16. Petition of sundry Commissioners and Adventurers of the
Virginia Company to the Privy Council. Pray that Capt. John


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COLONIAL PAPERS. 63

..._..:___....__..~..._. _

1 624!‘ VoL. III.

Bargrave’s protection may not be renewed until some course shall
have been taken for payment of his bond of 800l., due to them for a
principal debt of 500l.

June? Henry Earl of Southampton and certain other Lords of the
Council, appointed a Council for Virginia. [Mrzlnuta Colonial
Oorresp, 1609,10. 1.]

July? Request [to the Privy Council 2] that as the King is concluding
a contract with divers persons for all tobacco from the English
Colonies for his own use, orders may be given to the Governor of
Virginia not to suffer any trade with the Hollanders who are now
freighting ships for that purpose, their provisions not being required
in that plantation. [DOMESTIC Corresp. J ac. I ., Vol. OLXI X.
No. 7, Oal.p. 290.]

July 2. The King to Solicitor General Heath. The Commons have
0at1andS- petitioned against the import of foreign tobacco, and the planters and
adventurers in Virginia and the Somers Islands have also petitioned
for consideration of the languishing state of those colonies, which
can only subsist at present by the sale of their tobacco at reasonable
prices Although Well assured that these plantations cannot prosper,
if they rely upon tobacco only and neglect other things of greater
consequence, yet he is required, with the advice of Sec. Conway and
Sir Rich. Weston, to draw up a contract with the planters and ad-
venturers of these colonies for all their tobacco to be delivered for the
Kings use, on which His Majesty will declare his pleasure concern-

ing that of other countries. [DOMESTIC Oorresp. Jac. I ., Vol.
O’LXIX., No. 5, Cal. 10. 290.]

J uly? Statement [by Sol. Gen. Heath,] that the House of Commons
having petitioned against the importation of foreign tobacco, not of
the growth of the Kings dominions, His Majesty conceiving it may
further trade and bring money into this realm, is willing to contract
with the Governor and Company of Virginia and the Bermudas for
the import of a sufficient quantity for England and Ireland. The
King will prohibit the import of foreign tobacco as requested, and
the planting of any considerable quantity in England, and will take of
those colonies 400,000 weight yearly, of two sorts, the better at 15l.
the cwt. the worser at 10$. the cwt. The Companies to be allowed
to export to foreign countries all imported above that quantity.
[DOMESTIC Oorresp. Jose. I., Vol. C’LXIX., N 0. 6, Cal. pf 290.]

July 3. Sir F. Nethersole to [Carleton]. A. Commission of Privy Councillors

Tnondom and others appointed to advise on a fit patent for the Virginia
Company, the old one having been overthrown by a quo warranto
the last day of term. The intended reformation is that there shall
be a Company for trade but not for government of the country of
which latter the King will himself take care. This is to avbid
the faction that has grown in the Company and the “ popularness ”
of the government, also displeasing to the King. Report speaks of
a great army of lO0 men to be sent thither to secure the inhabitants
from the Indians without distracting them from their labours.
[.E'a'£"ract. DOMESTIC O'or7'esp. Jaw. I., Vol. OLXI X. No. 14
Cal. 19. 291.] ’


1624.
July 20.

July 25.

Kensington.

July 26.
Ashby.

July 31.

July 31.
Philpot Lane.

July

COLONIAL PAPERS. 65

VOL. III.

Warrant to pay to John Pory 150l. in discharge of 100l., ex-
pended by him, and as a reward for his service when employed in
Virginia about the Kings special affairs. [»S'zlgn Mammal, Jae. I .,
Vol. XVI., No. 50.]

18. Attorney General Coventry to Sec. Conway. Certifies why
[Robt] Bing was willingly forgotten in the commission for Virginia.
The business in hand is weighty and serious, this man somewhat
light, and to use the Lord Keeper-’s words, “ a mere good fellow, a
man of no estate, who, for saucy conduct before the Council table,
and offensive behaviour to Lord Southampton, had been committed
to the Marshalsea.” Prays for speedy directions, that, if these reasons
be not allowed by the King, he may take a course for adding
him to the commission himself, having no other end in view but His
Majesty’s service.

Sec. Conway to Lord President Mandeville. The King has been
importuned by the bearer, Capt. Bargrave, for the continuance of his
protection. The Privy Council is to examine what advance Bar-
grave has made in the payment of his debts, and to renew protection
for six months if his real purpose is to order his estate for the pay-
ment of them, with provision that he desist from molesting others by
suits in the Star Chamber, and especially Sir Thos. Smythe, the
King being informed that is the only use Bargrave would make of
his protection. [DOMESTIC Oorresp. Jae. I ., Vol. O'LXX., N o. 65.]

19. Solicitor General Heath to Sec. Conway. The Commissioners
for Virginia conceive that a commission from the King, under the
Great Seal, should be sent to some of the principal inhabitants there
for present government of the colony. Sends a form agreed on
[wanting] for His Majesty’s signature, and desires that a last
of powder may be sent thither out of the Kings store.

20. Sir Thos. Smythe to Sec. Conway. Capt. Bargrave has
returned from Court to London, and gives out that his protection
is renewed. The Virginia Company were in hopes that their debt
of 500l. would have been first satisfied, which they intended for
relief of the colony. Desires the inclosed petition may be shown to
the King. Amzewed,

20. I. Petition of szmdry C'0mm;issi0'nea~s and AcZvent«u7~e7's of the
V'i'rg'i*n,ia Company to the K'in.g. [Duplicate of the
petition to the Pr-ivy Council CCtl6’I’Ldt;b7‘6d under date of
26 June 1624, cmte, p. 

21. Petition of Gov. Sir Fran. Wyatt, the Council and Assembly
of Virginia to the King. Have understood that His Majesty not,_
withstanding the unjust disparagement of the plantation, has talcen
it under his especial care ; intreat that credit may not be given to
the late declarations presented to His Majesty concerning the happy
but indeed miserable estate of the colony during the first twelve
years [of Sir Thos. Smythe’s government] nor to the malicious im-

E


Spacer


1624:.

July?

August 2.

August 5.
Phil pot Lane.

August 9.
Newark.

August 13.

August 13.

COLONIAL PAPERS. 69

VOL. III.

and custom more than 2,000l., the composition 500l., which he
is not provided to pay. Pray that duties may be imposed propor—
tionable to the value and quality of that drug, and for redress of
several grievances.

23. Brief answer to the propositions touching tobacco lately de-
livered by the King’s Farmers of Customs, showing a profit of
93,3501. to the Crown on the importation of 300,000 lbs. of tobacco
from Virginia, 100,000 lbs. from the Somers Islands, and 50,000 lbs.
from Spain, or elsewhere.

S01. Gen. Heath to Duke of Buckingham. Takes the opportunity
of Mr. Pory coming to Court about the Virginia business, and Lord
VVarwiok being there, to intreat his assistance in settling the contract
for the Virginia tobacco, a work both honourable and profitable, if
Well managed.- Has inclosed particular instructions, in a letter to
Sir Geo. Goring, at a fit opportunity to debate with Buckingham.
Knows Goring to be discreet, and that they will be safe in his hands.
[DOMESTIC Cowresp. Jae. I ., Vol. C'LXXI., No. 7, Cal. 10. 320.]

24:. Sir Thos. Smythe to Lord President Mandeville. Requests
he will be a means to hinder, or at least defer, Capt. Bargrave’s
protection, as he hopes to procure a countermand from the King.

25. Robt. Earl of Warwick to Sec. Conway. Has sent Mr. Pory
with the commission [for Virginia] to desire him to put out Mr. Potts’
name, who was the poisoner of the savages there, and therefore
unfit to be employed by the State in any business. Prays him
to remind the King to write to Mr. Attorney to put Robt. Bing in
the Virginia commission, according to His Majesty’s promise.

Sec. Conway to Attorney Gen. Coventry. To confer with the
Earl of Wa1~wick and Sir Thos. Srnythe about putting [Robt.] Bing
into the commission for Virginia, and to do therein What shall be
most advantageous to the service. [Minute. C’0nway’s Letter Bla]

Sec. Conway to Sol. Gen. Heath. Returns to him, signed, the

N°“i"gh3-m- commission for a Council in Virginia [with Mr. Potts’ name put out ;

August 16.

August 16.
Sept. 15.

see O'o'n/wa.y’s Letter Bk., 19. 146.] Mr. Pory has spared no attendance
nor diligence in the matter. [DOMESTIC Oorresp. J ac. I ., Vol.
C'LXXI., No. 47.]

26. Power of attorney from John Harrison, of London, to James
Carter, master of the Anne, to dispose of the unexpired time or
servitude of seven servants sent over by him to Virginia, and of the
effects of his only brother George, deceased. [D7~aft.]

27. Copy of the above.

Licence to Sir Francis Wyatt, Governor of Virginia, to return
to England for his own private business, on the decease of his father.
Power to Sir George Yeardley to be Governor in his stead, and on
his death John Harvey, or failing him, any one of the Council there,
chosen by the majority. [Docquet DOMESTIC J coo. L]


70

1624.

Sept. 28.
Whitehall.

Sept. 30.
Whitehall.

Oct. 22.
Whitehall,

Oct. 2

Nov. 16.

Nov. 18.

Nov. 28.

Dec. 2.
James City.

COLONIAL PAPERS.

VoL. III.

The Privy Council to the Governor of Virginia. John Puntis,
Vice-Admiral of Virginia, lately deceased in England, having made
Sir Thomas Merry his executor, and a‘ great part of the estate re-
maining in Virginia, he is directed to cause an exact account to be
taken of Puntis’ property, to be sealed and sent over to Merry.
[Colonial Entry Bk., Vol. LXXIX., p. 277.]

Warrant to Lord Carew, Master of the Ordnance, to deliver 20
barrels of powder to Sir Thomas Smythe for the use of the Somers
Islands, to be paid for at the rate of 10d. per lb. [Colonial Entry
Blc., Vol. LXXIX., p. 278.]

Warrant to Lord Carew, Master of the Ordnance, to deliver
to the Virginia Commissioners, one last of powder for the better
defence and security of that plantation. [Colonial Entry BIc., Vol.
LXXIX., 10. 278.]

 

Capt. John Bargrave to His estate has been ruined in
undertaking “ this noble and glorious Work of Virginia.” Has
remodelled his project, formerly delivered by the King to the Earl
of Warwick, for settling that government and re-delivered it to His
Majesty. Is sure it is the only safe and profitable way to plant
Virginia, without which all the men and money spent in that
business will be lost. Has dedicated himself to die in seeing
it effected. By “ y6r honor’s ” furtherance the government may be
settled within a fortnight. [Emtraca DOMESTIC Corresp. J (Lo. I ., Vol.
ULXXIIL, No. 120, C’al.p. 366.]

28. Sirs Thos. Smythe, Ferd. Gorges, John Wolstenholine, and Sam.
Argoll, Thos. Gibbs, Sam. Wrote, and John Pory, the Council for
Virginia, to Earl of Warwick. Mons. Beaumont having moved the
Commissioners to be speedily dispatched [to Virginia] because of the
“ great charge he lyes at with his men," they pray, on his behalf, for
a grant of free denization of England, as others, undertakers, have
formerly had.

[Sec Conway] to Sol. Gen. Heath. At the earnest suit of
the Council of Virginia, the King desires he Will prepare a grant of
denization for Mons. Beaumont now bound thither, with special
proviso not to pay more customs and subsidies than a natural born
subject. [DOMESTIC Oorresp. J cw. I ., Vol. CLX I V., N o. 85, Cal. 10. 381.]

29. The King to the Commissioners and Company of Virginia. Re-
commends James Stuart for some fit employment, on account of the
zeal and good affection which he hath shown for the advancement of
the plantation in Virginia.

30. Gov. Sir Francis Wyatt and Council of Virginia to Henry Earl
of Southampton and the Council and Company of Virginia. Have
received letters from the Privy Council of 19 Dec. 1623 in behalf of
Capt. John Martin, which, by divers reports, he has little deserved.
Widow Smaley when she arrives from New England shall find all
lawful. favour. God has given them a great victory over Otiotan and


Spacer


72

1625.

January.
Virginia.

Feb. 4:.
James City.

Feb. 23.
Whitehall.

