Extracts from:

Caesar in Kent: The landing of Julius Caesar and his battles with the Ancient Britons, with some
account of early British trade and enterprise

By the Rev. Francis T Vine, BA, rector of Eastington, Stonehouse, Gloucestershire. 1886
Privately Printed (Turnbull & Spears, Printers, Edinburgh)

Dedication
To the most noble The Marquis Conyngham, this book is, by permission, respectfully inscribed by
his Lordship's Chaplain, Francis Thomas Vine.

MS comment (not by M Bell — not the same hand as the pencilled notes by him)

"Why His Lordship's Chaplain there was never a chapel in His Lordships House Bifrons, and the
author seems to have been Vicar of Patrixbourne. A little Victorian colour perhaps to be expected
from or in connection with a family of doubtful honour"

Printed sources acknowledged:

The successful researches of the late Lord Albert Conyngham, afterwards Lord Londesborough, in
the field of archaeology, and the liberal and personal support which he gave to many of our learned
societies are well known. The valuable collection also of antiquities at Bifrons, the seat of the
Marquis Conyngham, testifies to the same interest in the relics of the past by the grandfather and

father of the present Lord.
See FT Vine in Arch. Cant. Vol. 18 re three tumuli cists in Gorsley Wood.

Napoleon III: The History of Julius Caesar: Cassell
Stephen Pritchard: History of Deal (E Hayward) _ . _
Batcheller's Sketch of Dover (Cuff Bros, Snargate St) (=V1s1tor's Guide to Dover)

Rev RW Morgan: The British Kymry


76 C/ESAR IN KENT.

contrasted with the rough manufactures of the
natives themselves. Such wealth as they could
easily carry about with them would alone be
valued by a migratory people like the ancient
Britons. The simplicity of their habits, their
contempt for luxury, and above all the rudeness
of their habitations would render all other posses-
sion of little use to them. A glance at their
dwellings will sufiice to show how unsuitable
to their wants would have been the articles
of luxury and refinement with which the
Romans and other cultivated nations were
accustomed to adorn their houses. “The
number of their oppida (or towns) was great”
says Caesar, and in describing them he states
that “the Britons called that a town where
they have used to assemble for the sake of avoid-
ing an incursion of enemies, when they have
fortified the entangled woods with a rampart
and ditch.” The remains of many of these
oppida may still be seen in almost all parts of
the country. In the immediate neighbourhood
of Canterbury, the scene of Caesar’s early battles,
several may be traced out, namely at Durover—

 

.3
1.“
9:1
.
‘a
1

 

 

THE EARLY TRADE OF BRITAIN. 77

num, Iflin Wood, Atchester Wood, Bridge Hill,
and other localities to which reference will be
made in the course of this work. They are all
similar in form, and answer well to the descrip-
tion given by Caesar of the British oppida. Some
of them are surrounded not by one but by several
ramparts with deep ditches between them, and
were evidently strongly fortified towns. The
habitations contained within these walls of earth
were mere huts of wood and thatch, though some
which have been discovered consisted of holes
dug in the earth, over which a thatched roof was
probably constructed. The late Mr Frank Buck-
land in his “ Curiosities of Natural History ” thus
describes some of them: “The ancient Britons
were in the habit of digging holes for shelter.
Not many weeks ago some labourers, when dig-
ging gravel at Brighthampton, near Oxford,
came across several such excavations. They
were simply pits dug in the earth large enough to
hold one or two persons. From the sides of each
Of these pits a certain quantity of earth had been
removed so as to form a seat. They were in
fact nothing more than what were used by the



,, I


  

73 C/ESAR IN KENT.

riflemen before Sebastopol in our day. The
ancient Britons made them probably only for
shelter. At the bottom of these pits were found
a few rude arrow heads made of flint, and a
quantity of bones. I examined these bones, and
found them to be frogs and shrew mice. I I sup-
pose that these creatures fell into the -p1ts.long
after they had ceased to be used by their original

makers and anterior to the time that they were i
7

finally fined up_’’ In the remarkable British
oppidurn at Worlebury, near Weston Super Mare,
several circular well-like pits may be seen fairly
preserved in shape owing to the rocky nature of
the ground in which they have been excavated.
one in particular is very perfect, and about two
feet from the bottom is a seat formed of the rock,
as described in those seen by Mr Bucklaud, ex-
tending all round the pit. Tradition has assigned
these circular pits in some parts of the country as
the habitations of the Druids. De Moleville in
his History of Great Britain says, “There still
remain in the western islands of Scotland the
foundations of such circular houses capable of
containing only one person, and called by the

 

 

THE EARLY TRADE OF BRITAIN. 

people of the country Druids’ houses.” It may be
observed that in the remains of most British
oppida hollows are to be seen which probably
were originally of this shape, but owing to the
sides having fallen in they have now the appear-
ance of natural hollows in the earth. _ Some of
the larger were perhaps used as repositories for
grain and other produce.
A people so primitive in their habits and mode
of life would readily supply themselves with all
that was necessary for their simple wants. Their
food was of the plainest description, consisting
principally of milk and the flesh of animals,
though in the southern parts of the island they
also sowed corn. Their clothing was made of
skins. Such earthenware vessels as they required
for household purposes they understood the art
of making, the rough sun-dried pottery dug up
by Canon Greenwell in Yorkshire, by Mr Samuel
Carrington in Stalfordshire, by Mr Bell in Iflin
Wood, and by others, being clearly of native
manufacture. Bricks they would scarcely require,
except, perhaps, for culinary purposes; but since
they made . pottery, they could not have been

-_, .- 1;


98 CESAR IN KENT.

The notion that julius Caesar began to build
the castle seems to be derived from ‘a table, or
chart, which Camden says was formerly hung up
there which relates that “Caesar after he had
2 .
landed at Deal, and had beaten the Britons at
Baramdowne (a plain hard by passable for horses,
and fit to draw up an army in), began to build
Dover Castle, and that Arviragus afterwards
fortified it against the Romans and shut up the
harbour.”
We have quoted in full the remarks of the
learned author Camden upon Dover, as they
prove the importance which attached to the place
3oo years ago, and the traditions respecting its
harbour which were then current. The deriva-
tions he gives of the name of the place of them-
selves indicate what its nature formerly was,
although it is doubtful whether any of these
explanations of its origin is correct, and whether
the name “ Dover” was not rather derived from
the river Dour (meaning “ water") which there
poured itself into the sea. With regard to the
ancient town of Dover, Kilburne says that before
King Arviragus stopped up the haven, the town

 

4
I

 

c2EsAR’s LANDING—PLACE. 99

stretched itself more to the eastward under the
castle, but that afterwards it was built on the south-
west side. Whether the closing of the harbour
was entirely the work of Arviragus seems doubt-
ful. Batcheller in his excellent sketch of Dover
says; “What circumstance could occasion so
total a change is uncertain ; either we must sup-
pose that the old harbour was destroyed, and
filled up by design_to prevent the entrance of the
Romans; or that the sea threw up such a vast
quantity of beach, as rendered it impossible for
the inhabitants to clear it, and induced them to
form a harbour elsewhere which might be less
liable to this obstruction.” Napoleon gives the
following particulars respecting the ancient har-
bour, and the alterations it has undergone :—
“ The port of Dover extended formerly from the
site of the present town, between the clifls which
border the valley of the Dour or of Charlton.
Indeed from the facts furnished by ancient authors,
and geological examination of the ground, it
appears certain that once the sea penetrated into
the land, and formed a creek which occupied
nearly the whole of the valley of Charlton. The

\l_ .-

’ \lIL.'..


I24 CAESAR IN KENT.

or Severus, may be readily conceded. In fact it
is not improbable that the three camps at Rich-
borough, Folkestone, and Findon, were thrown
up by Aulus Plautius, who, as Dion Cassius
narrates, “divided his forces into three por-
tions, lest all arriving at one place he might
be prevented from landing.” What is more
likely than that he chose for disembarking
his army‘ the three most celebrated ports

‘ Aulus Plautius was sent over by Claudius with a double-
consular army of 52,000 men, at the instigation of Bericus
(or Vericus), a British chief who had been dispossessed of his
territory. His landing was unopposed, the Britons being
engaged in intestine wars, and unable to combine (as Bericus
had informed Claudius) for the defence of their country.
Geofliey of Monmouth and Matthew of Westminster make
him to have landed at Caer-Peris (P0rtCl1eSt€f)a but their
whole story of the event seems fabulous. From the account
of his voyage by Dion Cassius, 1?lautius would appear to have
sailed, perhaps with the main division of his army, in a westerly
direction, and we lind him defeating the Dobuni (the inhabi-
tants of Gloucestershire), but whether he landed at Portchester
0,. (as «C3531-’s camp,” near Findon, would suggest). at
Adurni is uncertain. It seems likely, however, that Plautius,
having so large an army at his command, that he could
divide it, would detach some portion to occupy the Kentish
shore, where the Romans under Julius Caesar had previously
established themselves, and with this intent where could he

C2EsA1<'s LANDING-PLACE. 12 5

adjacent to these places, namely the Portus
Rutupinus, Lemanis, and Adurni, the nearest
ports (with the exception of Dover, which Julius
Caesar had found to be unsuitable for landing)
to the coast of Gaul. Positions taken up by
Aulus Plautius in the name of the Emperor
Claudius would be more likely to be called
“ Caesars camps” than those associated with the
expeditions of Julius Caesar, for the Romans
, accorded the conquest of Britain to Claudius
l Caesar rather than to the great founder of that

i have landed better than at Rutupium (Richborough), and
Lemanis (Lymne)? Although we read of no conquests
made by him in Kent, Suetonius seems to account for this
when he says that “a part of the island surrendered without
the hazard of a battle or the shedding of blood.” That
Aulus Plautius occupied Kent is rendered probable by the
statement of Dion Cassius, that Claudius, when summoned
by his general, crossed over to Britain, and at our: marched to
II): Tbamtr. This he could not have done with such con-
fidence had he not known that Plautius had previously occupied
the country through which he would pass.

-,- With regard to Bericus, the author would mention, as a

coincidence of name, but without founding any argument upon

it, that there is in the parish of Bridge, near Canterbury, a

place formerly called Bereacre, now Great and Little Baraker,

and that the very ancient road leading to it is known locally

5 as “ Bericus’s road.”


1 5o C/ESAR IN KENT. , '

secure peace by promising twice the number of
hostages that Caesar had before required.
The great Roman general, although in the end
victorious had little cause to congratulate himself
, 1
upon the results of his expedition. With a
shattered fleet, and an army largely reduced in
numbers he was compelled to return to the con-
, u
tinent, not having gained sufiicient footing in the

 

CHAPTER V.

C£ESAR’S SECOND INVASION OF BRITAIN. HIS

 

country to maintain his position through the
coming winter. Such a conquest seemed hardly
distinguishable from a defeat, and although a
thanksgiving of twenty days was decreed by the

Senate in his honour, there were not wanting‘

those who declared his expedition a lailure and
a disgrace, and charged him openly Wlth turning
his back upon the victorious Britons.

VOYAGE, INLAND MARCH, AND FIRST BATTLE.

,.r.\r,\r-f-*4)

A HE account of Cmsar’s second invasion
of Britain commences with the eighth
chapter of the fifth book of his
Commentaries. He proceeds to re-
late that having left Labienus on the Continent
with three legions and 2ooo horse, for the pro-

   

tection of the ports and for the provisioning of
corn, as well as to watch the course of events
and act as occasion might require, he himself
with five legions and 2000 horse, set sail at sun-
set with a gentle south—west wind.‘ The wind,

, however, having slackened about midnight, he did

      

, _ 1 Napoleon has proved by calculations based upon various
, _-‘ . data that Caesar started on his second expedition on July 21st,
‘  in the year A.U.C. 7oo, or B.C. 54.

l l

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I 58 CIESAR IN KENT.

the enemy’s forces from the captives, and we
know that Caesar usually took with him in his
marches the captives taken in previous engage-
ments, and that he had taken many captives in
his previous invasion of Britain. But these
captives could not have informed him as to the
enemy’s present position; and a few stragglers
captured, even if he found any (which is hardly
likely) immediately upon landing on the beach at
Deal, could not be relied on to give accurate in-
formation as to the movements of the British now
more than twelve miles distant. On the con-x
trary, Caesar’s rapid movement rbows tbat be bad
a precancerted scheme, an accurate knowledge of
the enemy's plans, a definite understanding with
some secret ally, such as we find from the British
account he had with Avarwy.

It will be necessary to be more discursive
in our comments upon Caesar’s history of his
progress from this point, for one of the principal
objects of these pages is to trace the course
of his army during the next two days, as
marked out by historical, local, and traditional

knowledge. After his march of twelve miles

.47.. '’%‘'‘.’.'-’’i‘'

‘K’

 

CfESAR’S SECOND INVASION OF BRITAIN. I59

from the coast he came in sight of the enemy,
and he relates: “They having proceeded with
chariots and cavalry to the river, began from the
higher ground to check the advance of our men,
and to join battle.” The direction which Caesar
took on this occasion has been examined with

great attention to detail by Napoleon III. From

the measurements of his surveyors he has ascer-
tained that a circle with a twelve mile radius,
having Deal for its centre, touches the river Stour
(i.e., the river now known as the le.r.rer Stourl)

1 Napoleon writes : “ This stream is incontestably the
flumen of ‘ the Commentaries.’ There is less room for error,
as we find no other stream in the part of the county of Kent
comprised as between the coast of Deal and the Great Stour,
and as this latter runs too far from Deal to answer to the text.
Although the little Stour is not, between Barham and
Kingston, more than from three to four metres broad, we need
not be astonished at the denomination offlumm given to it by
Caesar, for he employs the same expression to designate simple
rivulets such as the Ose and Oserain ” (De Bello Gallico, vii. 69,
Alesia). Napoleon also points out that it should not be
expected from the recital of “ the Commentaries” that the
river was a very wide one, as “ Cmsar’s cavalry passed it with-
out ditliculty, and this fact forms an objection to the Great
Stout which several authors, and amongst others General de
Gzeler, take for the flumtn of the text ; it is sufliciently broad
and sufficiently steep-banked towards Sturry, where they place

.-.———u—a

r 11 \-,


   

160 CESAR IN KENT.

along an arc, the two extreme points of which
are at Kingston and Littlebourne. Napoleon
inclines to the opinion that Kingston was the
place where the two armies first joined battle, as
answering best to the description in “the Com-
mentaries ; ” although he admits it to be doubt-
ful whether that or Littlebourne was the first
battlefield. From traces of encampments which
still remain, there is every reason to believe
that C2esar’s army advanced towards both these
localities. In marching from the coast, especially

the scene of the action to render the passage diflicult for
cavalry. Moreover Sturry is fifteen and not twelve miles‘
from the coast of Deal.”