April 9.
Whitehall.

COLONIAL PAPERS.

VOL. III.

Council for release from imprisonment, and declares that he did not
take soundings of the rivers and harbours of Virginia as asserted by
the Virginia Company. [See DOMESTIC Corresp. Car. I., Vol. II.,
No. 122, Cal. p. 32, and Vol. III}, N0. 32, Cal. p. 38.]

35. Musters of the inhabitants of the college land in Virginia ; of
the neck of land in the corporation of Charles City ;VVest and Shirley
Hundred ; J ordan’s Journey; Chaplain’s Choice and the Truelove’s
Company ; Peirsey’s Hundred; Pashehaighs and the Maine belong-
ing to the corporation of James City; James City and Island ; of a
neck of land near James City; Hog Island; Martin’s Hundred;
Mulberry Island ; Wariscoyack; Bass’s choice ; Newport News ;
Elizabeth City; and of the Eastern shore over the Bay; taken
between the 20th Jan. and 7th Feb. together with the names of the
ships in which the people arrived in the colony, and a list of the
provisions brought by each ; also a. list of the dead in the several
plantations. 116 pages.

36. Gov. Sir Francis Wyatt and Council of Virginia to Earl of
Southampton and Council and Company of Virginia. Send, as
commanded, particulars of their proceeding and orders upon the com-
plaints of Capt. Martin against Sir Geo. Yeardley, as also concerning
the cattle in question between him and Capt. Bargrave. Cannot but
praise the Company’s charity in forgiving the many foul injuries and
slanders, some particulars of which they inclose, and of which Capt.
Martin has boasted. Complain that their government has been
shaken and weakened by rumours spread at the coming in of the
Commissioners, which are now revived by Capt. Martin. I nclose,

36. 1. Answer of Sir George Yeardley, defendant, to the demand
of Capt. John Martin, complainant ; 'whcreby he reqnireth
recompense for wrongs done him, touching the right to
certain cattle in Virginia, left in the custody of Lient.
Edm. Saunders.

Orders of the Council of Virginia upon the demands of
Capt. Martin, 1624, 27 Dec.

Warrant by the Council for Lieut. Saunders to have the
custody of the 17 head of cattle left in Virginia by Capt.
Martin, which remain in controversy between him and
Bargrave. 1621, May 3.

Examination of witnesses concerning the demand of
Capt. Martin. [Certified_copy.]

The Privy Council to the Virginia Commissioners. To report
upon a petition of Lewis Hughs, minister of God’s Word, who
complains against the Company of the Somers Islands for detaining
a. great part of his salary, due for several years ministry in those

Islands. [Colonial Entry Bhn, Vol. LXXIX., p. 278.]

Proclamation forbidding any one to import, buy, sell, or use any
tobacco which is not of the growth of Virginia or the Somers
Islands. [Pr0clamations, Car. I ., N 0. 6.]

36. II.

36. III.

36. IV.


Spacer


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\.M/ ._ , V

}DOCL;?ME}§~§TS
Lani .31:,:«:;’e2:2v:'£Ir:".s Pam}:-3 rgsficactiérgs I3”ir;fnT:'z£a_, 1613»»f£5_-§‘I‘, E.

Lm:~r1:;;. Cma.>z1:xIs.L::, first ear} of .?&.{iIT1(13t‘:.+E~:/€?.3-§°, was-; Icareri treaiétzrfir
frmsrz §‘3f:pt.{t?I'13)§:1” 30, 16322, ta; 3%.‘»;:Eay 13, Iiézig, and tlmsa <;i1m?.11g flfiflfiy’
3%} the .5‘ fur-1&1» mmf ifirmrg pm-ia:u:1 uf the hi=-:;:1;c::1’y mi the:- Virgizzia Comm
ggzany, a11fzw:.§ befam ttimt he had h{’1€l} far :f~:=m'«s:.2‘2"£1 years :~u1.r‘V€,}F0r genfifffl
cyf tiie {::ustc)-mg. f.i=;Eanja 3:n:~1pe1‘:f-: rsgsectirmg the co-n:1.;3a»n%y aueél respeciw
ing Virginia +::.;m1e ther&f=0r& intn his i1:111a:'.E5;, 311:1‘ wht:-.n he retired
from afinse he tuiflst 211311}: wit}; him, aCCOrC1iI'1g "tr: the cushtnn cm‘; the
time, ‘fire se+:.:r::rz::1 am} third saris clyiazg, these: }3&_{J(:r5s rzame ts the
harmisz {sf his c:E.aughmr Fra.1:1«::t::s_, wim §TE«B.I‘Y'if3f1 Ekiicizard, fifth sari oi
BCsf;“-1611* whgasez f'ath.er }idwar<:1_, frzaurflu EEIITI, had, 2122 Sir Edward Sack-
xriiie, ;{3£.a:§s:c:1 an i111.pmrtan.3; part iii the Vix'gi1"aia €I(m2pany_ Th-e.rc:fore
C”harir::~3, the sixth emf", the ;:»z7;»&'1;,. $£°3I1 {Bf Rici1a.nf1 Sar:1n='i.i1E 33:23
Fraz1c:e:.s. {franfie:I:.i, may have i1’1h€I‘itE£T1 ‘v'irgi1:‘1‘ian. papers fra;m='1 the
32%-i3k£=’i§§.$ 'f1m1.se  well as fmm. that 0f his ximtlleiu. Fmnl §1i'm
Ciramfzek-cl"s gt:-:~1p:::1*s :16:-zmradeé ta: his scan, g‘ra:3dscs:11 and graat grand-
Siliig‘ £136 f£.I’S‘3:& fificoncl, anti ‘£1151-’r:1 (11x1«:€$ of Dflrsat. ‘V1’? hilé fillrgzy wefi:
in the hands {sf the thirazf (hike, W119 ‘WEL5 axmiyassackmr to Fram:e
fI'01’1‘l 13783 ta: 338%}; and died in 1799, tixey wave !E;K£1II'.}iE1.EC1 by 3131:.
Peta‘ Packard, 1fa1~a.5ter of Magdaieiae Ccxllege, C‘ax1';13ri-cigars, whxzn he
was preggaring R15 1‘»:{mnm'r.s*. af film Life? (If ,Eirf:r*.. Nicfizalas’ Fmmrr
{C:.1.mbrik§ge, 1;?§;s0_}.‘*‘

Iahxx Fm'r:a.a‘_, ix? tP1e3::i::1grap}1iea1 s.i«:t::%£c§': whiazia is the fs:Fma(Ia1:ic}-:3 0f
}i§’a:ckar:£’s bc:<::§:.;, in spcaaicing of the ‘4:.w£:: vcahzmes of reccmjis -of the Vi:r~
gi;ni3 {:.£}n‘1}}a1}}«-', wI&;_i«;:h N:i<:Iwia2: Fextrar haci prepared for the Bari

cf Sr:xutEm111pt.£3n :{tE"nr: $.‘:_1ft’le v<:a§¥.1me:~3 whécia are r1:=c:m: in this: 1:r0sv:s»a;.e:;<;£oz‘1

53% the Ii,ib1*'3.xr}:' of C.?e:;sx1gre.s-5, and wi"1i»z:h it has priniecl under the
£3{H1:!';iI’ii~:hi]) Gf lfiiissss Kin.g:3bm"}*)=, s2ay;<;, that SUVuthazn;_:>’t0n E.I1t§‘l1f‘Si{’:d
tE1~e::r;m is Sir Ric..i1zm:1‘ ‘i*~'L§.1E:igrew, run’! he to the fourth Earl of i)m*5E=:'t,
“‘ anzfi it is heapfivzl that tfiis rxtfizaie Eamiijx sztill ‘hath them in safe: kee~p—~
frag "'3 L?p-can this, TE?‘e+:kzm;l say: in :1 footu-maize? “ On agapiicatiam’ trot:
the E’t.h.*E.1”z:E} Biakc tsi Dc:ars»at, his Grace wifi: the 1,1‘i:.I“rJgSt. fi?br3r:«1I.ity emf
mind and 11”-mat p=Q1€=’t;—e C(311(1IE:E£Z£%:'1;€ia3.I'1, tiirafited his 'H1‘>rar3’; tut} be
sr::::.r+:h.:::n'} far this mam:-L1scArip‘t. T112 searzth was 'f‘ruitZesv:»3; but mum
1 3E"a2%::1<.ar‘a:I, p. 155.
2’}'t;hn Fhrrar, writing :1fi£:‘$" I645, .i1°3 P‘eck3r::}, ibiti.

£4933


5:33 Da:,*m:;.m2‘s
E E1u;sps: at tiw <‘:c:n1}‘11ge lmrne of the :«:hi‘;):£S M1-ich I Empe shallrsve the firstzz:
fitat cm'm2':s ’fm" l?;::.gi.:u14:1e_, he shah. receive a gtmd. gzwsazll crf ’Fabacm: from
—m.e;» wit}; gnml ;3rr3’Eet:v ggraye fcargeie me nut tc: 211% flue reste Crf mar gxmd
frindés yeurs»c‘.lVfvc and yarn’ *»~'.-*}~".’t'v<::, my hr-sjfixer Ri(21Ia.’1“d&5" and his wjsfe
xxfilfa 30:13‘ fatthcr in Eawe and mather and ali. the n2st.c nut forgettinge xnj;
chillder Wham I praye Got! to hlesse and us aii and gencie us :1 jtzeyftali
n'1~t:tt:it1g‘I;e. ’I‘h§.s in same haste. I iew 3:c:m tr: the: nn::rsi:fu}l t:.tisim.1 of
t‘!m¥In:_»,=ghtie in whczsm I -rczsste
Tatar foving §n‘cr1;her=,
RUBT. .BE2’~72~EE'I“I“.

Fray-“e cc::m.em:le me ta Mr. }3(:»wne and tie}! him thzizt his huge  with
me, far v§t1.ti1.i¢ss baizig 3c.ar.-32% in tiv: contrjce nae mane wilt tacflqe :=_.a::r\'anm:~.:.
,:?’n:.:.e he shalbe with me until} i cancé put th-inges ‘Eartha. "'l§’"h:a.r:c1»:t_: him fur
the tzhvzzese he sentt: rm:~., but his; 1;:r;,:§:e made use af. Since The. Rwpe zmfi
M2‘. Uanfiffl are game to George I~I2xris.m1“‘* ‘:0 live xx-{£11 hime untifl the crepe
be its, Mr. K,%r1ge"s mama rune awaye in Sp.a};'I3e, the res-ate I receiveti. all
we-II,  Luz: t.Elin;.mc1~:.£1.

{}£~:::2’o:*scvrf’:] 1623. ’F'1*n:a:: Brotkmr Rcfiseeurt daizerl in Bcasnnetfes W'e3}.::0rne
the 91:31 June; [There f(r.’.fcm*.s £3 :m1:w.aar;g.: (if the d’-amm-e311‘.]

[£Im2‘:;1r;:n:?d léjy mm of tin‘? Lard 'Trca.m2'cr"’5 S”ecra*ta:riu.s: 9 junii, 1623.
Robert lféeazneit.

L-‘»Ir1‘rfa~a*sse*1:€.‘] T0 my 1.0. Brzzxth-er Mr. ;EZ£1*.*mrd Bxmnett, Z\-'ievchant in
B:;1rt1101.am=ew Lane in Lrmdcm.

>131. (T'.Xi‘TfxII‘€' 3‘r;m:.~¢‘ m1ae;“;xa.»~.*_&a*t 1:0 Lama 'r‘R£.~x:;£,:‘1u3x: I\£I‘f§1'IIJl?Je1§s“fl~::<.', jtfzsifi 3:3,,
1623.“

Re'gi:.f Ho:mraEn"::
The Kitigfi, the Smte, the plantacimx, and 1113‘ ;:u:mre setf, wifi all llmre

C:-mm t0 thunk _y{:vu for pmcuremg this. Conitxxissi-en.“
W .*‘t§a3€}12i£1’tt:*(} ‘in {he paugtm

Exgaeditian WEN

'36 2\=I‘:1r. 6, 162:, *I}om;rnor Year(1§s;«:y nmksxs 3. grant of 2:20 acres an the Qfilcf
554-3 0'5 ‘W3 1‘i*‘~“v“T %2?*1I'0r“iitt+ The g0w:rnm*'s azxansicm hens-e,. ta George liitarrison sf
Efiilzaries Cay, g’enE§vzé1‘x1.m1.. Harriscm in .iettc:r;«. tn his brother Jehn in La-nfioéax, E&=Ia3r»
1:2, zfézz, and jam. 2.5, 1623., sp.e;:L's cf " Ciauasirt Bmamstt ” ;m-:! of acem:nt,s with
Mr. E3:;:1:nsett. He dim? in the aspring of 1624, as the resnllt of 3 dug}, C93, 5;:
1”. C045,. 5- .233, 29,. 35, 153; Bmwn, First £'€e;3*uE2r€::'::, pp. 531««58,:a.

3!   Ciapt. John Ba.rgrrw:e of 1}Ei1‘I“iiZ:kSEJE*:uI“1’a:(: in Hart, §;mt1m~r-m-:;;w
af LI.-1+5; dean. uf Clat3t:evr’bury, brother QE a later tican, anti fas¥:h§:a* mi 3 cancm of that
Catllmiral’ {1“ias::~:::l.. fivafsrary of Kent, ITI. 7.21}, was an esmexzzed but‘ ccautemicrns
::.n<:n.1’bs{=:"r mi film ('x."511’x;_)any, who ‘h.a,.;1 guggfg or v::n:arz:2u:I cnmpmims ag;.;;;n51 a varied
mmzibz:-.T M its ufficmrs and In-::mb«:»rs, and had offered nu less télmn five t.ra:=:—atise;s an
thus rc=i“ur1:": :11!’ =1:f1e ggnwzrnnrent ufé Virginia. A few dzsy‘-5 bcfure ihis,  113,
kg: had shuwxx Sir 2\l’m}1:uai4:I Rich site}: 2: *1ia;1~p£:~r zm.«:¥ .aec11se:i Sir Edwin Sandys of
’grzz~ru gxtxfiiiical tmchinaticms. Ham;-d_s of Va. 50., I, 44.4; Cat‘. 3:. P, Cat, I. 28-»
32;: Ifimwn, first I§;‘e;m£>l-77¢, pp. .4415»-4.33, 52:;-3,'3a. See» rm. £13., imJxm*.
fifld had ha-12:2 mad.:: Earl’ sssf Mi{11d.E¢S£2X Sept. 13-“, 1622.

Gov: Wi‘4<'-:

Cran-


£,«:m£ S‘a2;,f}mx*iIfe"'.v .["’a;2m*.9 r«;‘5fn;:':‘fiz:g ‘I’i“*£:*gi:2ia 51:

by (me Y”;‘aa*rm* in the Ccamrt c:.r§ Cr.)nn‘1mn P]£?:E1.S. ‘Em? the z.'c.v:C~~‘W‘3=¥",f:~" ‘Ff 3155*
:r.u:m_;ce Mint his 1‘.§T}aj\‘Efiti!2 :11: his gizing §..nta:: Scwtfizarzé. I mc::xve.«:1 1:13;,’ Lani
si-ms: tfimi: at W%1:§.te¥m1'I, arms} 1*1i:s~ 3+::m:.'E:shi;i: :.zppa:}inte::I arm Err»: I‘BpEfi’:”'f: 11:22:} 3.-ma
‘far 3:: rcrxmvex-. {Sam} 27%?‘ favmzr zm: sue nu1c:§1 as is mimgi my £.4«:m“i emf
the .ht.13%r“ze3 zmii tin: ::aA:.E‘3er' lacuna.‘-tee 3:1: a.ppea1res by :2; StIbSCT5{Jt'im”,1 it} the
crtapy uf we xwggtt s;3.€1iV~E¥1‘ez;} ta my lcmsfi 'atImt l¥":;“zr‘1r:1r makes Aaczagitpt ta fmtl
an easy xxmr given in his p:rnme£iing:-3. (i§-w:3:.1 Sir favczam-* my late %na:iis~
}}£3§$iCi()'i”l so m11£§i”1 as {.0 §TJ=fE2*C§.11‘€ my L~r;m;T’s mlswei‘ {£11361} f1!3E3'*i*i‘i"¥"i ‘-m€»‘ 3
tjzme w}'n::m I sahzafi axttenci 3;«::-u fan‘ E!1;a.t, which yf _}.:£ §:>m2 nest gpeesciy, WU?
mm»? Em} hit-e. S0 Sir E mat
Ycatzrs 'w2:=ry znssm'ed§}«*
to ha c:.amm.zmc:Ie¢1
I‘€sw€~3‘:nhe;' lg}, E533 11011.» 3z¥Cfl3*F«

[limfarscfi 3:3: 15ViS.E£.s’:] Csagtzxyne» E-Z1£;:(}.’n, {m1~ smy czf F‘za=,r*rar‘s suite
agamsz tin: cittjm

[x=id;i;’c's,n5'ci.*] T211 111,-}: Vt2':I";;,' ws711"£hy 'fI‘i£*.mT} Mr. ¥V%l1is_, 5£e::::'et;a,:?3=» tn the
RE rikt ¥~:Ir.im"%:fl£;2 the L0. ’TE‘Iar’e:r.

r

3:»: :;;\.P~T;~.m §n::'a=;z—»; I:..<mr;:1;a.w.~am.’:a m+3m.*:m1.s.~.1, 12151517}-3}3aIT.~3ER,. 1623.“

IE-fggizi‘ §:o=:<:£'big. I hzwc temzisrcti Ev 11-Ca}; 3Z«a:>rd Pré:si¢:§ent“- and .s&:sm.r: mike?
the Lnrds 0f the ifflmznceli :1 farms: :::f Paliicy i§111S c<'m:'l£::§m1e~c‘i.

1. I*‘érs£;:'§ I Lrzzclszrtake. £0 .s§-1e:~w the aneataeas ta siranwe 2; sufl3c%cmf:. rmm3:x.er
caf’ rzmza Eh:-it hgrwe gmd eéstatez; ix-er‘e ts} plizmt in Virgfinizl with t;hei1- pe1*s<:ms
ami gums zzrxri €13 €;:i'L1S£% the gzuimiwrs in Virginia to pizxrzt astzstes in ‘§.’r:gEa.:1:at.§.

2. Sm*:~:,mz;E.§.iv5: soc its sever and dexriclea tile facmtias of iSm*¢rai.g2*1tie and
tfie Cmn.m:1um:1 sf £:he:: §t::-mes; zmmngste tlmsrc awn see :2-stzztirci, that :1:-$3‘
sl12:a¥1 nmrer mam: united in power, Imt tr; :1r1‘v.21:1c:a::‘ x.‘3=u1* pt.'}Hi'ti.i:k€ sssrerfi. rrrf
Imtaicléngfi ths: pEa:nta,cic:n tc; Engiaxltii '

3,. ’I”}zi”1*z:iIfe Kay r11::E~:%r1gE use 0f the Isatuw-1'31 3t.rt":ng:h a.:1_d k2.rt£g*t2s::e:~.s emf
t:§1£: 913:2 we is: Evfarslzaif $11039 mm as €,§1E}“ simili nut £m£%I}'  we
;3E3.:1ta.r_~Es::ar1 spreati €;I?1=EiI grcawe tat: fimzlra mat the best =CIc:1rnm2:az:_i.iit§.z:rs. awzi iniarge.
tlzsczt kingfs £Z1iI¥E"£1j.7£1ilT:x”1é3, but timgu‘ eahsaif Sefillffl ii baataix fmm F£?)rr§l{‘Egn£~”: }.?:I‘t£?-=
inies, anti emlirle it ts) give [2“L\%’E‘?S tr) tin: :h:~1nest,ic1<e .Im1ia.ns.

.4. Feanirtkalie the }?’m;a}.@§ingc timse men there tax make the best: zznz}
sucir:ie’m.5t rnatumes i.xetI:er.

3-_*,. Fift¥]¥<:~ -the. n1ann.agi11ge :1-mzi mralaringe 11103.2: rt3..t1;i1‘I}t‘:!S» $042: as they‘
ghail ram «:meIy smpplie a:1a:i mzxyntéejxxm the pfamwxicm with. a1:a;’3arm3i 21171-Li
nec.e$=sa":-.ie\s hm: it sE‘:za;11 make :1, §}Lfl)IEq1ze St:‘2!Q.§oE mi t:‘~*2.£.1st:.I‘§1-* iixat, simil-
iticreasta as me p1El.l1t£l.C"§QIi1 increasefih.

ii. Si:-:tiie the Patezxt s:£;&nd’§x.1g {£3 it «£0211 anrl the ‘pmttice zmd £a::.t§::m

’?'51‘§o. 5:-5;. Sac: mm. 321%. go. .“ke\' '7\fl,.,“_ ,-.:j,\,,,,_.    ‘ »_ ,,

“ff Heaaf)’ M:1n£.3»§§%s, viaeount M:L.ud<:‘vi111*:, £is§’EK‘§‘T"%9«‘Zil"'I¥vt“:£§1'1v cat": ?;>fa11éI:Les;’er:nIfi;i3éJV
may-s:ix;§é;1ftE 01' thg» c.;:;Lxm:’§1 srft;2.a«««‘1r:?3F3~., '§%f1r:. “ f()«t‘:l1‘1€.‘ czvf Pnflicy-” hserz; -r;i;¢:3.(;1‘iT::2f3d is
ta Em fcmnd asrmng the; miners :3? his d,a:scz:nL‘I:u:1z the Hutu: Bf 3‘v§fanc§3,esI.e=r. E-£%s:..


5 I 2 D0=c;7u::zze;:t..€

beinge t.aken :1Wa_=;;., it 5112;}! have ssmzh further“ §ib€1'tiES €1t1{1 jtarisciicc-inns
:;':.s;E1:iez:3 iii) the‘: gnvermzament, 33 s1:1z;Ibe necessa-1*§e and for the gem} sf time
piantacian.

jg. SF_’tE€,‘V%3I}t1fl§{? and fastlia, the doeirage of all tmsée L::11.§nges by waie uf
right: and interests ‘tn the mayr1t.e:ynanr;e Qff justice and pezme, and tar the
hmmr mi Get} our king and state.

A31 'J;hei:'~; quszlities beinge treater} cznf in five sevetizafi} e’treat.ie:.=.  Iastfic
c:<:am._posx:d inm (me fmrnm w’r:.11 n1:s:y np*£Ii:s: be termed :1 Elilitaryw ifi‘t&:‘1::leI1€:§e
by triiznz it heinge 2+. way neat anal}: to «giatmt G:n*ris«ms withcmi; paiei but
eaxch Gzsrrismn hminging with it :1 c£:rte;me rcwtnewe is the: Crcmmz it
shzzfi tie Virginia}. 3.»; fast to Enigkzncl 2.5. if it were me harm firma with it.

”£‘I1e‘brL:it£~. 0% it I had fmm Charles the 5. and if: hr: himxxelfe or kinge
Phiiiip his sonne }1£L('1 used the Eike: 1)c:.:I§§.ti»e in the ‘West _'En»r:iies, I.mx: Cmm»
t1‘i'cS. 3'k‘i.iHi~lfi§,il.3/. apies amt tlw rest of his pmvinczes tn m€£iI’.‘tt:E3»}*I1e his $£:>*:"~
erzxigrgty there. 31% had not .sp«ent &‘3("J=€‘. mzmy E‘x»‘£i1}it:m=: to keflpe: Garrisuns as
he hath tittsne, neither wcjsid. his ;:arm'i.nz:4::.5 he soe razuiy to 133.1% fr"-ran": him. as;
now they wifl be, if this piate flea shotflatl fzxiit: him.“+'-

I ever heici {zxnci 30:: I e:~:1.n‘t:$sc£1 m_ys£§1f¢ in my :’u't‘i<:1:e.s 2 3*-r*:ea'es
sithnrnce at the: C('}Un.C£‘H 'Ei’ir.mrd}*‘3 that this busimi-.5 m11.:3't be -tengieriy
fiitniliaxl fifl the ;:rui:>1i-r,: staniktt wzm g3a;y:1ed élfld the f€”)I’¥.‘11E‘. xvzm con.5e:1t.e3r:i 1:0
by the c:.0mp::1n}«‘. :3.~.t1.c‘1 that thfa ta.kirz.g mx*ay we 13:31‘-Brit {mum the ca1u};:auay
 ms;~m:-‘I3; by :1 cievise 0.? the. {ieéinqtmxzts wéme lmzxvimge fawn-2r's<:.ore mrticles
put in a,g;a.i113t thtf:n1 and but 4 0f timm e::a.myraed (Inc by tr-obiinge the
‘Lmsines zmd rnakin-g'e the c0mpi~1n_v to give ma-rzcr their C0rn;fi."nts crqmceal
fmm the kisxga tin: I11iq}.1.itiis: of the former _gm'ern¢:m‘t, it will zxp13e.=.:rc 3:-_\:-—*
-ti1e.i.s:. reasmxs ftfilmwinget

L }’<‘irst. ét. xx-‘iii ’x~e’e::1.E<:2:r1. the r.:01.1'fi{1:EmC€ that Ihtentees shouid Imam in
‘f’a‘te:1€S.