There is, however, every reason to believe that the lesser
Stour, though not so wide and deep in Caesar's time as to
prevent the passage of cavalry, was formerly a very much
wider stream, and more worthy the designation of “ flumen ”
than it is at the present day. Among the authorities who
liave written on this subject the following from the Rev.
Bryan Faussett may be quoted :—-“ In the bottom, between
the village of Kingston and these tumuli, (referring to numerous
tumuli on Barham Downs,) there is what in this part of Kent
is commonly called an Ayleboume, Nayleboume, or rivulet,
which though it is not now-a-days a constant but occasional
stream, yet certainly was in former ages by no means unworthy
the name of a river. And such indeed it is at this day, at
the small distance of but a mile lower, namely to the north-

 

 

C/‘ESAR’S SECOND INVASION OF BRITAIN. I61

during the night, Cznsar would not strike out into
the open country, but would follow the course of
the ancient British road, probably that which may
still be traced, and which tradition refers to an
early period, from the Strand at Deal passing

west where it still retains the name of the Lesser Stour, and
where it is seldom or never dry, but continues its course
through Bishopsbourne, Bridge, Patricksbourne, and Bekes-
boume, till at last it joins the_ greater Stour. Up to which last
mentioned place (viz., Bekesboume) there was, in the time of
Edward III. and long after, a small navigation out of the
Greater Stour. And as a proof of this Ayleboume having
been much deeper and broader than it ever now is, I my-
self saw the shells of mussels turned plentifully out of the
ground in digging a hole for a post at the distance of at least
ten rods from its present channel, and at the perpendicular
height of no less than three feet above its usual level.” It
may be added that the Greater Stour must have also been
much wider in the time of Cxsar than it is now. It emptied
itself into the Wantsum, and was probably tidal as far as
Canterbury. This is indicated by the geological aspect of the
surrounding land, and it may be mentioned in confinnation
that the skeleto/n of an ox in an upright position, as if sub-
merged while“‘s'tanding in the river, was some years ago dug
out of the meadows near Canterbury. It is certain then that
Caesar could not have crossed the Stour at Sturry (as Dr
Guest and others contend that he did) without experiencing
considerable difliculty, especially for his cavalry. This would
be contrary to what his “ Commentaries ” imply was the case.

L

:1 ~:uu-.. an ‘vwn"r‘1H.",\.f_


 

  

162 CIESAR IN KENT.

   

through Upper Deal, Knowlton, Goodneston, and
Adisham. Proceeding with all his forces by this
road as far probably as what is now known as
Adisham A/Till, a remarkably elevated situation,
he-des—c—ried the British forces, where indeed from
the information of Avarwy he had expected to
find them, lining the crest of the hill (described in
“the Commentaries” as “superior locus ”) _froIn_
Garringtou (near Littleboume) on his right hand,
Eirobably the part of Barham Downs__opposite
 and Bishopboume on his left. This was

' the best position which the Britons could possibly

have chosen for the purpose of arresting the
progress of an army marching upon Caer Caint
(Canterbury) ; for the hills there are higher than
any others in the immediate neighbourhood,
varying from 190 to 120 feet above the sea
level, as shown by the depth of the wells.
We may assume that Caesar, in accordance with
his usual tactics, deployed his forces, after de-
scrying the enemy, in three divisions, so as the
more readily to extend them in line of battle,
the vanguard moving to the right towards
Garrington, forming the right wing of his army,

c2EsAR’s SECOND INVASION or BRITAIN. 16 3

the centre advancing towards Bridge Hill, the
rear guard extending to the left (as the left
wing) to drive the enemy from their position
on Barham Downs, where they threatened to
intercept his approach to the river. This would
be the probable disposition of the Roman forces,
and we have reason to believe that they after-
wards occupied and fortified these localities.

The first encounter seems to have been for the
most part a cavalry engagement. This would
naturally be the case. After a forced march
of twelve miles through a country where he
would meet with no streams of water, Caesar’s
first thought would be to obtain water for his
horses. The river being apparently open to

‘him, or only weakly defended at Charlton (in

Bishopsboume), he directed his cavalry there in
the first instance. The Britons, thinking that this
was a movement to outflank them, rushed down,
as Caesar e-relates, “from the higher ground”
with their chariots and their cavalry to the
river; ” no doubt to check their advance and
prevent their reaching the stream. That the
Britons were traditionally reported to have opposed

 


164 CAESAR IN KENT.

Caesar's progress before he reached the river,
rather than after passing it, may be inferred from
the following passage from Pomponius Sabinus,
out of Seneca: “And in the night marching
twelve miles up into the country, Caesar finds out
the Britons, who retreated as far as I/Je river, but
gave him battle there.”

The battle was a terrible one, but decisive.
The Roman cavalry, of which there were I700
(300 only out of the 2000 brought over by
Caesar having been left at the naval encampment
at Deal), completely routed the enemy, an£l_cl£_oye
them into~theVwood_s_.* The right wing of Caesar’s
army encountered no resistance, for at Garrington
it is probable that Avarwy and his Coranidze
were stationed, and these at once deserted to the
Romans. A gallant resistance, however, was
offered by the Britons, who had sought refuge in
the woods. “Being repulsed,” says Caesar, “by

‘our cavalry, they withdrew themselves into the
i wpods, and reached ;a lace excellently ~_@rt_i_fied
l b_g.t_l.1‘,by,_nature and art, which they had prepared
before on account, as it seemed, of some domestic
war, having closed all the approaches to it by

 

  

   
  

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C2EsAR’s SECOND INVASION OF BRITAIN. I65

felled timber. They, few in number,‘ defended
it from the woods, and prevented our men from
entering the fortifications. The soldiers of the
seventh legion, however, having formed a tortoise,
and thrown up a mound against the fortifications,
took the place, and drove them from the woods,
a few wounds having been received.”

The woods here mentioned still to a consider-
able extent re_1t_1ain§‘>'<.Bey~oi1‘d’-tl1_~em, along “the
brow of the hill looking towards Canterbury, is
“ tire ,g,I:eEI_1”_s_p9t,” so called in the British narrative
of the battle,--now known as Patrixboume Hill.
It has been a burial-place ofliiiaiiy gene1—ations_
British, Roman, Saxon, Danish warriors here
doubtless lie side by side, each nation, in accordance
with an universal custom in those early times,

'1 The words of Cesar, “ipsi rari propugnabant ex silvis,"
might be translated, “ They in small detached parties defended
it from the woods;” but this rendering does not seem to
agree with the»--statement that the Britons found protection in
an oppidum, all the approaches to which had been (laud
That the Romans found it necessary to throw up a mound
against the rampart proves that the difficulty in taking it arose,
ptot fro}r)n tlget opposition of small parties outside, but from the
- rengt. 0 its defences, and from the obstinate resistance of
its garrison.