:2, Semm31i‘e it W51} agpeare that the com1::my and the g(wea'nm:1’t by
x-aices must 1)}? nectmsitéie <:¢:mt)mue, :15we13 fur their gr:m:£r1_g‘e cxf £"*‘:21tent5_,
l'.3{3£2:.£tl.S€t the kinggzz hzxth nlreadiez granteqt ttmam the se;:i1~e, «::f t.l1r2 Cr;)11t.r}+ 35
2:150 for the giving af their cusasmt to lznves that shall byncie their estates,
it i.:.+ei.ng the right of 31,! freze subjects.

3. Ti!1irs:1&ie the f(§'fI}’3.\‘Z pmpmsed {c-szmsideringc tlw: Eajrxner mzxscxn) must
be c;::a:1ser;.tAed tr; brcatfn by the ki:a.gc”: zmzl company.  the kingtis Eaecmxse
t§1t‘—!“€: win he in it cliwrs ;p1'i.~;i3ecfges anéd _IL:ris(,E.i::cim1s that -trams-e:e—n.r.I t<:2
C<::m.m£m law, and nil :m'x;hr;:rit_\,v f«;arn1~2rly grzxnwd, By thus: Cngimpzmgr ‘ac:-~
l't$1Lii-3'63 the fmme wiil ‘h_§md.c their esgtates.

4. Fiaurtiilie the 1t>:;tJ:t':‘:1t was granted éminge 2.1:; tim zzclvcsnmrer am}.
1_>i.m1%e1? amt} the g«::~.'ernemem; bezizage in the: £:¢;I~1‘I"i.p£t11y luzre, if the e:xt3mpan;.r
veil by czuzisenting us this {urine tr:;u-asfm‘ the ;gc:=.«~emen1»e~:1:. :9 the Eléamer

3* Czxptain Brznrgrave :1:*mre:rxt’§y ihazsmght that tht: Hem: mi’: the Dutash ‘&<‘Vest
India Cm‘1.31.a;1.!1jr utuicr ,I:1.m1:» Wa11L~ac.ms and Pier }:ie.in, which s::.eam;1% out; this

arinniil agningt Bahia, aztight eapturcfi the King nf S~gmin‘s. annual sihzfzr fiew2t~»-«:11;
Hcén did in 1623.


btrrd .S‘¢I£:Ie-wIZIc'Xs? f’c1/n:?r‘.,~: -m?5'[n*rc‘#i:z.g Vi:'*gi:z«£a 5E3

{tn wimm of rigiit it belongs.) there is me necessitis that the Ihtent. must
be t:ieIive::‘ed.

 i4"if‘:‘ii=e h(’..r::E1T.1S.=t:': thézg consent Csf ail parties intmesterzi in the: p¥an.'t.;a4:ie:3II
wi§E ‘rnalce tin: fnrma m.m‘z*:* fimv: am] pe~r;}eta1aI1.

-:5. Sitxtlie 111% elzanges in g:3x~ernen1e:n*t sh«::m1(1 he §I'IS£';‘.E‘lSi§':fl& gentle Maia
{ma} mat c:%:st;t«::»:*t«:':cfE.

7. §Sr:éu:*c~nti1E§c because this V'EI'}' g<:n.'c:rn.erm211t dot]; m:t¥«;c 1‘r3.zu°z:.“ :.'u;1ven-
tum w’::h -othe—m=ise wcauld mint

8. Iiiggflutiita }.nec:.m.se e\'eryt..hi.:1gct sitoukl iae fnstereri ‘tag; t:h:a_.t that ixrerzl it,
Ana} rim.» Cunapazfie hzzvixxge Exrmi this p1a11€f3.i::ii:3f1 it &I1ou1d ’E:ikewi3e 1-zave :1
Emmi in tize fostcringc of it,

5}, I\I};*1:1tE11j; 1:ner:»;m5«B it is it question wiaethar it be: fit that the icénggge
s1mu§::¥ take flue mxnae mi Hm ggulantacitm as :1. 1-.w:>:*‘i.<-as {sf his awne, till is-itch
tLit2*1»-2:: as Hm ::tza.%1:e (lid 36 !;E‘:z1.tA it shczoulzi he nbie ts E7«a.:hs.is;t oi it sseife at-K21 tr;
aifefenci it selfe agairast iurraigzxe aim} c§0me5ti=cI<& pm%:c:%r.

m. ’I‘e:1ti‘I3y ]5ecau.s:< the I»:§.a1ge:~. wiit l':m'€: riggghte in. the he11<2—fitt; that
”si1z:I1-3:5: matle by the p:.1b1iq11c=: senaants sent by rzmésma mi his sm*er2t§gmi.e,
though lave he :1{:=£: mmfe scene: in tin? Imsines than fm'm:':r3.y he hzith byn.

11. Lastlie because the plantation bfliflgfif ::1EvidecE. intaza Ewavemll C::aIIcm§c2s
each (me :3? thcm Coxzsisting (xi three hmadred p3€LI“1ti3!:'5, if the sairi Cr:fl~
Em-13;"; shall .:1nm;s:-xmzua (mt mi the Compzmy }‘n:er.e— tfzruzze a.dventz1rers for each
{me of thfifll, txm «::»f w”r:E1 shall doe their businses, as the Canfittees rice
mxv, and the tkifil tn be Agent fax" tlmrn to _‘{)t'€:C{”mStII'l’ in matters rims; $1-zziqil
mime-r:.1c the plzmtarzim anal to n1aIé<e2 c:.:~1:*:tx*:u:t:-3 with the king or (:c:I1n’pa:'1}‘,
zm=r;I tlzae who-le CE;1;..ssi:a 43% their p:'e~ccar1su1t‘ers ilafingg 21 egativa: wzame this
wili ’§:ma‘.h p:'r:vem: 21}? fzrej miiicts that ghali come to Ema plzmtzxcitm by pr;1ctice
and fflttiflil (xi t:12.c p0p1:l.a:' g;%¥'€I‘f1‘&IT1Cl1t h.f3I’iZf and wili 31503 {as the state
desaireza) slrawc the g-twemezx1ea1t inm .’f€’x‘i’€'f' hands zxml tthen fi’£Eft’:E! wfli
I1tJ'El1i1t§z;Tf3 rvemayme in tin: cx.1n1pamy [mt the passsingg; of patrents, t‘0gvet!1er with
tilvtfit.“ qxmsent to 12.w:x.‘:s tiuat sisal} byndc: t'l1t:i1' estates withcmt the =w"c’h nae
man wit} zxzlventuret.

Ami whereas the state takes it '11}. that t§1e2.ri: are 3042 nlmly C(:1ut'£5€:U,Ql'$
fi‘1;t{.Eii‘, the re«21s¢:n1 of the .d0:=:inge af it  tn draw men of qxxalfity to come
‘tn the {I‘m;1rte, mu} If n]! .31-:a§E:»z:~ put from the Cmmsell, tlimt ‘ft“.t1'1‘}é32'i£’iE! c<.>m~
inge mgether with tlxamse t:‘§;1z1t are nut swarms, the co:1s::1.seI! wfli q_u£ck‘iie be
fnuml not to he II'lfll’1}'.

A:‘1<.l whe:rea.s the icmtls due desire thai both the govcmaenf1’t. in Vfirgginia.
and t.he G0ver1.1emen£i Item s11{>uE::i. have relacion in the Lirmis «:;»£ the
Counsel} tlzere is such a t‘21:mse in the patent afimaezlia, that my wei;;ht=ie
Euxmines sh:-?.¥1:m thzhne hut: i¢:1wc:.r 0:’ the great’ 1«v2:»rfls:~ and stzmdinge <3§fiCE‘l‘S
{if the Coun:;&i'1 shai} be maid: zu:q11air1tec1 21-mi give their ccmsente to it.

{Z{:»:nsi<Feet*ir1g=r:: theis reaszans my ‘humiulez suite -is that 3-m’r pet, 1na__s,- be
s11,ff&1*e:€I smglé the C0:Ilpa1':itE may be <:c;n1zt‘umIe::l. tea make gf):iat;Et1‘1;t_:§!' tfigmpfigs.
be‘:fc:;wre the Cmmissioners that the Icingxz t31c:ing”£:: notice whcs have, :1§~rus=t?c1

.4; 0’ ‘


5 2: 4 Dac:ȣ:::c*;zfs

:u!:ninist:rr:zI, :ma:1 tlmt in the .me:am% tjame there ::rmg.»~ bit a C-am%i,ttee av
rm“‘fem'uce to s:;:«27-x1e ’};u.-:r.s:st expfiriencaci in ;«:u::.E1 §::=u}3Ii:qu:3 busines :=:&t§1c':1~ of f:h::*
Csgsmparxy :3: ::3tI1e'rwisa:: that zrmy emimirm t2‘£1‘I:‘1“t’:f:t zimaznd {Jr ztiifl-$5.‘ of the
gnu-ertntz-tslxmt prmimsed tlfkat we M11: the iwrcis and the Canapaniaas mgr-ex?-
irkfgjfi m 9% gm} {.3 wig the gmd ziif th-:2 pka‘x11§£1£:i£1:1 the i:Ls3i.zim."~:3. 11133? gaff‘
::1':er21" S E 3: f—-ow; smifi.
gqwgnr L«3r{E.3P1i1::u1}’s
jtxum ;E3..;-.r2é;2a.sw°1,-2..

{iE':'ndmx~:mi. fu. 295:: furnzarzi cf Ié3;’c£:m';f Will 21;‘ ,5} ]«::>1m B2u*gt'ave h§;~.2 }3*z‘(:vp:isv~

siztimiié :c:cmter1:§11g V§rgini£:, ifirzrzzeéveci 7”‘ K¥c:::;:z:m‘n. I62 .

3053,. 1:-xmvz-.za::.:e‘ arm §«:r}~I:N wém‘fl£&LL,. m»rr:<‘.“Ii {j ?}g I*‘:33fi3"”‘

Tm flag right i}:::::s:s3:'a’i::E£t me Lcmis zmti the reg‘: m" his Z'a—1.;1j’est§r:s. mast
h¢::=n.<:embie ;)§.‘§*£i£3*. Ctmxafiieii.

THE hLm11;2Ie pe£;iti.m1 (‘sf jcrim ‘e’sr’s:a<3d:a%I
an ;a.€Ever:tt2r'er and plzsctéstm (if ‘£37502?
CCn§1OI°‘i_‘§-‘ in Virgizlia

II1:m!.::13;e s32ew£%'i:1f1 fJ:I“a.::Lt jym1:* p¢t§tic31“:€31' haxzialg‘ b»£:?1"z Image an 2'-"u:1*e*+;*n§1nrer
thi:‘..}'zer eiid heretufarc bu}: an -é3s‘t.a;t-r3 gzrf Lzmcis, gmcis anei £E1£iEt€’I1:S v.rI1£4:I?3
did Etmigng ammo Sir Sanmfll Argali I~‘Zn§g‘I/it (1ece:Lsez:E §€i1.’}I1”‘§(‘ET§*£‘}'”£*§::$; {}m=er;n01"
’t§':e,te,?5 *w§'rem'Eay gram ;:et:it.ie‘:n»er was mrcagionéd ‘ac: srsmci ]E5‘m:.mrs and
fixggeniss ti*§::eEti1er ts} gem; E116 szzyzi fistate intc: his pczssessiom.

Em‘. sane it is, Iiiily it gzhzzzsse ytmr g:;'.I0<‘:E I‘1£3I1D‘L§I‘S, tint: s£m‘:1:*. time dEpE£I“{’t§1‘€
0? the sayezl Sir S=z3.Im.::=:1} Argail fmm that (::;!1§C:.&1‘§€ (being aimxat twaaiwz
3:-ezwfi sitizenr3‘)“‘ the 3513211 as-tart? by d'i1.-‘EEF3 mmzatimas i§’1€':t‘£:! is {1i.$pez'cecI inte}
£"I1E§i1}»‘ ntziefis hanéfi»; w1‘:e:ae rum‘ fraérm: mttm tI1.en1:~mTEw:s 21 miurre to d#23,:,1}re
.';1»I1t’i zietaynre the saw: fmm ymnr petiticmer. by 1<«321.sm1 {Bf Emma: c0n1:'m-«
ms::~s’ies zxrici differemtae wiiixtsh h2a;::p»e1ae::l cczncerning thf:. gm~*e1*:1n1£mt wlxemin
riiwsrs acmwfiziaioras were: Aubjectmzf against the sa}~*<:1 Sir S~a1-nm:~§¥ for 3u§}~
p::zsen:! wrnugs by him {lax}. Lzlzm E31123 pn§:s=Ei.(§z,1i3 £51431-6, 1»-i1—ic}z t§1cnug*h film}; were
rm: pz:m*:;~r,i n.-czgmaer silk} timy ever p-mcasezd t-:1 3213- tr§.w:1‘§E c::f" Iawe, a.11.sd timt
r;:r11.;g S€anaE- 53:‘ his gfemcls wcmz sse«:;u.estred, yett xxevertlzelesse ym;1r §m:titi0m:rs
:z"';:4:ta.:srs. Ea:-me been stifi c:’:c::E:2;»,=m¥ i3.§3~£:tI} pN:rt£1!.i.1{:23 inf t}/msa C(3II].1;1“Q-Vt:1”5if:s,

74 Sag rm. ‘v'.¥ a3:xm'c:, anti fl.U-E43 33., Va. 212mg. {if ,.F;i.'i.1‘£., XXIII}. 13“ 311d 135,5‘
2iK’I£.—.}§‘}{'I., 13w:*T£:ua.*. it apgsmrs that‘ :§::i.~:» ,]::c:3t%:E.m1 ‘was ':;‘Fa.»;; (;g;Q,a..5i{)rn of tlm lam;
addresgad -am Ap‘r. 3:3,. I630, by the P‘ri1'y Celina}! tn 111.2 gr:rv<art1c:u- ami wuncil
of Virg;-inéa, and nnentimneri in me crréaszr mi 1mm 30, At:-ts P. C. C33,, 1’. 163;
hm1s:~»=:e they aiatt: Emma suggafiied.

?¥iv.rErg>-ail :ii+;:d in x636, A pvezmian of Samuel }?‘ers:m*:x1I axid Ann his wifm
.='a2~g.ga!.]‘5 dau;5;h.te:r ansfi %sz;i_1'(:5»s., prescntmil an the Hausa aaf Igmfds, Inna zg, 1541
{Eimxsc caf Igcsrds MSS..}, dae:.:1a*ms that Wmsdali hack ‘W1t’I;)I’i1g.l.y .'mr:11.a.i:rr:2:} items‘:
£§1eu~s Azfg:s.li’s exmte and 4:~a.ét.§e in Virginia, ::«1mii by vixxfiuc-nee: in the Privy {Z”.m1m:.§1
Imaii eémlecfi |”.2a5:m{~,n2.; the zwtitiara. win Em 1;:'%’z°2ht:d in “ml. 3, of Dr.  F. Sm::1%:’=s~.
P:*m;‘swf.fa:g.s‘ tend Debates M‘ aF‘1£T.V§i:r3§1'I£*!iI vrc;5p=u:.’c:.i".rzg .’\7mI'?J'r x‘i‘me2a*fa:r2. l:C‘.21‘:‘m3g:i«r“*


Spacer


f3—f.)lLI {E N1". E N T S
1‘,r;rc£ :§”c:tc'!s-L-1‘£e'r’s P':rf>m':_: :*r.-yfirtiszgr I¥"'.ir_(jit:fu. I61 3- f6j'!, IE.
117. Cc3‘z«:r;x«:1a:«:Ir<G *1‘:-1:2: ’1“cn3s;(:c:3 (jZn1~¢‘1‘x«1m.'r.

LN: !.h.i.s; +:1.iv.i§sit:m of Lmd Sackviiwza papers I'cE:«:zti;ng H} the 33:13:
§1ist01'_y 01’ Virgilaizi, H16? first place laelusmgs ti) 3. grmq; (If damrtmlents.
L*5:~:l‘I.i§’Jifii"1§;3_‘.‘ Mar? §§i,E£Z£2f:':’~LS;i\’E! 5i'agcs.: by which the: £‘.fl‘I'lt1.‘a(”ff far the e:~;-::lu~
give ixxxpmriatian 0f t.£)§}£1Ci;-C1 by itw ‘v’i:r_giniz1 amil S:::un1~ers: Iszianzig cegamn
gyarxfme «came. inter) its final ‘£z:m_n..

f in July 3, H322, in 3 “ Great stntcii Ciemzral i_.3'a.aartc:r €;3m1rt' ‘” rjf the
\”irgi1aEz1 CQt1:pa1';,y.. :1 sieriatsa Hf ;)r0pasiEi»0n;=. cum:-e1,~11Vi11g tire: ‘;;n“c3§)«:,r3ed
<:m1t'ra.c:’t was zzgrarzcl uputarn. TlH:s:a pr0;:ositiox1$. sc.w't:1at'aer1 in r:1.u°‘r2i)::r,
wrzr-=5‘-.2 €i2’lf.’€f{EEd in the c0t11;;)an:}*’.~;. :'emrd;s. am} their text is in be §crL.and
i!t~‘:‘:l‘{_* f lf.:‘*r:m£.~.‘ mg" sfw Vixyizxiirr €7rr::t.,!>cz1z_1,~. II. $5-§'~’s8_}. {H this {iraft
theft: is 5: copy‘ 5-3.mm’1g Igord §3.';1.L‘kviI1c’s laagmrs, am. $31: 58. It is 1:nm*k<1~r.!
in rear} ink  “‘ N0. 3 ", that I3t1m1)£3I.‘ refr$‘rriz1g in the geriesi. zmanbered
from i. to 3:, :+2p<)i~:¢:n ef {mad ;i:e:rha;_‘:s; :40 nunxi;ne.ra::1) U3; ETJI2 i"e1:<:.r
i”»’£:ck.-:.zr(_1, .=’i:Ir*;e.nr.;v.r?:'.‘r mf \;"~.<":%'z‘:!‘n;1'a;r Fr*n'm°“,'  has l)€flT1 m€:nt.i0r1<:d in If“-1+2»
i|1trr:u1hu_‘f:i{)‘n tn the {mat ixzstafinzent «:31? thast: 1.n:1§n.":~r::. (pp. ;a,«:;~;;~«4,(;5.
.mp;u. }. Sitice =t;'hi:~; doczuncmt agr-;~:v;::; ('3§1tiI“t‘.‘i_}~' with Ilia: wh§r:.h is;
;n‘i:’att34‘E in t.Iu:~ h*:.*r4::.m.’.¢ of the Virginkt C7on1;>at1y ttxidcr date: of }1.:fj.* 3.
it  not fi€CtE‘.:1S§13‘}’ ts) gikrim: it here.

fgln. July 17. in an (;rc,iinar}*' I;‘:€31II‘t (sf tht: "~.:’irgi’:é1ia C(}m{)£tI‘£}«',. ‘iii:
iiziw'i11  I‘Q{z0rEt“:v;l tltat {Eta SOETIETS ifiiaazcis Camparly, in their
Ureztt ‘%_:)1i;1rte1* €..I«:mrt lw3.r;I an july IO, l':2.;.«;]. gtivfisn their czémsent tn the
1;»r{)pa3s::is4: which the Vi.rginia (§.‘0n1;':»z::‘a.y 312111 zicccpted the waek laefmre,
with fihfl exceptinm of 2"trtix:i<: 5, reiat'i11g tit: c::.,1.$€.c;m.s (.I1!€LS. Th:1‘t ££I'{.iCE€'
had ;>rr.:wie.!.c:trl fimt. §11£itt:21.d oi the Em“;-' mi .<'»i..‘{’},1€I1iL‘f3 a p«::r1m<;§ on ml}
I‘IC)1):1¢..‘.c{z 2‘n'143‘] fourpence £1 Imuxm. cm ieaf, tin: ntamgxazzies s.h.::JulcE pay in
much of the t:l‘m3;c }"€fflI‘£-5 {if time mntrzurt a ssunt egmiai tn the averzsge taf
what 1121:} Tgreeri. (me. t-m«:.1er' tha TZIEES nmimd, in the .scvr:n jycars pteL:et1~
ing;.. Tat} thizs the S-usttlfitrs I.s:!z1m:I:"s C:3V111;:‘>:sr113,+- ditnmrrt-3-:'I, §'J1a‘tf*.fti‘.rr§ng to
gjnijfi the éxirféiasg £1133,’ can the:: qn.::1zt.ities actually brgmxglut in, anti argu-
ing :1i..%z:: mat ;%uc:h an ::1rrar1g<:.mtt:1t wmxlcl nlakt: the t:ust::m?:s 0Fficia.1s
more: vigi}.3.n.t  {;«r*:;wm"1t tide hrE11gia;1g in 05 E.”~1paxix.is;}‘1 tr;:§.1acw };sg,«* vim£:r~
ioperég than if the}; werrzr sun: in ::.d*-ramse of :13}. tfzzzt tiaay <:<:.vuI«:E aayvwéisc
;:¢:3t.. “ W"l“:€:r::1.:;,}0|1 ”. say the: I~?i*rr:J:‘ci.v of £116: Virginha Eiarnpanfil

1 Par. s;.4’:.-»t(’s5.

8 Fifarccxrcix. 11. «JR.

,. . . ,o- . . .
_,___ -‘.._... v~?1.Tl -rlfiqn .v7~.i«yAu9-husap...-.d.. .-.K in.”

' '\. -»~ ' / 
“xx L  8—Q.&.'\i/_».4 >'\ I    i:1Z2/


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Take :'*fi5*£a~r3'c:xJ }m4f‘na*!, 24., g { 1.98:) ppm. 2g;r-32z
Prixmzd in Great Erilain

I-IOBBES3 SANDYS, AND  VIRGINIA
COMPANY

NQEL MALCOLM

i

The eariy years :11" Tlmmaa Hrzshbea are a.immst entireiy sunk in abscurity.
Biagraghws frfiin Grcargc Cimcma Rabenson {I885} 10 Miriam Rail: { I-9??)
haw: adfied iittie, far the perkyd‘ before 56:28, ta t§3.e»scan1:$nformat:.ion prnviéeté
by rkubrcy and the Latin Vitae. If to this we add. the handfui {sf details which
have? hfien glaantd by modern mhaiarahip, the picture remains a bare axis, and
-swam: that can be briefly $umma.r&zcd..