/dz  =‘

-» -u V33‘. 7


166 CZESAR IN KENT.

regarding a place of sepulture once set aparlt as
devoted for such uses in perpetuity. These P F93
were generally on the highest ground of the neigh-
bourhood, and near the public roads.‘ The ground
of Patrixbourne Hill, except where roads have
since intercepted it, has not been disturbed for
many centuries. It is still “ the green Spot)” the
chalky subsoil presenting no inducement t0 the
agriculturist to disturb it with the Plough‘
Thus has nature preserved the site of the fight
for liberty so gallantly made by our British fore.
fathers. Through the woods and down the green
slope of Patrixbourne Hill, the Britons over-
powered by numbers fled, and were pursued, many
being cut down in their flight. A brave few; 110:’
ever, for some time arrested the onslaught of t 6
enemy. A British Thermopylx was found in an
ancient oppidum’ prepared for purposes of de-

1 Many very interesting specimens of ancient pottery. 3:1:
glass, brazen, and other ornaments, as well as iron spear hea s
and swords, with human remains, were dug up some years 38°

. ~ ' ‘ 'ods.
on Patrixbourne Hill. They belonged to various P‘~'"b
Some have been deposited in the Maidstone and Canter u!'Y
museums and an interesting collection has been carefully pre-

, .
served at Bifrons, the residence of the Marquis Conynghflm.

2 Ca-zsar (v. 21) says: “The Britains call that an oPP‘d“m

  

 

 

C}ESAR’S SECOND INVASION OF BRITAIN. I67

fence in their intestine wars. All the approaches
to this oppidum were so protected by timber laid
across and interlaced that the Roman cavalry
could not dislodge the garrison which held it;
and it was not until the soldiers of the seventh
legion (C:esar’s favourite and most reliable corps)
formed a tortoise with their shields, and under
cover of it threw up a mound against the rampart,
that they were able to scale its height. Even
then its gallant defenders, though completely out-
numbered, did not give way without inflicting
some loss upon the enemy.

Now were we unable to discover any vestiges
of this stronghold, there would be wanting one
important link in the chain of evidence by which
we identify the locality of C$sar’s first battle-
ground. But the position of this oppidum can
be readily assigned. Tgraditiion points to a spot
lI;l__BOUI'I1,B Park not far fibiii the road leading up
Bridge Hill as the scene of the last struggle
of these brave defenders of their country. It

where they have been used to assemble to avoid an incursion
of enemies, when they have fortified the entangled woods with
a rampart and a ditch.”


168 CESAR IN KENT.

bears the name of “Old England’s Hole” or
hollow, and l2as..,,al.v.v.=17s been aSS9si3t¢d by legal
tradition with some gallant but ineffectual defence
of the early inhabitants of the country against
their invaders.’ “Never forget, my son," said the
father of l1i_I_n_wll<3s_e__researches and suggestions
have done so much to inspire the writer of these
pages, “never forget that this is ‘Old England’s
Hole,’ and that here a last stand was made for
liberty by your British forefathers.” An ex-
amination of “ Old England’s Hole” affords
abundant confirmation of this tradition. Its
situation is just where we might expect to find
the oppidum mentioned in the history. “This
place,” says Napoleon, “must not be sought for
far from the scene of the first encounter; ”
“ England's Hole” is only a few hundred yards
from the locality where we have placed that
encounter, and from the outskirts of the woods
into which, Caesar says, the Britons retired. Its
size is such that while it was a formidable strong-
hold, it might easily be defended by a few‘ men.
The rampart and ditch by which it was sur-

rounded may still be traced. An Vagger or

 

L
x

czEsAR’s SECOND INVASION or BRITAIN. 169

mound (probably that thrown up by the Roman
§)ldiers, as it is evidently not part of the fortifi-
cations of the place, but thrown up as it were
against them from without) still _rem2_ti_n_s___'a,s
if to__pgr9fle the accuracy of Cae—s:ris narrative.
Cross roads, traces of which may still be seen
within fifty yards of the enclosure, afforded the
garrison of the oppidum a ready means of
escape if necessary. One especially, the ancient
Roman Watling Street, but before that in all
probability a British road, runs close to the
enclosure, below the modern road by which
Bridge Hill is now ascended. Numerous trees,

giving it the appearance of an ancient grove,
afford some indication of what its strength must
have been when to trees, the progenitors of
these, were fastened and interlaced the felled
timber by which, as we read in “the Com-
mentaries,” it was rendered yet more impregnable.
Nor are there wanting other proofs of a struggle
When the
present road on Bridge Hill was dug out in 1829
five or six Roman urns,‘ with six or eight human

having taken place at this spot.

‘ These urns are thus alluded to in the report of the first
meeting, at Canterbury, of the Archzological Association:

  g -- -—~---=—- --—- -~

-cu-—.-..n -


I70 CRESAR IN KENT.

skulls, were discovered about five feet below the
surface, embedded in the chalk. The remains also
of a horse in a ferruginous condition were found
within the oppidum by some boys about fifteen
years ago.

The few brave defenders of this oppidum being
at length dislodged, the victory of the Romans
was fully assured and the rout complete. Circum-
stances, however, prevented Caesar from following
up his advantage to its full extent. “Caesar,”
says the history, “forbade his men to follow the

“ It is remarkable that the hill above Bourne (called, from the
neighbouring village, Bridge Hill), where the Saxon barrows
are found, appears to have been previously a Roman cemetery;
for about twelve years ago, when the new Dover road was
cut through it, a number of Romano-British urns and earthen
vessels were discovered, with skeletons and fragments of
weapons, at a greater depth than the Saxon graves. Some
of these urns, now in the possession of Mr W. H. Rolfe of
Sandwich, were exhibited by that intelligent antiquary at the
meeting of the primeval section.” The Rev. J. Hughes-
Hallet, of Higham, also possesses one of the urns. In a
tnmulus about eighty feet from the oppidum, Lord A.
Conyngham (so the author is informed by the workman who
opened it for him) found, together with a human skull and
bones, a breastplate of silver, a curved sword six inches out
of line, two bronze shoulder-pieces, four spear—heads, and a
wooden vessel banded with bronze bands.

 

C/F.SAR’S SECOND INVASION OF BRITAIN. I7 I

fugitives too far, both because he was ignorant of
the nature of the place, and because a great part
of the day was now spent, and he wished time to
be left for the fortification of the camp." Caesar
had a general knowledge of the locality from
information received from Avarwy, and from the
captives he had brought over from Gaul, as well
as from the numerous scouts which he employed
whenever circumstances permitted. But the
country into which his forces were now pursuing
the enemy was densely wooded. At any point
his soldiers might be taken in an ambush through
ignorance of the positions of the various oppida
(of which Caesar says there were many), and
which were generally concealed from view by
thick foliage. Partly for this reason, and partly
because in accordance with the universal custom
of the Roman armies, he wished to fortify his
camp for the night, Caesar recalled his men.

This step, however, would in any case have been
advisable in consequence of the great fatigue his
soldiers had undergone. For two nights and
nearly two days they had had no rest, and a re-
capitulation of the history will show that during


    
 

 

 
  
  
  
   
   
   
  
 
  
  
 

I72  CESAR IN KENT.

this period, extraordinary exertions had been
required of them. They had set sail from the
Portus Itius at sunset, and the first night had
been spent in anxiety upon an unknown sea, their
vessels being carried out of their course by the
tide. From daybreak of the next day until noon
Ca=:sar’s soldiers were arduously employed in row-
ing the transports and heavy boats in order to re-
gain the ground they had lost, and to land at the
desired point of the shore. The rest of the day
had been occupied in clisembarking and securing
their vessels. Another night followed, in which
they were allowed no rest, but marching for the
distance of twelve miles, they halted at daydawn,
only to prepare for an immediate and sharply
fought contest, which, although the recital of it
occupies only a brief space in Caesar’s “ Com-
mentaries,” lasted, with the subsequent rout and
pursuit, till the day was far spent. Such unusual
labours, with the necessary duty still before them
of fortifying their camp before they could retire
for the night, must have rendered it absolutely
necessary, were there no other reasons for it, that
the troops should be recalled from the pursuit.