Cm iea-sing Oxfmrd in 1608, H't3bb&a was emplcyeé by Wiiliam, Lord
Eiavenciisia as a tuznr far his arm, wh.:;« xvms Hobbas’ juniur by twn ytars. Within
a. few years, Habbes and his pupii fiwha, ta prmsctm. canfuainn, will hE2ITlt‘:E*.f0I‘€.i‘1
has referred to simyfiy as “fl‘av£:r1dish’) wen£ an 3; grmad tour crf Europe, the:
<:.}1rmml.r}gy c)fw§.1ic:h. remains uncertain.‘ .Betwc.m1 2615 agnd 16.28 Ca:w:nd‘i$h
Corresyondaci with Fuilgenzio Micanzi-a, whom: icmitrs fiobbts appcars to have
Efitflslilttfd frsézam the italiaxzfi ‘It has 3330 bean cia.-zimed, though on much mare
d'ui:>i::>us gzfmunds, that Hobbes was invmlvcd in the Gflmpflaiiifln cxf the vcsiurne
sf" essays entitzieé Heme suimcizsae, whixzéx was‘pu%lisi1ed anmrymxzruafy in 1629,
and nrsifwizich 2: prior ve:r‘sie=2": Es gresewéd in man'u’sc'rip»t with a éedicaticrn by
‘W. Ciavendisshe’ to his §.‘azi*za&r.*'* L§.ttI£: can he added tr; thacstit facts up :0 1623
{the ye.a:~ which saw the p'ubEicativa:n of §“lE.£;xbbes’ translation »sfThu:ydid::s and
the deatfi of his pupii-'pat“r€1n§, exmlpt Aubrey’3 accourzt ef the c.r;mnexim°: wk}:
Eamn, and cum lezzrzr written ta Ho§3be:s in 1622 by Rabert Masgn, W§‘l£Z1
a,;:apea.:‘:.-; to haw: reg’ar+:ieé. him as an wcli-pfaced smzrce of politficafi g9ssi.p. 3%:
the start of his. liettacr, Masen em:our.a_ged Hobbes £0 —carr3:~' cm: ‘-a0m,mtmica.tia;1g
with ymur Friend such 0c.:curr—:z1:::»::zs af {hast aattivc times, as your vacant hmzzrs
{ram yaur mast seriaus .a1"f"air-S shail permit yam’? What exactly these: ‘must
serimzs aflhirs’ warm has rm: been detarmined.

Cileariy, the n.atu.re sf iiiobitwesf’ emplajyme-at in the Cfiarwenciish househald
gratduaify charged fiwnvm that cnf a tumr In that {Iaf a secretary, as his pupil
éfivfliopfid a paiitical cazrtzer 2.1: mart and in pariiammt. Pg. legal d«.m:.‘L1me:nt
drawn up far Cavcnx*:1ish’s widow in {€39 describes Elobbes as ‘having beer}

‘ $=:::§ ma Vappemlix In this afiiiiifi.

’ Qiscussed by Vn'£ttorin G«a’r:n:ieii in * Bawne, Ia xifcsrzxm 2 Emma. narfia versions H:::=bb::v.9i.:-ma d’u.n
izartrrggia di §‘u}grre:ui{3= Micanziu”, The Errgimfi M'i.mb;'argy, van izgvgyj, :95"--~25o,

3 Friedrich Wnéfl Dz‘: new VV£.m'¢.*?w£I1qf£d£: Tkamm'H0t5£‘°£5 {Sumgarn n,j;ét3%g;}_;s£!e aim the appendix
ta this articie.

“ $1 T:::4::xmi.ca, ‘C£am‘;ri3m‘ti£Jns ix E’.hismi:¥.: cit: ia panséc dc Hnbbfzfii. :§r'u:t*:ii.m5 dc Phiéarofiiris, KM,
csxhicr Q {H§;3fi), 82.

29?

'3: aw! 1 rs.


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‘lyi, \,‘\J\l,‘\.,,{‘4,'w ,~.x,_2 l‘v~~z-*3 ‘*~-tm~ ‘ A. \« gl ’“”~. M+~rv3»\ (;‘s7‘7_,

/

Note; and Dacumentx

A Letter sf Advice
tn the Govemor of Virginia, 1624

J. Frederick Fausz and _]-em Kukla

1.623,, “E thiake the last massacre killed all our Ceuntrxe, besides

them they {the ln»dia;ns] killed, they burst the hear: {Df all the rest."_
In a letter ta jahn Ferrar of the Vlrglnla Company reflecting the despair and
fear that followecl the 1622 Indian t1prising_,C=apps ceumxnentecl that "our . . .
Gcaverner, [is] so good so earefull mild, Religiws, just honest that I pmtestl
zhinke Gad hath sent him in mercie for good to us, he und.ergoeth all your
-cares and curs, and I feare not but ged will bless him in all pmceeelinges[;]
but wha must be t.l1’I::1strz1r¥1ez%t {(3 make all this whole againe?”

Sir Francis Wy:-1t:,. the thirty-three-»year~o1d governor and £:aptain~gen-
era] of Virginia, was the colony leader whe bore the heaviest burdens of
responsibility and aut.heri’t;y following the “massacre” of March 22, 2621/ 2,
which claimed ever three hundred English lives. Knighted in E613 and
appcainted governor in 16:22.1, Wyatt was the elclest son of George Wyatt,
esquire, of Boxley Abbey, Kent, and 3 nephew-in-law of Sir Edwin Sandys cf
the ‘Virginia C0m.pany and poet-.schnlar George Samirys, the company treae
sneer in Virginia.

‘When ‘Wyatt assnmec:l=ot‘l‘1cein November 162:, he brought to Vlrgfnéa a
bearing ané baekgraund derived from his family's place among the landed
gemlemen sehenlars of Kent. Wyatt and many of the councillms with him in
the eoleuny represented those county elites whose gemility, education, and

( i 013 fmgive me,” wrote planter William (Zappa from Vjrgénila £11

Mr. Fame, formerly an editor with the institute, is a predoct.era,l fellow at the
Newberry Library's Center for the Hfiswry cf the American Indian. He is comp}-exing
a dissertaticm entitlecl “The Virginia I ndéan Uprising of x622: A I-listerieal Study crf
Ethnncentrissm and Cultural Cezlffict" (Ceullege of ‘William and Mary), Mr. .K.u,akla £5
director of gublicatinns at the Virginia State Library and has a dissertation: in
peregzeess enutleé "Political I’nstitut£ms in Virginia, 1.61 -~»166c~" (University crf T6»
runes). T .l%1e‘y' are grat-eful to the fight honorable earl 0 Romney for ;:»ermi5s£o»n re
yublish thés document.

1 William Cap? :0 Dr. Themes Wynstan, Mar. or Apr. 1623, in Susan Myra
Kingsbury, £475., T e Rec-Mir o the Virginia Cempeny of London (Washington,
D.C., 19:o6\»I93-5),. IV, 38, hereae re: cited as Va. Co. R‘e.cs.; Capps to Ferrar, Mar, 31,
2623.-, iéwfai, 76*

; ,;'_, L.’


I32 W¥LL!A.M AMI) MARY Q1.§AR'FERI£!I"

This transcription was made from a microfilm. copy in the Manuscripts
Division of the Alderman. Library, Utaivcrsity of Virginia. (accession rm.
$82, reel M-2.84), lent thrmzgh the cosurtesy‘ ttf Edmund Berkeley, J12,
curator of manuscripts. Copies af this film were_ recently adcleé to the
Virgittia ‘Colonial Rectnrds Pmjcct by permission of the earl of tfiomineyi”

The ot'igina.l, spelling, capitalizatitan, and punctuation have been retained,
EXCE t that the thtarn and the letters j (i), u (t»), and 9 (2:2) have been
Cflfillfifmed tte modem usagei Where necessary for clarity, punctuatio-rt has
bftfill adéeci in brackets. Abbreviations have been expanded, superior letters
have been btaught down to the line 0f text, and portions of the manuscript
which were created through by Wyatt have been set in italics. ‘Words
obscured by bin-cling have been supplied in italics in brackets on the baais of
the draft la:-star. Pal: inatiszm of the signed letter is indicated by bracketed
-numerals and fefitflfiffifsfl designaticmst. Significant alternative readings {mm
the unsigned manuscript version are given in fotitnoteti

[t‘”} The ground of al happie government {stinrte Franctsi} is the lmly pro-
tection af God is: Christ fetus, and ti: it the true Paitlzt and due reverence af
him accerdinge to his ward, is the nighest and fairesit sterage. This I am
perswaded you have and aloe clteifly rely on, and ever shal, never in vainc.
The rather you may and wilbe drawen anti clriven l].4E:.’t:'t0 by Gods singular
favor who hatht: held his winge of blessed defence: over you and thi)-3 you had
more special care of in this dangerus accident which hath: faint: in the sentry
at” year empioiment in thos panes where: yet: live far from net-dful and teddy
assistance of counsel by aides, with Savages estranged fmm al Civilitic and
Religim, and thi-:-t-with frum their DWEI1 gaod anti [:5 trust of any by them to
}’01}. From the same: goocines bathe bin. that here is raised tnens good opiaiens
to interpret wel {if your indtavors thttr, not to be any defect in you, but at:
agrainge vermae by tnilclzt.-rs to bring: on thus Barbarians tn: Civilitie am!

« Christianitie, and 59: to their owen geod cheifly intended; in which respect

some wishe you held Siili the same cours of gentle-nes, rather than mvetitie,
they miridinge (perhaps) more their ptefit, than your per.il.3° Yet can I Wei

3’ See [Gwrge Reese}, Virginia Colonial Recorcis Project, survey reptm 1.267
{aid ser. -no. 1391), vdepositeé at the Cfllimlal Williamsburg Faurtdatitm research 11'-
btary, microfilm reel M~999*I; the ‘Virginia State Library and the Virginia His»
torical Snciety, Ri-:hmm1:d.; and the Alderman Limary, University of Virginia,
Charlottcsville. .For a calentlar of tithe: colonial c§t:cu,mcnts and family papers in
the Wyatt MSS see survey reptsrts 1268 and 1:269 {trld set. mos. 1392-139:3»).

3” As alluded to in this passage, the years immediately print t0 1622-~—~ch.ar.at:ter.
ized by an efficial peace with the Indians and a corresponcling “ht3om" in tobacm
prvnéuctionws»tot:sd in stark contrast to the hysteria, tiislocation, anti declinin’ morale-
crf the immediate past.-massacre era. The William Capps mézttitatted a are, a
Virginia planter more concerned with tcbacm rtafits than with military setrurityg,
wrote: “I will farsweate ever bending my mind "or ' ublique goaci, and be-take me ta
my owne prtifit." Capps to Dr. Wynsttin, Mar. or » pr. 1623,, Via. Co. Rem. iV, 3,8.
See Edmuncl S. Morgan, "The First American E0-om: Virginia 1618 to 1630,“
WMQ, 3d San, XXVI! (1911), 18:.


NGTB5 .Al."~lD DGCUMEI‘-ITS H3

incline that you use suche an easie hand in rnanaginge the headttrnt? wildness
at’ the People, at yam halal stil a strange Cord on them if they shul play the
fades“ with you, 0:: take eorrage them) by your staid. hand over them. I
esteerne also the same Devine grntitzsnes hathe bin careful in warning: to
arme you by this clap, against ton much trust in the flattering: face of a
barbarus faifthe, by which nnly they hnpe: tn harme ynu. Ann this might have
him: yen: best’ radvice in the beginnisxge in nwidinge :1)! the Pawne .m.ate,3’
sonnest given where le[a]st lmkt fart

Your service intendeth a Plantetinn, which the name shewes d.ed.nced
from orchards settinge nnt afnretitne rnantzred. The Romans gave it the name
of a. Cnlnny tn the same effect. Adam was fitst set an ‘Worlce in Plantntinn of
the world, and the Plantation of the Churche had the same beginninge». His
Children when al was theirs, the one was a Tiller of the ground, th'ot.her a
Grasiar. The: yet then grew the seeclts of hlucldie malice in the spring: of the
Churche, when Sathan (as now with you) enviinge it, sought to exterp[ate]
it, by the cruel hancle of one brnther against an ether and that fer Religion,
which cheimly should have guarded their faithes each to th’nthet. Examples
of Plantation are best taken out of the Scriptuers, and at" best fruit. The
inventions of Sciences in this beginninge had beginninge, Spade wnrkes,
useful in 2.1, Navigatinn., Czsrpentership, Ieronworltes, Mnsiclte, vineyarclinge,
refreshments in their werie travels, with Noah and his pnsteritie grew, anti
Huslanncllife and Snldgership with the Parriarlts in Tents were bred and
nurishecl. The Canticles describes the Churches Plantatinn by the Husbandry
of Christ and his Spouse raisinge it to the hight of a kingdnme, and under
tearrnes of the Spi.rEtual sence [Iv] yenltls a most perfect Idea of the best
Plantatinn.