  

 

CHAPTER VI.

C1ESAR’S SECOND INVASION. HIS FIRST INLAND
ENCAMPMENT.

‘  N searching for the defences which
'  Cesar threw up after the victory
recorded in the last chapter, and

 

which were afterwards, during his
absence at the place of disembarkation, more
strongly fortified, we must not expect to find any
traces of stone battlements or walls of brick. “ It
is certain,” says the-.Rev. John Batteley, in his
History of Rutupium, “that C. Julius Caesar,
both because of the continual movements of his
troops in war, and because of the brevity of his
stay in our island, left no camps except such as
were hastily thrown up, and constructed only of
turf and earth.” Mr Batteley might have added


    
 
  
 
  
  
  
 
 
  
 
 
 
  
 
 
 
  
  
 
 
 
 
  
 
 
  
 
  
  
  
  
  

 

174 CZESAR IN KENT.

that from this very fact the vestiges of his
camps may be expected to be the better preserved,
mounds and fortifications of earth remaining clearly
defined, especially in chalky soil, as the sepulchral
tumuli in all parts of the world testify, for many
centuries, long after buildings of stone and brick
have entirely disappeared.

It has before been stated that the Roman forces
were probably, on C2esar’s arrival at Adisham Mill
or thereabout, extended in three divisions, the right
wing towards Garrington, the centre towards
Bridge Hill, and the left wing towards Charlton.
That having occupied the positions at these
localities, they afterwards fortified them, is
evidenced by the remains of encampments and
lines of earthworks still traceable at these places.
Let us visit them in turn.

And first we bend our steps to wl1at may be
called “the heights of Garrington.” Passing

, through the meadows at the back of Bekesboume

Vicarage we are struck by the unusual character
of the hills to the right of us. T_e_rr_a_ce rises
 We terrace,‘ sometimes three, sometimes 
i five, ‘succeeding ioneWaiio'tlier.i Nature never

.__..~

 

 
 

 

C/ESAR’S FIRST INLAND ENCAMPMENT. I 

formed them? We see here the defences found’
by experience to be the only effective ones
against the formidable British chariots which
struck such terror into the hearts of the Roman
soldiers. It may be well to refer to Ca2sar’s de-
scription of the chariot mode of warfare as prac-
tised by the Britons. “This is the way of fighting
from Chariots. First they drive about every-
where, and hurl darts; and generally cause dis-
order in the ranks by the very terror of the horses
and the noise of the wheels, and when they have
forced an entrance among the troops of horse,
they leap down from the chariots and fight on
foot. The charioteers meanwhile withdraw a
little from the battle, and so dispose themselves
that if those who are fighting should be pressed
by a multitude of the enemy they may have a
ready retreat to their own men. Thus they pm-
sent in battle the mobility of horse, and the
steadiness of foot soldiers, and they accomplish so
much by daily use and exercise that on downhill
and precipitous ground they are accustomed to
hold up their horses when at full speed, and to
manage and turn them in a short space, and to

 

    


 
  
  
  
   
 
 
  
  
  
  
 
  
 
  
 
  
  
 
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
   
 

1 76 CIESAR IN KENT.

run along the pole, and to stand upon the yoke,
and thence to get back into their chariots with
very great rapidity,“ The student of Homer will
recognise in this description a remarkable simi-
larity to the chariot system of ancient Troy, and

‘ The chariot here described by Caesar was called “ Esse-
dum ” (from the British “ Ess,” a carriage). It carried
several warriors, who were by its means enabled to transport
themselves to any part of the battle where they could engage
the enemy with the greatest effect, the headlong career of the
chariots meanwhile causing great disorder in the enemies’ ranks.
The charioteers were called “essedan'i.” _

The .rc_yt/led chariots, said to have been also In use among
the Belgi and Britons tMela., iii. 6; Lucan, i. 426 i Sllll-18,
xvii. 4.22), were called “ Covini ” (from the British Cowam,
a wagon), and the drivers, who appear to have been their sole
mgcupants, “ covinarii.” They had hooks or scythes fastened
to the axles and other parts of the chariots, and being driven
furiously among the enemy, committed great havoc, mowing
down all who could not escape from them. We find mention
of them among some other nations. Thus the Nigritae are
reported by Frontinus and Strabo to have used them in their
ways, and the Cyrenians, a neighbouring people, delivered over
to Thimbro (in the time of Alexander) half of their armed

chariots. Antiochus Eupator also invading Judaea, apparently
with a Greek force (no. 163), brought with him 350
chariots. Hirtius also (Bell. Alex., lxxv.) states that scythed
chariots were employed by Pharnaces against Caesar with great
effect ;——“ Our ranks being not yet formed, the scythed
chariots disordered and confused the soldiers.”

 

 

 

 

C/F.SAR’S FIRST INLAND ENCAMPMENT. I77

will be disposed to regard with some interest the
claim of the Britons to be of Trojan descent. I
Against this mode of warfare the only effective
defence was an embankment so precipitous that
the, chariots could nothsurrnountiit, and accord-
ingly all British strongholds were surrounded by
these steep embankments very frequently, as at
Garrington, one above another. Let us ascend
the “heights of Garrington‘ along the course of
the old chariot road (characteristic of all British
oppida”) which leads up to the inner rampart.

1 This name, according to Hasted, was formerly “Carwln-
ton,” and in the Domesday Survey was written “War-
winton.” It is reasonable to suppose that it took its origin
from its fortified and commanding position.

3 It may be objected that this and other similar narrow
roads were boundaries between different properties. It is
very probable that they were so used, but judging from
their breadth and depth they certainly could not have been
originally framed for that purpose; nor can we in this way
explain the remarkable fact that to all British oppida, wher-
ever they are found, similar roads may almost invariably be
traced. The reason why old roads and escarpments became
the boundaries of estates is not difficult to assign. When
petty chieftains or lairds established themselves by right of
conquest or by settlement upon the soil, and others began to
settle around them, it became necessary to define their estates,

M


  

1 78 CIESAR IN KENT.

Ascending by this winding road, which commences
from the extreme left of the hill, we reach at last
an open plateau, from which we can survey the
country beneath us. Let any military man stand
on this high ground and walk along its whole
length overlooking the terraced battlements, and
he will at once acknowledge it to be a very com-
manding position. To his right is a considerable
extent of marshy ground, even at the present day,
although drained off in ditches, sometimes flooded
in winter. ‘ The lesser Stour, which winds its
way through this marshy ground, was, as we
have before remarked, at one time a much wider
stream than it is now, and navigable by vessels
as far as Bekesboume. It is certain then that
the land to the left of Garrington was at the time
of Caesar everywhere :1 morass, with a river flow-
ing through it. An army stationed on these
heights would therefore have no reason to fear
an attack upon its right, and the lines of earth-

and they claimed such boundaries for their properties as they
found to be already existing. Thus ancient roads and escarp-
merits came in time to be planted with hedges or other land-
marks, the better to preserve the limits of estates.

 

Cz’ESAR’S FIRST INLAND ENCAMPMENT. I79

works, by which the position is so well protected,
would render it practically impregnable in front.
But it may be urged, “This is no Roman
camp; it has none of the straight and exact lines
which the Romans generally laid down in measur-
ing out their camps; it has more the appearance
of a British stronghold.” And so in fact it was,
——a part of Cxsar’s camp, but fortified, perhaps
long before, but if not, at any rate at the time of
his encampment on Barham Downs, after the
British mode. A reference to the British histories
will afford the explanation of this. It has already
been mentioned that, during the battle on Barham
Downs and at Old England’s Hole, Avarwy with
the Coranidze under his command went over, ac-
cording to a preconcerted plan, to the Romans.
These deserters were probably, as we have stated,
originally opposed in position to the right wing
of the Roman army, and after their desertion
formed part of that wing. It is certain at any
rate that in a subsequent battle fought after
Caesars return from his naval camp, their forces
were opposed to the left wing of the British
force, for we read in the British account of the

 

 


180 C./ESAR IN KENT.

battle, “On t/ye left” (opposed therefore to the
Roman right) “the battle raged between Nennius
(a leader of the Britons) and the Coranidae.” The
British position to the right of the marshy ground
below Garrington is indicated by the description,
also from a British source, “The British army occu-
pied the open ground” (opposite the green slope),
“ its left wing under Nennius, resting on a manly.”
On the Garrington heights, therefore, we may
assume that the Coranidee, of which there were
20,000 under Avarwy, encamped after their
desertion to the Romans, overlooking on their
right the marshy ground before described. Fear-
ful as to the consequences of their treachery,
they threw up, if not previously existing, these
formidable battlements which no enemy could
with impunity assail. Supported, no doubt, by
a considerable Roman force, they were permitted,
being so numerous a body, to fortify their camp
after their own manner.
Leaving then Garrington, with its garrison of
Coranidae, let us next visit Caesar’s own camp on
Barham Downs. That these downs were the
scene of Caesar’s first inland battle and encamp-

  
 

 

 mve -3.’...--v---—~.~........ .

  

 

 

cA5sAR’s FIRST INLAND ENCAMPMENT. 181

ment tradition universally asserts, and we have the
direct statement recorded on the chart found in

_Dover Castle, that “Caesar having landed at

Deal, afterwards conquered the Britons on Barham
Down, a plain hard by, passable for horses, and
fit to draw up an army in.” A very superficial
examination of the ground will show here the
traces of Roman encampments. The two his-
torians who have given descriptions of Roman
castra are Polybius, who wrote about B.C. I40,
and Hyginus, who wrote about A.D. 1 10. Plans
of these two camps, the first of which was for
two legions, and the second for three legions, are
given in Dr Smith’s “Dictionary of Antiquities."
The two plans differ as to the dimensions and the
internal divisions of the camps, but they have
certain points i11 common which we should there-
fore expect to find in any Roman castra thrown
up between these two dates. These common
characteristics are first the rampart and ditch
which formed the defence all round the camp, ex-
cept at the four gates; secondly, the intervallum
or intervening space (in the camp of Polybius zoo
feet, and in that of Hyginus 60 feet) between the


  

182 CIESAR IN KENT.

   

rampart and the camp itself; thirdly, the clearly
defined roads marking out the different divisions
of the camp, and which crossed one another at
right angles. Examining the ground on Barham
Downs with the view of tracing these characteris-
tics, we are unable to describe with certainty the
boundary ramparts enclosing the camp. From the
extent of the ground apparently used for the
purpose of encampment, there were probably two
large oblong castra of the shape of that of
Hyginus, the one extending along Barham Downs
opposite Charlton, the other at the western
extremity of the Downs extending over part of
Bridge Hill, Boume Park, and perhaps the grounds
of Higham. Be this as it may, there can be no
question that the remarkable parallel lines, in
some places several exactly 60 feet apart, in
others 7.0, 40, or 50 feet apart, with others inter-
secting at right angles, formed the dividing roads
or vias of a Roman encampment. With the
exception of these clearly marked lines excavated
for military purposes, and the trenches dug out
for the purpose of defining the race course which
run in a different direction to the lines of the

 

 

  
  

c2EsAR’s FIRST INLAND ENCAMPMENT. 183

Roman camp, it may be asserted with certainty
that the Barham Downs have been undisturbed
by man from time immemorial. They have
always been used for pasturage only, the chalk
with large flints interspersed on which the turf
grows rendering them unsuitable for any other
purpose; and there is no conceivable reason,
except a military one, why these deep ditches or
roads which are. traceable on all parts of “the
Downs” should have been dug out. When we
consider that Caesar’s army with the camp
followers could not have been less than 40,000
men, besides the 20,000 Coranidae under Avarwy
at Garrington, there can be no doubt that camps
covering the whole ground which we have de-
scribed would be required.

The question may arise whether the encamp-
ments traceable on Barham Downs were not
the work of some of those armies which it is
well known were encamped there in more recent
times. It may be well, therefore, to note the
various occasions when the Downs have been

so occupied.
During the period of the Saxon and Danish

 


  

1 84 cazsarz IN KENT.

invasions we do not read of any resistance being
offered in this immediate neighbourhood to their
incursions, except perhaps on one occasion} and

1 The exception was the battle of Mercredesburne, which,
as the site of it has not been before clearly identified,
it will be well to describe. Several chroniclers of the
Anglo-Saxon period have recorded this battle. The fullest
account is that given by Henry of Huntingdon in his annals of
the year A.D. 4.85. After describing the landing of Aella
and his three sons‘ Cymen, and Wlencing, and Cissa, he says,
“ The Britons fled as far as the nearest wood which is called
Andredeslige. But the Saxons occupied the Sussex sea-
shore more and more, seizing for themselves the land of the
boundary until the ‘ninth year of their coming. But then
when they had seized too boldly the distant boundary, the
kings and sovereigns of the Britons met at Mercredexbumz,
and fought against Aella and his sons, and the victory was
almost doubtful: for each army being thoroughly injured and
threatened, cursing the attack of the other, returned to their
own. Aella therefore sent to his compatriots demanding help.”

The same events are thus described in the Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle :——A.D. 4.77. “This year Aella and his three
sons, Cymen, and Wlencing, and Cissa, came to the land of
Britain with three ships, at a place which is named Cymenes-
ora, and there slew many Welsh, and some they drove in
flight into the wood which is called Andredslea.-” 14.13. 4.85.
“This year Aella fought against the Welsh near tbs ban!’ of

Mmrcracalrburn." ‘
Florence of Worcester also gives the following account :—
“ A..D. 4.8 5. Aella in a battle with the Britons near M:arcrede:-

 

 

  

czEsAR’s FIRST INLAND ENCAMPMENT. 185

the conflict did not then take place on Barham
Downs, or indeed on that side of the river Stour.
Canterbury was more than once ravaged by these

Burn, that is M:arcr:d’.r Brae}, slew many of them, and put
the rest to flight.”

The battle lastly is thus described in the Chronicle of
F abius Ethelwerd :—“Aella arrived in Britain from Germany
with his three sons at a place called Cymenes-ora, and pursued
the Britons to a place called Aldredesleage. After eight
years more the same chiefs attack the Britons near a place
called Mtrtrcder-burnan-:t:d:.”