Your Gwen pertes are to slnine £1": al pnrtes of vettne and vertun-us example
tn 351 in al partes urine: your government, and therin you are to study to have
ynur self gnverned air-(3 by their instruction who have limrnited your govern
ment tn ynu, frnrn which you may permit your self little to stray, and never
Withtmt greate and good alnwance inf reason. to» be aprorv-ed of 31 men, and on
lest adventure on at1vt:nt'ure. Anthnritie, yours, and of your assistantes is
wtmne and streangthenetl by wisdome, fortitnd, justice, and integritie, tn
ibecome an necessary :instrumen‘t fur‘ the teddy and strrmge executinn of al
tlesignes maturly resolved and mmlntled cm, and 5:} much more needful fnr
ynu tn put more farce to raise it 11;: when fleclined, then to keepe it up when it
it yet stnndinge right at the first. Also the first pmnfe hetein ber1det[h] er
slaclceth men[s} eatpectatinns for and towards the good hope and succes to al

3‘."_]ade" was a contemptuous name for a worthless or unruly horse. Oxford

Engine Dictionary (cam-e, 1933). At this time strong reins were needed, .s£no:e
“e:ttrea_me lihertie . . . [was] we-rs-5: than extreame T£rranie.." Captjohn Bargtave to
‘Lard Treasurer Micldl-tsex,?]une 10, I625, Va. Co. E:‘ecs., IV, 223,-224.

3* The Indian attack 0 Mar. 22, which caught the English unaware, is here
cnmnarecl to a Pawne :nate“-—r»the unexoected checltmate bv a mere Dawn. Ltmdes.


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 Mai ‘hww  3'] |L+")x->(. Mai
 “N t ../’ I

or/“’L"')

THE DISSOLUTION OF THE LONDON COMPANY FOR
VIRGINIA

TI-HE study of Virginia as the “First Republic in America" rather
than as the earliest of English experiments in colonization, and the de-
pendence upon partisan and often inaccurate records by scholars who
searched for the “Genesis of the United States” in the light of their
enthusiasm for a fully developed American democracy, have been
largely responsible for the belief that the well-known factions in the
Virginia Company represented the embryonic parties of England’s
Civil War. Consequently, the events which led to the interference of
the government and the subsequent dissolution of the company in
1624—one of the most complex problems in colonial history——have
been rather simply explained as a struggle “between the Patriot party,
which determined to plant a popular course of government in the
New World, and the Court party, which opposed that purpose”.1

The “Patriot” party was found in the supporters of Sir Edwin
Sandys, among whom the Earl of Southampton and the two Ferrar
brothers were the most prominent. The establishment of the Virginia
assembly in 1619 has been taken as evidence of their determination to
carry through an experiment in democracy, and it has been assumed
that James objected to the form of government in Virginia. His
opposition to the Sandys party has also been explained by his supposed
declaration that the company was “a seminary for a seditious Parlia-
ment”, a quotation which despite its frequent appearance in American
histories is supported by records of the most doubtful historical value.2
The king, however, was not without friends among the adventurers,
for Sir Thomas Smith, the Earl of Warwick, Sir Nathaniel Rich, and
Alderman Johnson were the leaders of a group which by its opposition
to Sandys has become famous as the “Court" party. A temporary re-
versal following the Indian massacre of 1622 was thought to have given

1 Alexander Brown, English Politics in Early Virginia History, p. 5.

2 Arthur Woodnoth, A Short Collection of the Most Remarkable Passages from the
Originzall to the Dissolution of the Virginia Company (London, 1651), p. 4. Wood-
noth, a relative of the Ferrars, wrote about 1644, entirely from memory. John Ferrar,
writing a few years later, attributed the statement to the Spanish ambassador, Count
Gondomar, who was believed to have used every influence to procure the overthrow of
the company. The story came to Ferrar in a very roundabout fashion. He had it from

Southampton, who had been told by two lords at court that they had overheard Gon-
domar. Peter Peckard, Memoirs of the Life of Mr. Nicholas Fcrrar, pp. 115-1 16.

I4


Dissolution of the London Company 15

James opportunity for a conspiracy with Smith and Warwick to defeat
Sandy’s “patriotic” plans through the dissolution of the company. The
success of this effort made Sandys one of America’s earliest heroes, and
his tomb in Kent was marked by Virginia’s most enthusiastic historian
as a shrine to American democracy.“

This is in many ways a plausible explanation, and it was long
accepted by the historians of both countries. For some time, however,
it has been discredited by scholars better acquainted with men and
events in Stuart England, notably Professors W. R. Scott and A. P.
Newton.‘ They have seen that political differences cut across both
factions, and a fuller appreciation of the commercial character of the
organization has led to the suggestion that the troubles which divided
the company were fundamentally economic. The story has not yet
been rewritten on the basis of adequate research, nor can an exhaustive
study be presented in a paper of this length. A brief examination,
however, of the investigation instituted in 1623 by order of the privy
council is sufficient to establish the truth of an economic rather than
a political interpretation.

The explanation of this action by the lords of the council is to be
found in the economic decay of both company and colony attendant
upon violent disputes among the adventurers which had their origins
in the failures of the business during Smith’s governorship. The dis-
appointments of his administration were responsible for an attempt
by Sandys to make a special audit of Smith's accounts. Quarrels
between the oflicers and auditors extending through 1617 and 1618
spread into the company, and the final result was an effort by Sandys
to displace the governor. In alliance with the Earl of Warwick and
by arguing that a change in administration might bring a change in
fortune he was successful in 1619.5

The new governor then undertook to lead the company in a very
ambitious program calling for the restoration of the company's land
which had decayed with the development of private estates, for the
production of many new commodities in order that the colony might
not be so dependent upon tobacco, and most important of all for a
rapid increase in population.“ The success of such a program required

3Brown, pp. 253-254. '

4VV. R. Scott, The Constitution and Finance of English, Scottish, and Irish [oint-
Stock Companies to 1720, II. 266-289; A. P. Newton, Colonising Activities of the
English Puritans, pp. 20-25.

5 I. H. Lcfroy, ed., The History: of the Bermudaes [Hakluyt Society], pp. 128-131;
Alexander Brown, First Republic in America, p. 279; Woodnoth,~pp. 5-6; Susan M.
Kingsbury, cd., Records of the "Virginia Company of London, I. 212. '

6Records of the Virginia Company, I. 266-267, 35o—351.


16 Wesley Frank Craven

the support of a united and vigorous company. Instead, the governor

had only the help of a faction in an organization torn by feud and

strife, and weakened by years of disappointment. Extended and badly
“managed disputes regarding Smith’s accounts widened the breach be-

tween the old and new officers. A bitter controversy with Warwick

lover piracy alienated other powerful men. The most- substantial

groups in the company were thus in opposition to Sandys, and he was
forced to rely upon a party composed chiefly of minor adventurers.
By manipulation of the voting he was able to maintain his control,
but even in doing so his difliculties were multiplied, for the grievances
nursed by his powerful opponents assumed greater weight when it
was felt that the opportunity to inflict these injuries came by unfair
means. Not only did they practically withdraw from the business
except as their own interests were involved, but their resentment was
such that some of their actions gave Sandys a very real sense of per—
sonal injury. Thus a restoration of unity within the company became
practically impossible.

Under these circumstances Sandys was forced to rely upon means of
support which supplied neither a regular nor an adequate income.
Lotteries were the source of income for almost half his annual budgets
before 1621.7 Their suspension in that year upon complaint of Far-
liament left little more than the efforts of individual adventurers
who hoped to realize a profit by supplying the colonists with certain
necessities. Repeated failure in these enterprises made it increasingly
difficult to supply the needs of the colony. In 1621 the company wrote
that the last year’s ‘magazine’ had returned with a loss of the principal
itself." The ‘magazine’ of that year had been provided with great
difficulty, and with it went the warning that “if this succeed like the
former, it'is vain ever to hope for like supplies from hence”. When
in 1622 news of the massacre reached the company it was forced to
reply: “The fear of your want of corn doth much perplex us, seeing
so little possibility to supply you; the public stock being utterly . . .
exhausted, and last year’s Adventures made by Private men not re-
turned . . . we have no hope of raising any valuable Magazine.” 3

These financial embarrassments were made more serious by the fact
that Sandys in his enthusiasm had overdone his policy of colonization,
and_ sent hundreds of colonists without proper provision for their
shelter,‘ health, or food. His whole program was founded on the

___.

/5 supposition that the colony would be self—supporting, and he seemed

"l1>ia’-. 1- 3sI—3s2, 396—3‘97,‘4rI--412. 492-493-
3Manuscript Records of the" Virginia Company, vol. III., pt. 2-, pp. 19-20, 2321-25.


Dissolution of the London Company 17

incapable of realizing by his early failures the error in this belief.
Governor Yeardley wrote in 1620: “I pray, think it not strange I should
write thus to send victuals with your people for you may be pleased
well to conceive that if such numbers of people come upon me un-
expected, and that at an unhealthfull season and too late to set Corn
I cannot then be able to feed them out of others’, labors, what I can
and am able to do if you will have patience I will from time to time
inform you . . . but both you and I must give leave to time.” 9 There
were many other letters in the same tenor as that of Captain Nuce‘,
who wrote in 1621: “How so many people sent hither in late years
have been lost, I cannot conceive unless it be through water and want,
partly of good food, but chiefly of good lodging . . . your provisions
fall exceeding short, which is not my Complaint alone.”1° Yet in the
summer following the massacre and after Governor Wyatt had warned
the company that Virginia faced a winter of starvation unless food
could be quickly secured, the company in the same letter in which it

_deplored its inability to help, spoke encouragingly of the fact that

“there come now over in this ship, and are immediately to follow in
some others many hundreds of people” sent in the belief that “ in the
multitude of people is the strength of a Kingdom”.” .

Faced thus with ruin in the colony and bankruptcy at home the

oflicers of the company turned in desperation to the hope of an income-

from tobacco. The chief problem had been for some time to make a
satisfactory arrangement with the government for its importation into
England. At the suggestion of the lord treasurer the Virginia and
Bermuda companies undertook the sole importation of tobacco, and
during the summer and fall of 1622 the terms of a contract for that
purpose were negotiated. In these negotiations Sandys was at a dis-
advantage because of the importance of the contract to the company,
the government’s dislike of tobacco, and its desire for revenue from
that source. The result was that Sandys agreed to terms which he
heartily disliked and which the Warwick party absolutely refused to
accept. The officers then blundered in trying to force through the com—
panies with the contract a very high salary appropriation for those who
were to manage the business. This brought such a storm of protest
that all partiesvreturned to the courts and proceeded to spend the
winter in opening old wounds and inflicting new ones in a fight so
bitter that the country was treated to conclusive proof that the Virginia

9Yeardley to Sandys, lune 7, 1620, Ferrar Papers.
10 Nuce to Sandys, May 27, 1621, Ferrar Papers. -
11 Manuscript Records of the Virginia-' Company, vol. III., pt. 2, pp. 233-25.


18 If/esley Frank Craven

Company was hopelessly divided. While the adventurers fought
among themselves and neglected all other business, Virginia passed
through its most disastrous winter. Iust as the tobacco fight reached
its height, news came from the colony of appalling sickness, famine,
and death. Among the most painful letters bringing this news were
those of Sandys’s own brother, George, who asked that some person of
“judgment and integrity" be sent to inquire into the state of Virginia
where there was “extreme sickness and unheard of mortality”. Deaths
had mounted to five hundred and there were scarcely as many left, so
that the living could hardly bury the dead.”

It was under these circumstances that early in April, 1623, Alder-
man Iohnson presented his famous petition to the privy council pray-
ing for the appointment of a commission to determine the true con-
dition of the colony when Smith left the government “and what after
the expence of so much money is the true estate and condition of those
plantations at this present”. He desired also a consideration of “how
the business of those plantations may be better managed so that all
contentions and differences being reconciled, the authors thereof being
punished, unity and peace resettled, and the form of governing and
directing those affairs being better established, that work may prosper
with a blessing from heaven”.13

The leaders of the two factions were called before the privy council
on April 17, and after many bitter exchanges it was decided to appoint
a commission consisting of Sir William Iones and six others “to ex-
amine the carriage of the whole business". The commission as finally
issued under date of May 9 authorized a thorough examination of
witnesses and all records in order that there might be discovered any
damage to the plantation from frauds or infringements of the charters,
what monies had been raised, how levied, and how they had been
spent—all with the purpose of determining the true state of the colonies
under both Smith and Sandys.“

]ohnson’s petition and the instructions to the commissioners point

. clearly to the settlement of questions of an economic character. Even

stronger proof of this may be found in the evidence brought by both
parties before the commissioners in behalf of their respective cases.
The indictment of Sandys’s administration was prepared by Nathaniel
Rich, and a full record of his attack has been preserved in the Man—

12 George Sandys to Samuel Wrote, March 28, 1623, Manchester Papers, 319.

13 Record: 0/ the Virginia Company, II. 373-374 (spelling modernized); Manches-
ter Papers, 328.

1413- R- 0-, 5- P., 15/43, 10; Official Papers Pitt Family, Add._MSS. 29975,/E. 63.