Now, independently of any argument to be derived from the
name of the site of this battle, as it is variously given by the
different chroniclers, there is reason to believe that the country
to the west of the lesser Stour must have been the scene of it.
For the Saxon chronicle (see A.D. 893) states that the great
wood of Andred extended from east to west 112 miles or
longer, that it was 30 miles broad, and that the sea-port at the
eastern end was Limene (Lymne). It is added that the river
Limene (probably the Rother)_flowu1 out of fly: wtald; so that
it is evident that the wood itself extended still further eastward,
and there: is therefore every reason to believe that the extensive
woods called Atchester, Gorsley, and Whitehill, and other

I

woods in the neighbourhood of Elham, Hardres, and Petham, .

were offshoots of the forest of Anderida or Andredeswold.
Now according to the quotation given above from Henry
of Huntingdon, Aella, at his first landing, pursued the Britons
into the wood of Andred, and then for eight years gradually
encroached upon the land of the boundary along the sea coast,
until at last venturing too boldly to seize the distant boundary,


A «--a:

  

186 CAESAR IN KENT.

devastating hordes, but their approach to the city
was either from Rutupium or Lemanis, and after a
weak resistance at those places their progress was
practically unopposed, and was simply a continued

he was stoutly resisted by the British, and compelled to retire
within his own lines. Now the meaning of the above account
seems to be this: Aella, being unable to drive the British
out of so immense a forest, contented himself with extending
his conquests along the sea coast, until at last arriving at the
termination of the wood, somewhere to the east of Lymne, he
ventured inland, when he was opposed by the British at Mer-
craedsburn. This, as we have shown, would place the scene
of the battle somewhere on the confines of the woods
Atchester, Whitehill, Gorsley and others, which were the

' extreme eastward limits of the Forest of Anderida.

But there is other evidence that the scene of the battle was
in this neighbourhood. The locality where it took place is
variously described by the different ehroniclers as “ Mercredes-
burne,” “ near the bank ofMercraedsburn,” “ near Mearcredes-
bume, that is Mearcred’s Brook,” and “near a place called
Mercredes-burnan—stede.” Now, as there is no other brook
outside the eastern limits of the wood of Andred except the
Lesser Stour, which takes its rise in the Elham valley, this
river must, I imagine, be the burn (or brook) here intended;
and the termination of the name “ Mercredsbum” seems to
confirm this, since the Lesser Stour was formerly called “ the
Burn” (or “ Boume”), as we may surely gather from the
fact that most of the villages through which it now passes,
namely, Bishopsboume, Patrixbourne, Bekesboume, and Little-
boume, retain the sufiix “burn ” or “bourne ” to the present

 
 
 

czEsAR’s FIRST INLAND ENCAMPMENT. I87

course of rapine and slaughter. Nor is there any
reason to believe that the lines of fortification on
Barham Downs were the work of armies in more
modern times. The earliest account of any mili-

day. The first part of the name “ Mercredsburne ” was un-
doubtedly derived from the god Mercred or Mercury. We
are told by Caesar that “the Gauls and Britons worshipped
as their divinity ‘Mercury’ in particular, and have many
images of him, and regard him as the inventor of all arts; they
consider him the guide of their journeys and marches, and
believe him to have very great influence in the acquisition of
gain and mercantile transactions.” Mercredsburn seems to
have been the name of the brook, and Mercredes-buman-
sted the name of the place near it where the battle was
fought. From the latter, the exact locality of this battle
may be assigned; for there is a place about a mile and
a half distant from the river on its western side, named

“Bursted,” rnay_ well be an abbgyjated form___ of y
“ B_ugansted,” and to which tradition has always p_o,i__r_1ge_n_l as -

the scene of some great battle. The “ Mercred” in “ Mer-
credes-burnan-sted has now, it is true, been lost sight of, but
it is still,'I think, preserved in another form in a locality near
at hand called “Hermansole,” —evidently a corruption of
“ Ermenseul,” the name given by the Saxons to the pillars or
statues erected to the god “ Hermes,” the Greek form, as is
generally supposed, of “Mercury.” This place, Bursted,
entirely accords with the description given in the Saxon
chronicle, and by Florence of Worcester, both of which
accounts state that the battle was fought not at but near the
bank of Mearcredesburn.


  

x 88 CESAR IN KENT.

   
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
  
 
  

tary encampment on these downs since the
Norman conquest is thus recorded by Hasted:
“On these downs, anno 1213, King John en-
camped with a mighty army of 60,000 men, to
oppose Philip, King of France, who was marching
to invade this kingdom; but Pandulph, the Pope’s
legate, who was then at the house of the Knight’s
Templars in this neighbourhood, sent two of them
to persuade the king to come to him there, where
the King, in the presence of his principal nobles
and the bishops, resigned his crown to the legate,
as the Pope’s representative.” “Here also, in
King Henry III.’s reign, Simon Montford, Earl of
Leicester, being declared general of their army by
the discontented barons, engaged a numerous
army to oppose the landing of Qieen Eleanor,
whom the king had left behind in France.” The
downs were also used as a camping-ground in
1642 by the army of the Cavaliers ; also in 1760,
as appears from the following entry in the Register
Book of Burials, in the parish of Bridge: “ John
Livingstone, a private soldier in Major-General
]effery’s Regiment of Foot (No. I4), who was
accidentally killed by a bread or forage Waggon

C/ESAR’S FIRST INLAND ENCAMPMENT. 189

belonging to the camp at Barham Downs, going
over his body, whereby he was crushed to death,
Aug. 17, 1760.” In still later times the British
troops were also here encamped in preparation
for their embarkation for the continent, previous
to the battle of \Vaterloo.

With regard to these various occasions when
Barham Downs were occupied by troops, it must
be observed that the encampments were only
temporary: we have no record of any engage-
ments taking place, or of any escarpments being
thrown up for defensive purposes. Barham
Downs being within easy reach of the coast, were
suitable as a temporary halting-place for troops
about to embark for foreign service, or for pro-
viding a reserve force in case of the attempted
landing of a hostile army ; but we have no reason
to ‘suppose that any earthworks were thrown up
by the troops thus for short periods quartered
there. Indeed the defensive strength of the old
English barons lay rather in stone walls and
castles than in battlements of earth and turf. The
fact that these Downs have been used in later
years for military purposes, so Far from afford-

 


   
   

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
  
 
  

190 C/ESAR IN KENT.

ing any argument against Julius Caesar having
encamped there, points them out rather as the
traditional camping-ground which, following the
example of the Roman conqueror, successive
generations employed in times of war.

But we have yet another portion of Czesar’s
encampment to describe. The left wing of the
Roman army, including the cavalry, advanced, as
before-mentioned, in all probability towards the
river at Charlton, that being the nearest part of
the stream where, after their twelve miles’ night-
march, they could obtain water for the horses.
After the victory of the Roman army on ldarhdm
Downs, the greater portion of the left wing was
no doubt quartered within the lines of one of the
great camps on the downs; but an examination
of the declivity between Barham Downs and the
river opposite Charlton reveals the traces of three
lines of earthworks, each of the length of about
three furlongs. Probably Caesar here quartered
his cavalry, in consequence of the proximity to
the river These lines of fortification were
perhaps originally thrown up in earlier British
ways but even if they were so, they would

1

CzESAR’S FIRST INLAND ENCAMPMENT. I91

doubtless be used by the Romans as an outer line
of defence for the camp. It may be noticed also
that on the opposite hill, beyond the river, there
is a double line of entrenchments, as if of an
opposing army. These corresponding entrench-
ments on each side of the river extend, with
greater or less prominence, as far as Kingston
Church. There are also two parallel lines of
escarpments about 200 yards in length on the)

brow of the hill in Bourne Park, with others atl , 3' .

their extremities, at right angles to them, forming,
as it were, a double parapet, one line within the
other. They are not at first easily discerned
(which argues their great antiquity), but when
once noticed, can be plainly made out.

Before quitting Barham Downs and their
neighbourhood, it will be well to notice one or
two other features, which are corroborative as to
theiryhaving been thesite of Caesar's camp.

On the brow of the hill, in Bourne Park, there ;
are what appear to be the remains of two out- A
posts, 400 yards apart, surrounded each by a
ditch. They are of the same dimensions, and
form almost perfect hexagons, each side _ being

 

 


192 CAESAR IN KENT.

about 50 feet in length. They are situated in
commanding positions on a hill, called locally
“star H111,” and would afford excellent stations
for the guards placed before the gates of the
camp, whence they could view the position and
movements of the enemy. They are kI10.WI1

"traditionallv as “the Forts." - The)’ ‘rife “OW bare
. of -,;g;,;, but have the appearance of having been
planted at some comparatively recent period.

A deep depression a few yards distant from
one of these may possibly have beenlone of 1t{hose
extemporized ainphitheatres with whicliwe \ now
Caesar sought amusement for his soldiers, when
not in actual combat. While Caesar was ten days
absent repairing his vessels, such entertainments
would doubtless be resorted to by his soldiery
who remained, as we shall hereafter notice, at
the camps. ‘ _

A very formidable stronghold, pointed out by
the Ordnance Surveyors on their map as “ Roman
entrenchments ” may be seen at the eastern ex-

7
tremity of the Downs. It is not of Roman but
British construction, but ma)’ V"-1')’ likely have
been used by Cmsar’s army as an o11fP°3t f°r the

 
 

  

 

CA*ISAR’S FIRST INLAND ENCAMPMENT. I93

defence of his camp on the extreme left. There

appears also to have been a very great mound or

tumulus near the south-east corner of the Downs.
On the south-west of Boume Park there is a ,

noted spring, Wf.1i_c.1.3_is. sun .ca1led  Tl1§Roman’s 3

Cold Bath.”
Caesar's time, or subsequently; but we may
remark that such a spring, if available, would be
much sought for by the soldiers of a stationary
camp (castrum stativum) such as Caesar's was.
With these remarks upon the vestiges still
remaining of Cas-sar’s camp, which, though neces-
sarily imperfect, corroborate, so far as they go, the
traditional site on Barham Downs, we pass on to
his narrative of the events of the day following
his first night of encampment. “Early the day
after that day he sent foot soldiers and cavalry in
three divisions on an expedition for the purpose
of following up those who had fled.” This
pursuing force corresponded with the three
divisions of Caesar's army, each probably furnish-
ing a contingent, so as not materially to weaken
any one division. Three very ancient roads by
which they doubtless pursued the retreating
N

353.1; /gérrp.-.
. . ~~. . .  —.’.vc»—‘1—/5"-"“"‘”
This may have had its origin in 

n
"' 7.'r./2't' /(5/L

 

24% 

-..-a.a-.u.-x


I
y

 

I94 CESAR IN KENT.

Britons may all be seen from Patrixbourne Hill,
the left and central ones in particular being visible
at the present day for more than a mile and a
half. It is true that in Caesar's time the country
was more thickly wooded than it is now, but these
roads passing over chalky soil, and being on rising
ground, and converging towards Patrixbourne
Hill, would even at that period be readily dis-
cerned. We will describe them as they now
present themselves to a spectator on the hill.
The road on the left hand ascends the steep hill
in the direction of Hardres, passing through
Whitehill Wood. It leads to an ancient B\ritish
oppidum in Iffin Wood} a strongly fortified
position still known as “the Castle.” The
central road is now the main road between
Canterbury and Dover, and passes through the
village of Bridge. It is for a considerable dis-
tance identical with the old Roman Watling
Street, formerly a British road. The third or
right hand road, seen more clearly from Caesar-’s

1 The owner of the property, Mr Bell of Bourne Park, some
years ago opened a large tumulus within the enclosure, and
dug up British sunburnt pottery and other remains, which
showed clearly its British origin.

 

 

cA3sAR’s FIRST INLAND ENCAMPMENT. I95

extreme right wing (consisting of the Coranidae
on the heights of Ganington) than from Patrix-
bourne Hill, ascends Bekesbourne Hill and enters
Canterbury at Longport, while there is yet
another road passing through Patrixbourne and
Hode (known as the Pilgrims’ way), which meets
the last mentioned at St Martin’s Hill.

There is no doubt of the great antiquity of
these roads, and they would naturally be chosen
by the Britons for their escape, since they all led
to British strongholds, and afiforded access to what
would be probably their next rallying place, the
well-fortified positions at Durovernum and Caer
Caint (Canterbury).

 

 


2 I 2 CZESAR IN KENT.

ments on Barham Downs, namely, by their prin-
cipal military road,1 the Sam Gwyddellna 01’ Irish
Road, afterwards the Roman Watling Street. It
is related by Geofirey of Monmouth that Cas-
sivellaunus, being defeated in the battle, fled with
his disordered forces to a rocky hill, on the top
of which was a thick hazel wood, and that he
defended the hill with such bravery and obstinacy
that Caesar could only dislodge him by besieging
the place for two days, after which, compelled by
famine, Cassivellaunus submitted himself to his
great conqueror. The details of this story must
be rejected as altogether inconsistent with Caesar’s
narrative; but that the Britons, followed in hot
pursuit by the victorious Roman cavalry and
legions, found at length a. temporary refuge In
1 The Romans laid down their military vias, wherever they
could, upon the foundations of the previously existing British
roads. The British chroniclers claim that the principal military
roads (many of them known afterwards as Roman roads) of

the country were the work of Dunwallo Molmutius (Dyvnwal
Moelmiid), their great lawgiver, and that, being completed by
his son, Belinus, they were called the Beliniari Roads. The
rapidity with which the British chariots moved from one point
to another (see Page 129) proves that these roads were well
made and maintained.

 

 

,. ~y~..=.r».e-N-.,,.; w-—:-4. W’.

CZESAR’S RETURN TO THE COAST. 213

some stronghold, whence they were with difliculty
dislodged by Caesar, is not improbable. That
there was some such foundation for the story
seems to be justified by a tradition which assigns
to a hill near Newington, about eighteen miles
from Canterbury, the name of Key Coll or
Cains’ (Julius Caesar’s) hill.

The disastrous results of this day’s combat
thoroughly disheartened the brave British allies.
Cassivellaunus experienced the humiliating fortune
of all unsuccessful generals, namely, the falling
away of his auxiliary forces. “Immediately after
this retreat,” says Caesar, “the auxiliaries who
had assembled from all sides departed; nor after
that time did the enemy ever engage with us in
very large numbers.”

The British resistance from this time consisted
for the most part of a guerilla warfare, harassing,
no doubt, to C&sar’s disciplined forces, but not
aflbrding any prospect of a ‘successful result.
Caesar relates that, “ dircovering their derign, he
led his army into the territories of Cassivellaunus
to the river Thames.” It must be remembered
that Caesar wrote after the event; the design,