Dissolution of the.London Company 19

chester Papers. In this collection are found many serious charges.
Reckless and ill-advised expenditure had brought a considerable in-
debtedness upon the company with no means for its liquidation.
Sandys's “wild projects” for the development of new commodities
had resulted in heavy losses. Typical of his efforts in this field was
the administration of the iron works, which, despite an expenditure
of £5000, were declared to have exported nothing more than “a fire-
shovel and tongs and a little bar of iron”. The slander and injury of
the “old adventurers” and the unfair means by which Sandys main-
tained his control had caused nearly all of the adventurers best ac-
quainted with the plantations to “desert the business". The resulting
factions had crippled the company, which under its present organiza-
tion and leadership was incapable of directing the important affairs
of Virginia, as was evidenced by the “most desperate estate" to which
the colony had been reduced.” ‘

The Warwick party endeavored to prove that under Smith the con-
dition of the colony had been hopeful, but that because of the errors
and abuses of the preceding four years the plantations had come to
the most miserable state of their history. Rich centered his attack on
Sandys’s practice of sending large numbers of colonists without proper
provision for their reception and care. They had been carried in
crowded ships, often with inadequate supplies, so that many died on
the way, and those who arrived brought sickness and death. Failure
to supply adequate housing, and the inability or neglect to provide
suflicient foodand clothing had resulted in the death of hundreds of
colonists from illness, famine, and exposure. The commissioners were
urged to inquire “upon what good and warrantable grounds the Com-
pany adventured to send such multitudes of people these four last
years, whether the sending of so many people hath not undiscreetly
wasted the whole public stock, and been a means to cast away the
lives of many of his majesty’s Subjects". Rich estimated the number
of deaths before 1622 at 3000, declaring that ships had been over-
crowded with “a multitude of passengers and store of goods for
private gain . . . by which means and the short allowance of food to
the passengers, they landed half starved, and brought with them their
own deaths and infection 0'f others in the Country, so that in three
years there died near upon 3000 persons, for which mortality no other
cause can truly be shown but the want of houses, pestering of ships,

.*ShOI‘tI'lCSS and badness of food.” Sandys’s ability to attract so many

15 Manchester Papers, 329, 330, 331, 343, 346, 347, 362.


20 H/esley Frank Cra-ven

colonists despite the poor condition of the plantations was attributed to
a deliberate falsifying of reports from the colony.”

Such was the character of the testimony presented by the Warwick
party in support of its request for some reorganization of the Virginia
Company. It was-in its entirety an indictment of Sandys’s manage-
ment of the economic interests of the company and colony. It is
safe to conclude that had there been a political quarrel underlying this
dispute, Sandys’s enemies would not have hesitated to attack him on
this ground, and would at least have incorporated some of their objec-
tions to his political opinions in their private papers. It is important,
therefore, to note the absence of any record of such an attack in the
Manchester Papers.

It is true that there were objections to the “government of Virginia”
and a demand for its reform. But these have been entirely misinter-
preted, as may be seen by the answer to such attacks. Lord Cavendish
prepared the company’s defense on the charge that the “Government
as it now stands is Democraticall and Tumultuous and therefore fit to
be altered and reduced to the hands of some few persons”. It was
true, Cavendish admitted, that there was some show of democracy,
but this was only just “because these Plantations, though furthered
much by your Majesty’s grace, yet being not made at your Majesty's
charge or expenceibut chiefly by the private purses of the Adventurers
they would never have ventured in such an accord wherein they
interest their own fortunes, if in the regulating and governing of their
own business their own votes had been excluded”. It was the most
profitable form of government, he continued, because the great sup-
plies necessary for the colonists could be provided only by a large
number of people, who would not venture thus if the control were in
the hands of a few. There was no way of determining “the judgment
of a Company”, he concluded, except “by plurality of voice”.”

 Obviously this argument concerned nothing further than the organ-
ization and rules of government in the company. It was merely the
objection to a form of government which enabled the minor adven-
turers, by combining and taking advantage of the rule whereby sev-
eral shares had no more voice than one, to control the company and
interests of men with greater holdings. Many historians have failed
to understand the use of the word‘-“democracy" in this connection.

‘An examination of Captain Iohn Bargrave’s objections to the “govern-'

;ment of Virginia”, which have been given undue importance, will

1“ 117111-, 298, 330. 331, 343. 344. 347. 362.
1715121., 360; Record: of the Virginia Company, ll. 352-362.


Dissolution of the London Company 21

show that he too directed his attacks at the government of the com—
pany.” The popular government to which he referred was that of
a joint stock company in which part of the stockholders by combining
in a party could gain control -to the injury of other members. To
Americans looking backward over three centuries the “government of
4' Virginia" has quite naturally meant the governor, council, and as-
sembly at Jamestown, but when Englishmen of Iames I.’s reign used
!that phrase they thought of a corporate body in London in which
resided the real power of governing the affairs of the colony. Far too
much of a political character has been read into the history of the
Virginia dispute by students who have not carefully studied its records
and who have ignored the fact that not only did the form of govern-
ment in the colony remain unchanged after the dissolution of the
company but that it became a model for other colonies established
under royal patronage.
The defense of the Sandys party was as completely economic in
A character as had been their indictment. They endeavored to prove
that the colony under Smith was in a miserable state, that since 1619
it had been greatly improved, and that its condition then was more
than hopeful. A well ordered government of the company had at—
tracted many new adventurers, and had been reflected in the prosperity
and happiness of Virginia. The content of the colonists had “raised . . .
at home so great a fame of Virginia” that many people had gone to
the plantations and many gentlemen had undertaken the development
of private plantations.” This ability of the company to attract large
numbers of colonists was presented as the chief argument in its case.
Sandys's_defense, however, was weak in several essential points. A
defunct treasury could not be talked away, and this subject was care-
fully avoided. None of the efforts at developing commodities other
i than tobacco had been successful. This was an especially important
point in measuring the success of Sandys’s administration in 1623 be-
cause of the great emphasis which he had laid upon this policy and
the general disapproval of tobacco. The company could do nothing,
however, but review its efforts, take refuge in the massacre as an
excuse for having nothing to show for much work and expense, and
express a hope for the future.” On only one point in the policies
which Sandys so hopefully outlined in 1619 had he been successful,
and that was in attracting large numbers of English emigrants to Vir-

13?. R. 0., C. O. 1/2, 4, 4 I. 7 I.

19 Record: of the Virginia Company, II. 348-349, 350, 393,
20Iz»;.1., II. 348-350. T


22 I1/esley Frank Craven

ginia. But even here he had blundered miserably, and his affirmations
of prosperity and happiness found by them in a new home were com-
pletely refuted by the fact that most of them had found only suffering
and death.

The accusations of the Warwick party were undoubtedly filled with
many exaggerations, but there was no exaggeration in their charge of
an appalling death rate among the Virginia colonists. The company’s
own statements prove the truth of this indictment. Sandys’s sup-
porters estimated that a total of 6000 persons had been sent to the
colony since the organization of the company, and that of this number
not above 2500 had gone under Smith. According to these figures,
3500 represented the number since 1619. The population of the colony
when Sandys assumed control was frequently given by him as 1000,
and thus the total for the four years preceding 1623 was approximately
4500. Yet in the spring of that year the oflicers for the company ad-
mitted that there were not above 2500 of these left alive,” which means
that according to the company’s own figures almost half of those who
had set forth for Virginia or had been living there since Smith’s gov-
ernorship had perished either on the way or after arrival. A death rate
of approximately forty-five per cent. was alone sufficient warrant for
the charges of the Warwick party and the investigation by the
government.

But there was even more justification for condemning Sandys than
was admitted by the company, for the figures did not reveal the whole
story. A much larger number of deaths was revealed in a communica-
tion from Christopher Davison, a member of the council in Virginia,
who wrote to Nicholas Ferrar in February, 1624. This letter supplied
a detailed census of each plantation at the beginning of that year,
which showed a total population for the colony of only 1275, or about
half that claimed by the company nine months earlier. When it is
considered that 340 of this number had migrated to Virginia so re-
cently as the summer and autumn of 1623, it will be seen that seventy-
five per cent. is a more accurate index to the mortality during his direc-
tion of the company.” This unusually high death rate cut the ground
from under the whole case for the company, and gave its opponents

21Ibid., 11. 398-399.

23 Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1574-1660, p. 57.——-Some allowance perhaps
should be made for colonists who returned to England, although it is doubtful if there
were many who did so. The death rate was highest among new arrivals and those

who survived were rarely able to meet the cost of a return voyage. Even had the

number been large, their return could hardly be considered as strengthening Sandys's
case.


Dissolution of the London Company 23

their strongest point. It alone was sufficient to establish the basic truth
in their charges of mismanagement, negligence, pestilence, and starva-
tion. It was diflicult to prove in the face of these facts that the colonists
lived a happy and prosperous life.

How far the difliculties of the Sandys party were due to the dis-
asters of the massacre is a debatable question. The company frequently
took refuge in that catastrophe, and there can be no doubt that some
of the colony’s misfortunes. could be traced to the destruction and dis-
organization following in its wake. Failure so complete as that in
Virginia, however, can not be explained by any one cause. The
massacre can account directly for no more than four hundred deaths.
The usual number given for those slain is three hundred and forty-
seven. And even if the suffering and deaths of the following winter
may be attributed chiefly to the disorganization resulting from this
attack, that itself is evidence of weakness and mistaken policies in the
earlier conduct of the business. Had suflicient provision been made
for defense, had the economic organization been more sound, and the
company in a position to send prompt and adequate relief, the colony
would have been better able to withstand this shock. Moreover, there
is evidence of much suffering in Virginia before 1622. Sandys had
overdone his whole policy of colonization, and the massacre is more
correctly regarded as revealing the extent of Sandys’s failure, than as
being the chief cause of that failure.

Regardless of other opinions that may be formed by the careful
student of this evidence presented to the king and his commission,
there can be no doubt that above all else the opposing factions were
fighting over the economic policies of the Sandys regime and their
effect upon the colony. It is true that their arguments were colored
by hatreds acquired in disputes only indirectly connected with the com-
pany’s policies, but these did not alter the central theme of their
contentions.

It would perhaps be a mistake to disregard altogether the possible
effect of Sandys’s disfavor at court because of his leadership in the
Commons. The government may have been more critical of his ad—
ministration, more willing to find fault, and James may have found
some pleasure in uncovering the failure of his political foe. There
can be no doubt that Smith and his associates had the royal ear, and
thereby secured an advantage which was denied to Sandys. Yet a
survey of the relations between the company and the privy council
during the tobacco negotiations and the subsequent investigation of the
company’s affairs leaves an impression of fairness and lack of pre-


24 U/esley Frank Craven

judice. And those who attach chief significance in the five years of
Sandys’s leadership to a political controversy not only advance an inter—
pretation depending largely upon suppositions for which there is little
warrant, but ignore the fact that in the economic condition of both
company and colony there was ample justification for the procedure
of the government from the investigation of 1623 to the dissolution
of the company in 1624.

The story is essentially one of commercial disappointment and the
attempt to locate, or perhaps shift, the burden of responsibility. The
difficulties of years of unsuccessful colonization had divided the com-
pany into two factions and led them into a quarrel so bitter that it
produced, or probably merely revealed, an incapacity for successful
management in either party, thus making a receivership inevitable.
According to the constitution of the time such a receivership had to be
administered by the crown. This was a general political fact, and one
that extended to cover the troubles of Virginia, but it should not be
regarded as arising from the victory of a “Court” party over a
“popular” party within the company.

WESLEY FRANK CRAVEN.

New York Unz'z/ersziy.